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{{Infobox language
| name=Southern American English
| altname=Southern U.S. English
| region= [[Southern United States]]
| familycolor =Indo-European
| fam2 = [[Germanic languages|Germanic]]
| fam3 = [[West Germanic languages|West Germanic]]
| fam4 = [[North Sea Germanic]]
| fam5 = [[Anglo-Frisian languages|Anglo-Frisian]]
| fam6 = [[Anglic languages|Anglic]]
| fam7 = [[English language|English]]
| fam8 = [[North American English]]
| fam9 = [[American English]]
|ancestor=[[Older Southern American English]], [[Appalachian English]]
|notice=IPA
}}
'''Southern American English''' or '''Southern U.S. English''' is a [[regional dialect]]<ref>Clopper, Cynthia G; Pisoni, David B (2006). "The Nationwide Speech Project: A new corpus of American English dialects". ''Speech communication'' vol. 48,6: 633-644.</ref><ref>Labov, William (1998). ''The three dialects of English''. In: Linn MD, editor. Handbook of Dialects and Language Variation. Academic; San Diego. 1998. pp. 39–81</ref> or collection of dialects of [[American English]] spoken throughout the [[Southern United States]], though increasingly in more [[rural area]]s and primarily by [[White Southerners]].<ref name="Thomas 2006 4, 11">Thomas (2009:3)</ref> Formal, much more recent terms within American linguistics include Southern White Vernacular English and Rural White Southern English.<ref name="Thomas">Thomas, Erik R. (2007) "Phonological and phonetic characteristics of African American Vernacular English," ''Language and Linguistics Compass'', 1, 450–75. p. 453</ref><ref name="Thomas 2006">({{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006}}</ref>
A regional Southern American English consolidated and expanded throughout all the traditional Southern States since the last quarter of the 19th century until around [[World War II]],<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1, p. 329</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=241}}</ref> largely superseding the more diverse, [[older Southern American English]] dialects. This younger and more unified [[phonology|pronunciation system]], popularly known in the [[United States]] as a '''Southern accent''' or simply '''Southern''',<ref>{{cite book|title=English in the Southern United States|author=Stephen J. Nagle |author2=Sara L. Sanders|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2003|page=35|url=https://books.google.com/booksid=4hSipu5yeqMC&q=%22southern+is%22|postscript=[This page differentiates between "Traditional Southern" and "New Southern"]|isbn=9781139436786}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Southern|year=2014|work=Dictionary.com|publisher=Dictionary.com, based on Random House, Inc.|postscript=[See definition 7.]|url=https://www.dictionary.com/browse/southern}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Southern|year=2014|work=Merriam-Webster|publisher=Merriam-Webster, Inc.|postscript=[See under the "noun" heading.]|url=https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/southern}}</ref> now comprises the largest [[Dialects of North American English|American regional accent group]] by number of speakers.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.pbs.org/speak/ahead/|title=Do You Speak American: What Lies Ahead|accessdate=2007-08-15|publisher=PBS}}</ref> The 2006 ''[[Atlas of North American English]]'' strongly reports a Southern accent in [[Virginia]], [[North Carolina]], [[South Carolina]] (though not [[Charleston, South Carolina|Charleston]]), [[State of Georgia|Georgia]] (though [[Atlanta]] is inconsistent), [[Alabama]], [[Mississippi]], [[Tennessee]], [[Kentucky]], [[Arkansas]], and [[Louisiana]] (co-occurring with [[Cajun English|Cajun]] and [[New Orleans English|New Orleans dialects]]), as well as almost all of [[Texas]], the [[Charleston metropolitan area, West Virginia|Charleston area]] of [[West Virginia]], the [[Springfield metropolitan area, Missouri|Springfield area]] of [[Missouri]], and the [[Jacksonville metropolitan area|Jacksonville area]] of [[Florida]].<ref name="Labov 2006 126, 131">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=126, 131, 150}}</ref> The accent of southern [[Midland American English]] (often identified as a '''South Midland accent''') is documented as sharing key features with Southern American English, though to a weaker extent; this definition would additionally encompass the rest of Texas, Oklahoma, West Virginia, eastern and central [[Kansas]], southern Missouri, southern [[Indiana]], southern [[Ohio]], and possibly southern [[Illinois]].<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=268}}</ref>
<!-- Anecdotally, areas like western [[Delaware]], south-central [[Pennsylvania]], southeastern [[New Mexico]], all of north and central Florida, etc. are Southern-sounding or have significant Southern characteristics. However, since this is not confirmed by the ANAE, please find sources before adding them, or they will be removed. (The ANAE admittedly does not generally focus on rural areas of the country, for example.) -->
Southern American English as a regional dialect can be divided into various sub-dialects, the most phonologically advanced (i.e., the most [[conservative (linguistics)|innovative]]) ones being southern varieties of [[Appalachian English]] and certain varieties of [[Texan English]]. [[African-American English]] has many common points with Southern American English dialects due to the strong historical ties of [[African American]]s to the South. Since around 1950, the Southern accent has been [[Southern American English#Social perceptions|receding]] among younger and more urban Southerners.
{{listen|filename=George W. Bush Speech - September 12, 2001.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a [[Texas]]-raised male with a rhotic accent ([[George W. Bush]]).}}
{{listen|filename=Carter Panama Canal speech.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a [[Plains, Georgia]] male with a non-rhotic accent ([[Jimmy Carter]]).}}
{{listen|filename=Response to the Lewinsky Allegations (1-26-98, WJC).ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a southwestern [[Arkansas]] male with a rhotic accent ([[Bill Clinton]]).}}
==Geography==
The dialects collectively known as Southern American English stretch across the south-eastern and south-central United States, but exclude the southernmost areas of Florida and the extreme western and south-western parts of Texas as well as the Rio Grande Valley (Laredo to Brownsville). This linguistic region includes [[Alabama]], [[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]], [[Tennessee]], [[Mississippi]], [[North Carolina]], [[South Carolina]], [[Louisiana]], and [[Arkansas]], as well as most of [[Texas]], [[Virginia]], [[Kentucky]], [[Oklahoma]], [[West Virginia]], and northern and central [[Florida]]. Southern American English dialects can also be found in extreme southern parts of [[Missouri]], [[Maryland]], [[Delaware]], and [[Illinois]].<ref>[http://www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/maps/MapsS/Map1S.html Map from the Telsur Project]. Retrieved 2009-08-03.</ref><ref>[http://www.ic.arizona.edu/~lsp/Images/DialectMap.gif Map from Craig M. Carver (1987), ''American Regional Dialects: A Word Geography'', Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press]. Retrieved 2009-08-03</ref>
Southern dialects originated mostly from a mix of immigrants from the [[British Isles]], who moved to the American South in the 17th and 18th centuries with minor African elements introduced by African Slaves brought to the region. Upheavals such as the [[Great Depression]], the [[Dust Bowl]] and [[World War II]] caused mass migrations of those and other settlers throughout the United States.<ref>Thomas (2006:3)</ref>
==Modern phonology==
[[File:Southern dialect map.png|thumb|300px|The approximate extent of Southern American English, based upon ''[[The Atlas of North American English]]''.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.acoustics.org/press/147th/clopper.htm |title=ASA 147th Meeting Lay Language Papers - The Nationwide Speech Project |publisher=Acoustics.org |date=2004-05-27 |accessdate=2012-11-08 |url-status=dead |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140108111111/http://www.acoustics.org/press/147th/clopper.htm |archivedate=2014-01-08 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/NationalMap/NatMap1.html |title=Map|website=ling.upenn.edu}}</ref>]]
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
|+ class="nowrap" | A list of typical Southern vowels<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|pp=1–2}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Accents of English from Around the World|editor=Heggarty, Paul |display-editors=etal |publisher=University of Edinburgh|year=2013|url=http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/research/gsound/}}</ref>
! [[Help:IPA for English|English diaphoneme]]
! Southern [[phoneme]]
! Example words
|-
! colspan="3" | '''Pure vowels ([[Monophthong]]s)'''
|-
| rowspan="2" | {{IPAc-en|æ}}
| {{IPA|[æ~æjə~æ̠ɛæ̠]}}
| '''a'''ct, p'''a'''l, tr'''a'''p
|-
| [[æ tensing|{{IPA|[eə~æjə]}}]]
| h'''a'''m, l'''a'''nd, y'''eah'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɑː}}
| rowspan="2" |{{IPA|[ɑ]}}
| rowspan="2" | bl'''ah''', b'''o'''ther, f'''a'''ther, <br/>l'''o'''t, t'''o'''p, w'''a'''sp
|-
| rowspan="2" |{{IPAc-en|ɒ}}
|-
| rowspan="2" | {{IPA|[ɑɒ~ɑ]}} ([[rhoticity in English|older]]: {{IPA|[ɔo~ɑɒ]}})
| rowspan="2" |'''a'''ll, d'''o'''g, b'''ough'''t, <br/>l'''o'''ss, s'''aw''', t'''augh'''t
|-
|{{IPAc-en|ɔː}}
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɛ}}
| {{IPA|[ɛ~ɛjə]}} <br/>preceding a [[nasal consonant]]: [[pin-pen merger|{{IPA|[ɪ~ɪ(j)ə]}}]]
| dr'''e'''ss, m'''e'''t, br'''ea'''d
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ə}}
| {{IPA|[ə]}}
| '''a'''bout, syr'''u'''p, '''a'''ren'''a'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɪ}}
| {{IPA|[ɪ~ɪjə~iə]}}
| h'''i'''t, sk'''i'''m, t'''i'''p
|-
| {{IPAc-en|iː}}
| {{IPA|[i̞i~ɪi]}}
| b'''ea'''m, ch'''i'''c, fl'''ee'''t
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ʌ}}
| {{IPA|[ɜ]}}
| b'''u'''s, fl'''oo'''d, wh'''a'''t
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ʊ}}
| {{IPA|[ʊ̈~ʏ]}}
| b'''oo'''k, p'''u'''t, sh'''ou'''ld
|-
| {{IPAc-en|uː}}
| {{IPA|[ʊu~ɵu~ʊ̈y~ʏy~ʉ̞u̟]}}
| f'''oo'''d, gl'''ue''', n'''ew'''
|-
! colspan="3" | [[Diphthong]]s
|-
| rowspan="2" |{{IPAc-en|aɪ}}
| {{IPA|[äː~äɛ]}}
| r'''i'''de, sh'''i'''ne, tr'''y'''
|-
| [[Canadian raising|{{IPA|([ɐi~äɪ~äɛ])}}]]
| br'''igh'''t, d'''i'''ce, ps'''y'''ch
|-
| {{IPAc-en|aʊ}}
| {{IPA|[æɒ~ɛjɔ]}}
| n'''ow''', '''ou'''ch, sc'''ou'''t
|-
| {{IPAc-en|eɪ}}
| {{IPA|[ɛi~æ̠i]}}
| l'''a'''ke, p'''ai'''d, r'''ei'''n
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɔɪ}}
| {{IPA|[oi]}}
| b'''oy''', ch'''oi'''ce, m'''oi'''st
|-
| {{IPAc-en|oʊ}}
| {{IPA|[ɜʊ~ɜʊ̈~ɜʏ]}} <br/>preceding {{IPA|/l/}} or a [[hiatus (linguistics)|hiatus]]: {{IPA|[ɔu]}}
| g'''oa'''t, '''oh''', sh'''ow'''
|-
! colspan="3" | [[R-colored vowel]]s
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɑːr}}
| [[rhoticity in English|rhotic Southern dialects]]: {{IPA|[ɒɹ~ɑɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic Southern dialects: {{IPA|[ɒ~ɑ]}}
| b'''ar'''n, c'''ar''', p'''ar'''k
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɛər}}
| rhotic: {{IPA|[e̞ɹ~ɛ(j)ɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic: {{IPA|[ɛ(j)ə]}}
| b'''are''', b'''ear''', th'''ere'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɜːr}}
| {{IPA|[ɚ~ɐɹ]}} ([[rhoticity in English|older]]: {{IPA|[ɜ]}})
| b'''ur'''n, f'''ir'''st, h'''er'''d
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ər}}
| rhotic:{{IPA|[ɚ]}}<br/>non-rhotic:{{IPA|[ə]}}
| bett'''er''', mart'''yr''', doct'''or'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɪər}}
| rhotic: {{IPA|[iɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic: {{IPA|[iə]}}
| f'''ear''', p'''eer''', t'''ier'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɔːr}}
| rowspan="2" | rhotic: {{IPA|[o(u)ɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic: {{IPA|[o(u)ə]}}
| rowspan="2" | h'''oar'''se, h'''or'''se, p'''oor''' <br> sc'''ore''', t'''our''', w'''ar'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ʊər}}
|-
| {{IPAc-en|j|ʊər}}
| rhotic: {{IPA|[juɹ~jɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic: {{IPA|[juə]}}
| c'''ure''', '''Eur'''ope, p'''ure'''
|}
Most of the Southern United States underwent several major sound changes from the beginning to the middle of the 20th century, during which a more unified, region-wide sound system developed, markedly different from the sound systems of the 19th-century Southern dialects.
The South as a present-day dialect region generally includes all of these pronunciation features below, which are popularly recognized in the United States as a "Southern accent". However, there is still variation in Southern speech regarding potential differences based on factors like a speaker's exact sub-region, age, ethnicity, etc. The following phonological phenomena focus on the developing sound system of the 20th-century Southern dialects of the United States that altogether largely (though certainly not entirely) superseded the [[older Southern American English|older Southern]] regional patterns:
*Southern Vowel Shift (or Southern Shift): A [[chain shift]] regarding vowels is fully completed, or occurring, in most Southern dialects, especially 20th-century ones, and at the most advanced stage in the "Inland South" (i.e. away from the Gulf and Atlantic Coasts) and "Texas South" (i.e. much of central and northern Texas). This 3-stage chain movement of vowels, called the Southern Shift, is first triggered by Stage 1 that dominates the entire Southern region, followed by Stage 2 that covers almost all of that area, and Stage 3 that is concentrated only in speakers of certain core sub-regions. Stage 1 (defined below) may have begun in a minority of Southern accents as early as the first half of the 19th century with a glide weakening of {{IPA|/aɪ/}} to {{IPA|[aɛ]}} or {{IPA|[aə]}}; however, it was still largely incomplete or absent in the mid-19th century, before expanding rapidly from the last quarter of the 19th into the middle of the 20th century;<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1, p. 332.</ref> today, this glide weakening or even total glide deletion is the pronunciation norm throughout all of the Southern United States.
**Stage 1 ({{IPA|/aɪ/}} → {{IPA|[aː]}} and {{IPA|/æ/}} → {{IPA|[ɛ(j)ə]}}):
***The starting point, or first stage, of the Southern Shift is the transition of the [[diphthong]] {{IPA|/aɪ/}} ({{Audio|En-us-eye.ogg|<small>listen</small>|help=no}}) towards a [[monophthong|"glideless"]] long vowel {{IPA|[aː]}} ({{Audio|open front unrounded vowel.ogg|<small>listen</small>|help=no}}), so that, for example, the word ''ride'' commonly approaches a sound that most other American English speakers would hear as ''rod'' or ''rad''. Stage 1 is now complete for a majority of Southern dialects.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=244}}</ref> Southern speakers particularly exhibit the Stage 1 shift at the ends of words and before voiced consonants, but often not before voiceless consonants, where the diphthong instead retains its glide, so that ''ride'' is {{IPA|[ɹäːd]}}, but ''right'' is {{IPA|[ɹäɪt]}}. Inland (i.e. non-coastal) Southern speakers, however, indeed delete the glide of {{IPA|/aɪ/}} in all contexts, as in the stereotyped pronunciation "nahs whaht rahss" for ''nice white rice''; these most shift-advanced speakers are largely found today in an Appalachian area that comprises eastern Tennessee, western North Carolina and northern Alabama, as well as in central Texas.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=245}}</ref> Some traditional East Coast Southern accents do not exhibit this Stage 1 glide deletion,<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1, p. 301, 311-312</ref> particularly in [[Charleston, SC]] and possibly Atlanta and Savannah, GA (cities that are, at best, considered marginal to the modern Southern dialect region).
***This new glideless {{IPA|[aː~äː]}} vowel encroaches on the territory of the "short ''a''" vowel, {{IPA|/æ/}} (as in ''rat'' or ''bad''), thus pushing {{IPA|/æ/}} generally higher and fronter in the mouth (and also possibly giving it a complex gliding quality, often starting higher and then gliding lower); thus {{IPA|/æ/}} can range variously away from its original position, with variants such as {{IPA|[æ(j)ə]}}, {{IPA|[æɛæ]}}, {{IPA|[ɛ(j)ə]}}, and possibly even {{IPA|[ɛ]}}. An example is that, to other English speakers, the Southern pronunciation of ''yap'' sounds something like ''yeah-up''.
**Stage 2 ({{IPA|/eɪ/}} → {{IPA|[ɛɪ]}} and {{IPA|/ɛ/}} → {{IPA|[e(j)ə]}}):
***By removing the existence of {{IPA|[aɪ]}}, Stage 1 leaves open a lower space for {{IPA|/eɪ/}} (as in ''name'' and ''day'') to occupy, causing Stage 2: the dragging of the diphthong {{IPA|/eɪ/}} into a lower starting position, towards {{IPA-all|ɛɪ||nl-ei.ogg}} or to a sound even lower or more retracted, or both.
***At the same time, the pushing of {{IPA|/æ/}} into the vicinity of {{IPA|/ɛ/}} (as in ''red'' or ''belt''), forces {{IPA|/ɛ/}} itself into a higher and fronter position, occupying the {{IPA|[e]}} area (previously the vicinity of {{IPA|/eɪ/}}). {{IPA|/ɛ/}} also often acquires an in-glide: thus, {{IPA|[e(j)ə]}}. An example is that, to other English speakers, the Southern pronunciation of ''yep'' sounds something like ''yay-up''. Stage 2 is most common in heavily stressed syllables. Southern accents originating from cities that formerly had the greatest influence and wealth in the South (Richmond, VA; Charleston, SC; Atlanta, Macon, and Savannah, GA; and all of Florida) do not traditionally participate in Stage 2.<ref name="Labov 2006 248">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=248}}</ref>
**Stage 3 ({{IPA|/i/}} → {{IPA|[ɪi]}} and {{IPA|/ɪ/}} → {{IPA|[iə]}}): By the same pushing and pulling [[domino effect]]s described above, {{IPA|/ɪ/}} (as in ''hit'' or ''lick'') and {{IPA|/i/}} (as in ''beam'' or ''meet'') follow suit by both possibly becoming diphthongs whose nuclei switch positions. {{IPA|/ɪ/}} may be pushed into a diphthong with a raised beginning, {{IPA|[iə]}}, while {{IPA|/i/}} may be pulled into a diphthong with a lowered beginning, {{IPA|[ɪi]}}. An example is that, to other English speakers, the Southern pronunciation of ''fin'' sounds something like ''fee-in'', while ''meal'' sounds something like ''mih-eel''. Like the other stages of the Southern shift, Stage 3 is most common in heavily stressed syllables and particularly among Inland Southern speakers.<ref name="Labov 2006 248"/>
**Southern vowel breaking ("Southern [[drawl]]"): All three stages of the Southern Shift often result in the short front pure vowels being "broken" into gliding vowels, making one-syllable words like ''pet'' and ''pit'' sound as if they might have two syllables (as something like ''pay-it'' and ''pee-it'' respectively). This short front vowel gliding phenomenon is popularly recognized as the "Southern drawl". The "short ''a''", "short ''e''", and "short ''i''" vowels are all affected, developing a glide up from their original starting position to {{IPA|[j]}}, and then often back down to a [[schwa]] vowel: {{IPA|/æ/ → [æjə~ɛjə]}}; {{IPA|/ɛ/ → [ɛjə~ejə]}}; and {{IPA|/ɪ/ → [ɪjə~ijə]}}, respectively. This phenomenon is on the decline, being most typical of Southern speakers born before 1960,<ref name="Thomas 2006 5">{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=5}}</ref> though mostly after the mid-19th century.
*Unstressed, word-final {{IPA|/ŋ/}} → {{IPA|[n]}}: The [[phoneme]] {{IPA|/ŋ/}} in an unstressed syllable at the end of a word [[Fronting (phonology)|fronts]] to {{IPA|[n]}}, so that ''singing'' {{IPA|/ˈsɪŋɪŋ/}} is sometimes [[eye dialect|written phonetically]] as ''singin'' {{IPA|[ˈsɪŋɪn]}}.<ref>{{cite book|title=English in the Southern United States|author=Stephen J. Nagle |author2=Sara L. Sanders|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2003|page=151|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4hSipu5yeqMC&pg=PA151&lpg=PA151&dq=%22%C5%8B%22|isbn=9781139436786}}</ref> This is common in vernacular English dialects around the world.
*Lacking or transitioning cot–caught merger: The historical distinction between the two vowels sounds {{IPA|/ɔ/}} and {{IPA|/ɒ/}}, in words like ''caught'' and ''cot'' or ''stalk'' and ''stock'' is mainly preserved.<ref name="Labov 2006 137"/> In much of the South during the 1900s, there was a trend to lower the vowel found in words like ''stalk'' and ''caught'', often with an upglide, so that the most common result today is the gliding vowel {{IPA|[ɑɒ]}}. However, the [[Phonological history of the low back vowels#Cot–caught merger|cot–caught merger]] is becoming increasingly common throughout the United States, thus affecting Southeastern and even some Southern dialects, towards a merged vowel {{IPA|[ɑ]}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=9}}</ref> In the South, this merger, or a transition towards this merger, is especially documented in central, northern, and (particularly) western Texas.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=61}}</ref>
[[File:Pin-pen.svg|thumb|300px|The merger of ''pin'' and ''pen'' in Southern American English. In the purple areas, the merger is complete for most speakers. Note the exclusion of the New Orleans area, Southern Florida, and of the [[South Carolina Lowcountry|Lowcountry]] of South Carolina and Georgia. The purple area in California consists of the [[Bakersfield, California|Bakersfield]] and [[Kern County, California|Kern County]] area, where migrants from the [[South Central United States|south-central states]] settled during the [[Dust Bowl]]. There is also debate whether or not [[Austin, Texas]] is an exclusion. Based on {{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=68}}.]]
*[[Pin-pen merger]]: the vowels {{IPA|[ɛ]}} and {{IPA|[ɪ]}} now merge when before [[nasal stop|nasal consonants]], so that ''pen'' and ''pin'', for instance, or ''hem'' and ''him'', are pronounced the same, as ''pin'' or ''him'', respectively.<ref name="Labov 2006 137">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=137}}</ref> The merger, towards the sound {{IPA|[ɪ]}}, is still unreported among some vestigial [[Older Southern American English|varieties of the older South]], and other geographically Southern U.S. varieties that have eluded the Southern Vowel Shift, such as the [[Yat dialect]] of [[New Orleans]] or the anomalous dialect of [[Savannah, Georgia]].
*[[Rhoticity in English|Rhoticity]]: The "dropping" of the ''r'' sound [[postvocalic consonant|after vowels]] was historically widespread in the South, particularly in former plantation area. This phenomenon, non-rhoticity, was considered prestigious before World War II, after which the social perception in the South reversed. Now, rhoticity (sometimes called ''r''-fulness), in which all ''r'' sounds are pronounced, is dominant throughout most of the South, and even "hyper-rhoticity",<ref>Hayes, Dean (2013). "[http://digitalrepository.unm.edu/ling_etds/15 The Southern Accent and 'Bad English': A Comparative Perceptual Study of the Conceptual Network between Southern Linguistic Features and Identity]". UNM Digital Repository: Electronic Theses and Dissertations. p. 63.</ref> particularly among younger and female white Southerners; the only major exception is among African American Southerners, whose modern [[African American vernacular English|vernacular dialect]] continues to be mostly non-rhotic.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=16}}</ref> The sound quality of the Southern ''r'' is the distinctive "bunch-tongued ''r''", produced by strongly constricting the root or midsection of the tongue, or both.<ref name="Thomas 2006 15">{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=15}}</ref>
* [[Pronunciation of English ⟨wh⟩|Pronunciation of ⟨wh⟩]]: Most of the U.S. has completed the [[wine–whine merger]], but, in many Southern accents, particularly inland Southern accents, the phonemes {{IPA|/w/}} and {{IPA|/hw/}} remain distinct, so that pairs of words like ''wail'' and ''whale'' or ''wield'' and ''wheeled'' are not [[homophone]]s.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=50}}</ref>
* Lax and tense vowels often [[English-language vowel changes before historic l|neutralize before {{IPA|/l/}}]], making pairs like ''feel''/''fill'' and ''fail''/''fell'' [[homophone]]s for speakers in some areas of the South. Some speakers may distinguish between the two sets of words by reversing the normal vowel sound, e.g., ''feel'' in Southern may sound like ''fill'', and vice versa.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=69–73}}</ref>
* The back vowel {{IPA|/u/}} (in ''goose'' or ''true'') is [[Fronting (phonetics)|fronted]] in the mouth to the vicinity of {{IPA|[ʉ]}} or even farther forward, which is then followed by a slight [[Semivowel|gliding quality]]; different gliding qualities have been reported, including both backward and (especially in the eastern half of the South) forward glides.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=10}}</ref>
* The back vowel {{IPA|/oʊ/}} (in ''goat'' or ''toe'') is fronted to the vicinity of {{IPA|[ɜʊ~ɜʉ]}}, and perhaps even as far forward as {{IPA|[ɛʊ]}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=105}}</ref>
* Back Upglide (Chain) Shift: In Southern regional dialects, {{IPA|/aʊ/}} shifts forward and upward to {{IPA|[æʊ]}} (also possibly realized, variously, as {{IPA|[æjə~æo~ɛɔ~eo]}}); thus allowing the back vowel {{IPA|/ɔ/}} to fill an area similar to the former position of /aʊ/ in the mouth, becoming lowered and developing an upglide [ɑɒ]; this, in turn, allows (though only for the most advanced Southern speakers) the upgliding {{IPA|/ɔɪ/}}, before {{IPA|/l/}}, to lose its glide {{IPA|[ɔ]}} (for instance, causing the word ''boils'' to sound something like the British or New York City pronunciations of {{Audio|en-uk-balls.ogg|''balls''|help=no}}).<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=254}}</ref>
* The vowel {{IPA|/ʌ/}}, as in ''bug, luck, strut,'' etc., is realized as {{IPA|[ɜ]}}, occasionally fronted to {{IPA|[ɛ̈]}} or raised in the mouth to {{IPA|[ə]}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=7}}</ref>
* {{IPA|/z/}} becomes {{IPA|[d]}} before {{IPA|/n/}}, for example {{IPA|[ˈwʌdn̩t]}} ''wasn't'', {{IPA|[ˈbɪdnɪs]}} ''business'',<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Wolfram|2004|p=55}}</ref> but ''hasn't'' may keep the [z] to avoid merging with ''hadn't''.
* Many nouns are stressed on the first syllable that are stressed on the second syllable in most other American accents.<ref name="Thomas 2006 5"/> These may include ''police'', ''cement'', ''Detroit'', ''Thanksgiving'', ''insurance'', ''behind'', ''display'', ''hotel'', ''motel'', ''recycle'', ''TV'', ''guitar'', ''July'', and ''umbrella''. Today, younger Southerners tend to keep this initial stress for a more reduced set of words, perhaps including only ''insurance'', ''defense'', ''Thanksgiving'', and ''umbrella''.<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1, p. 331.</ref><ref name = "Vaux"/>
*[[phoneme|Phonemic]] incidence is sometimes unique in the South, so that:<ref name = "Vaux"/>
**''Florida'' is typically pronounced {{IPA|/ˈflɑrɪdə/}} rather than [[General American]] {{IPA|/ˈflɔrɪdə/}}, and ''lawyer'' is {{IPA|/ˈlɔjər/}} rather than General American {{IPA|/ˈlɔɪər/}} (i.e., the first syllable of ''lawyer'' sounds like ''law'', not ''loy'').
**The {{IPA|/deɪ/}} in words like ''Monday'' and ''Sunday'' is commonly {{IPA|/di/}}.
**''Spigot'' (a water tap) is often pronounced {{IPA|/ˈspɪkət/}}, as if spelled ''spicket''.
* Lacking or incomplete [[happy tensing|''happy'' tensing]]: The [[tenseness|tensing]] of unstressed, word-final {{IPA|/ɪ/}} (the second vowel sound in words like ''happy, money, Chelsea,'' etc.) to a higher and fronter vowel like {{IPA|[i]}} is typical throughout the United States, except in the South. The South maintains a sound not obviously tensed: {{IPA|[ɪ]}} or {{IPA|[ɪ~i]}}.<ref>Wells, John C. (1988). ''Accents of English 1: An Introduction''. Cambridge University Press. p. 165.</ref>
* Words ending in unstressed {{IPA|/oʊ/}} (especially with the spelling {{angbr|ow}}) may be pronounced as {{IPA|[ə]}} or {{IPA|[ʊ]}},<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Wells|1988|p=167}}</ref> making ''yellow'' sound like ''yella'' or ''tomorrow'' like ''tomorra''.
*Variable [[horse–hoarse merger]]: the merger of the phonemes {{IPA|/ɔː/r/}} (as in ''morning'') and {{IPA|/oʊr/}} (as in ''mourning'') is common, as in most English dialects, though a distinction is still preserved especially in Southern accents along the Gulf Coast, plus scatterings elsewhere;<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=52}}</ref> thus, ''morning'' {{IPA|[ˈmɒɹnɪn]}} versus ''mourning'' {{IPA|[ˈmouɹnɪn]}}.
===Inland South and Texas===
{{Main|Appalachian English|Texan English}}
[[William Labov]] [[Atlas of North American English|et al.]] identify the "Inland South" as a large linguistic sub-region of the South located mostly in southern [[Appalachia]] (specifically naming the cities of Greenville SC, Asheville NC, Knoxville and Chattanooga TN, and Birmingham and Linden AL), inland from both the Gulf and Atlantic Coasts, and the originating region of the Southern Vowel Shift. The Inland South, along with the "Texas South" (an urban core of central Texas: [[Dallas]], [[Lubbock]], [[Odessa, Texas|Odessa]], and [[San Antonio, Texas|San Antonio]])<ref name="Labov 2006 126, 131"/> are considered the two major locations in which the Southern regional sound system is the most highly developed, and therefore the core areas of the current-day South as a dialect region.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=148, 150}}</ref>
The accents of Texas are actually diverse, for example with important Spanish influences on its vocabulary;<ref>[https://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/texan/ American Varieties: Texan English]. [[Public Broadcasting Service]]. MacNeil/Lehrer Productions. 2005.</ref> however, much of the state is still an unambiguous region of modern rhotic Southern speech, strongest in the cities of Dallas, Lubbock, Odessa, and San Antonio,<ref name="Labov 2006 126, 131"/> which all firmly demonstrate the first stage of the Southern Shift, if not also further stages of the shift.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=69}}</ref> Texan cities that are noticeably "non-Southern" dialectally are Abilene and Austin; only marginally Southern are Houston, El Paso, and Corpus Christi.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=131}}</ref> In western and northern Texas, the [[cot–caught merger]] is very close to completed.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=254}}</ref>
===Distinct phonologies===
Some sub-regions of the South, and perhaps even a majority of the biggest cities, are showing a gradual shift away from the Southern accent (toward a more [[Midland American English|Midland]] or [[General American]] accent) since the second half of the 20th century to the present. Such well-studied cities include [[Houston, Texas]], and [[Raleigh, North Carolina]]; in Raleigh, for example, this retreat from the accent appears to have begun around 1950.<ref name = "Dodsworth">Dodsworth, Robin (2013) "Retreat from the Southern Vowel Shift in Raleigh, NC: Social Factors," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 19 : Iss. 2, Article 5. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol19/iss2/5</ref> Other sub-regions are unique in that their inhabitants have never spoken with the Southern regional accent, instead having their own distinct accents.
====Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah====
The ''Atlas of North American English'' identified [[Atlanta|Atlanta, Georgia]] as a dialectal "island of non-Southern speech",<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=181}}</ref> [[Charleston, South Carolina]] likewise as "not markedly Southern in character", and the traditional local accent of [[Savannah, Georgia]] as "giving way to regional [Midland] patterns",<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=304}}</ref> despite these being three prominent Southern cities. The dialect features of Atlanta are best described today as sporadic from speaker to speaker, with such variation increased due to a huge movement of non-Southerners into the area during the 1990s.<ref name="Labov 260-1"/> Modern-day Charleston speakers have leveled in the direction of a more generalized [[Midland American English|Midland accent]], away from the city's now-defunct, [[Older Southern American English#Charleston|traditional Charleston accent]], whose features were "diametrically opposed to the Southern Shift... and differ in many other respects from the main body of Southern dialects".<ref name="Labov 2006 259-61">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=259–260}}</ref> The Savannah accent is also becoming more Midland-like. The following vowel sounds of Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah have been unaffected by typical Southern phenomena like the Southern drawl and Southern Vowel Shift:<ref name="Labov 260-1"/>
*{{IPA|/æ/}} as in ''bad'' (the "default" [[General American]] nasal short-''a'' system is in use, in which [[æ tensing|{{IPA|/æ/}} is tensed]] only before {{IPA|/n/}} or {{IPA|/m/}}).<ref name="Labov 2006 259-61"/>
*{{IPA|/aɪ/}} as in ''bide'' (however, some Atlanta and Savannah speakers do variably show Southern {{IPA|/aɪ/}} glide weakening).
*{{IPA|/eɪ/}} as in ''bait''.
*{{IPA|/ɛ/}} as in ''bed''.
*{{IPA|/ɪ/}} as in ''bid''.
*{{IPA|/i/}} as in ''bead''.
*{{IPA|/ɔ/}} as in ''bought'' (which is lowered, as in most of the U.S., and approaches {{IPA|[ɒ~ɑ]}}; the [[cot–caught merger]] is mostly at a transitional stage in these cities).
Today, the accents of Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah are most similar to [[Midland American English|Midland regional accents]] or at least [[North American English regional phonology#Southeastern United States|Southeastern super-regional accents]].<ref name="Labov 260-1"/><ref name="Labov 2006 68">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=68}}</ref> In all three cities, some speakers (though most consistently documented in Charleston and least consistently in Savannah) demonstrate the Southeastern fronting of {{IPA|/oʊ/}} and the status of the [[pin–pen merger]] is highly variable.<ref name="Labov 2006 68"/> Non-rhoticity (''r''-dropping) is now rare in these cities, yet still documented in some speakers.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=48}}</ref>
====Southern Louisiana====
{{Main|Cajun English|New Orleans English}}
Most of southern Louisiana constitutes [[Acadiana]], a cultural region dominated for hundreds of years by monolingual speakers of [[Cajun French]],<ref name="Dubois 2">Dubois, Sylvia and Barbara Horvath (2004). "Cajun Vernacular English: phonology." In Bernd Kortmann and Edgar W. Schneider (Ed). ''A Handbook of Varieties of English: A Multimedia Reference Tool.'' New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 412-4.</ref> which combines elements of [[Acadian French]] with other French and Spanish words. Today, this French dialect is spoken by many older [[Cajun]] ethnic group and is said to be dying out. A related language, [[Louisiana Creole French]], also exists. Since the early 1900s, [[Cajun]]s additionally began to develop their own [[Cajun English|vernacular dialect of English]], which retains some influences and words from French, such as "cher" (dear) or "nonc" (uncle). This dialect fell out of fashion after World War II, but experienced a renewal in primarily male speakers born since the 1970s, who have been the most attracted by, and the biggest attractors for, a successful Cajun cultural renaissance.<ref name="Dubois 2"/> The accent includes:<ref name="Dubois 1"/> variable non-rhoticity (or ''r''-dropping), high [[nasalization]] (including in vowels before [[nasal consonant]]s), deletion of any word's final consonant(s) (''hand'' becomes {{IPA|[hæ̃]}}, ''food'' becomes {{IPA|[fu]}}, ''rent'' becomes {{IPA|[ɹɪ̃]}}, ''New York'' becomes {{IPA|[nuˈjɔə]}}, etc.),<ref name="Dubois 1">Dubois, Sylvia and Barbara Horvath (2004). "Cajun Vernacular English: phonology." In Bernd Kortmann and Edgar W. Schneider (ed). ''A Handbook of Varieties of English: A Multimedia Reference Tool.'' New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 409-10.</ref> a potential for glide weakening in all gliding vowels (e.g. {{IPA|/oʊ/}} (as in ''Joe''), {{IPA|/eɪ/}} as in ''jay'', and {{IPA|/ɔɪ/}} as in ''joy'', have reduced glides: {{IPA|[oː]}}, {{IPA|[eː]}}, and {{IPA|[ɔː]}}, respectively),<ref name="Dubois 1"/> and the [[cot–caught merger]] towards {{IPA|[ɑ̈]}}.<ref name="Dubois 1"/>
One historical English dialect spoken only by those raised in the [[Greater New Orleans]] area is traditionally non-rhotic and noticeably shares more pronunciation commonalities with the [[New York City English|New York accent]] than with other Southern accents. Since at least the 1980s, this local New Orleans dialect has popularly been called "[[Yat dialect|Yat]]", from the common local greeting "Where you at?". The New York accent features shared with the Yat accent include:<ref name="Labov 260-1">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=260–1}}</ref> non-rhoticity, a short-''a'' split system (so that ''bad'' and ''back'', for example, have different vowels), {{IPA|/ɔ/}} as high gliding {{IPA|[ɔə]}}, {{IPA|/ɑr/}} as rounded {{IPA|[ɒ~ɔ]}}, and the [[coil–curl merger]] (traditionally, though now in decline). Yat also lacks the typical vowel changes of the Southern Shift and the [[pin–pen merger]] that are commonly heard elsewhere throughout the South. Yat is associated with the working and lower-middle classes, though a spectrum with fewer notable Yat features is often heard the higher one's socioeconomic status; such New Orleans affluence is associated with the New Orleans Uptown and the [[Garden District, New Orleans|Garden District]], whose speech patterns are sometimes considered distinct from the lower-class Yat dialect.<ref>{{cite video| people=Alvarez, Louis (director) | date=1985 | title=Yeah You Rite! | medium=Short documentary film | location=USA | publisher= Center for New American Media}}</ref>
==Older phonologies==
{{main|Older Southern American English}}
Prior to becoming a phonologically unified dialect region, the South was once home to an array of much more diverse accents at the local level. Features of the deeper interior Appalachian South largely became the basis for the newer Southern regional dialect; thus, older Southern American English primarily refers to the English spoken outside of Appalachia: the coastal and former plantation areas of the South, best documented before the [[American Civil War|Civil War]], on the decline during the early 1900s, and basically non-existent in speakers born since the [[Civil Rights Movement]].<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=4}}</ref>
Little unified these older Southern dialects, since they never formed a single homogeneous dialect region to begin with. Some older Southern accents were rhotic (most strongly in [[Appalachia]] and west of [[Mississippi River|the Mississippi]]), while the majority were non-rhotic (most strongly in plantation areas); however, wide variation existed. Some older Southern accents showed (or approximated) Stage 1 of the Southern Vowel Shift—namely, the glide weakening of {{IPA|/aɪ/}}—however, it is virtually unreported before the very late 1800s.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=6}}</ref> In general, the older Southern dialects clearly lacked the [[Mary–marry–merry merger|Mary–marry–merry]], [[cot–caught merger|cot–caught]], [[Horse–hoarse merger|horse–hoarse]], [[Wine–whine merger|wine–whine]], [[full–fool merger|full–fool]], [[fill–feel merger|fill–feel]], and [[yod coalescence|do–dew merger]]s, all of which are now common to, or encroaching on, all varieties of present-day Southern American English. Older Southern sound systems included those local to the:<ref name="Thomas"/>
*Plantation South (excluding the Lowcountry): phonologically characterized by {{IPA|/aɪ/}} glide weakening, non-rhoticity (for some accents, including a [[coil–curl merger]]), and the Southern trap–bath split (a version of the [[trap–bath split]] unique to older Southern U.S. speech that causes words like ''lass'' {{IPA|[læs~læɛæs]}} not to rhyme with words like ''pass'' {{IPA|[pæes]}}).
**Eastern and central Virginia (often identified as the "Tidewater accent"): further characterized by [[Canadian raising]] and some vestigial resistance to the [[vein–vain merger]].
*[[South Carolina Lowcountry|Lowcountry]] (of South Carolina and Georgia; often identified as the traditional "Charleston accent"): characterized by no {{IPA|/aɪ/}} glide weakening, non-rhoticity (including the coil-curl merger), the Southern trap–bath split, Canadian raising, the [[cheer–chair merger]], {{IPA|/eɪ/}} pronounced as {{IPA|[e(ə)]}}, and {{IPA|/oʊ/}} pronounced as {{IPA|[o(ə)]}}.
*[[Outer Banks]] and [[Chesapeake Bay]] (often identified as the "[[High Tider|Hoi Toider accent]]"): characterized by no {{IPA|/aɪ/}} glide weakening (with the on-glide strongly backed, unlike any other U.S. dialect), the [[card–cord merger]], {{IPA|/aʊ/}} pronounced as {{IPA|[aʊ~äɪ]}}, and up-gliding of [[pure vowel]]s especially before {{IPA|/ʃ/}} (making ''fish'' sound almost like ''feesh'' and ''ash'' like ''aysh''). It is the only dialect of the older South still extant on the East Coast, due to being passed on through generations of geographically isolated islanders.
*Appalachian and Ozark Mountains: characterized by strong rhoticity and a [[English-language vowel changes before historic /r/|tor–tore–tour merger]] (which still exist in that region), the Southern trap–bath split, plus the original and most advanced instances of the Southern Vowel Shift now defining the whole South.
==Grammar==
These grammatical features are characteristic of both older and newer Southern American English.
<!-- Note: please put only examples of GRAMMAR in this section. Examples of Southern vocabulary (e.g. 'buggy' to mean 'cart' etc.) should be added to the Regional Vocabularies article. See link below. Thank you. -->
* Use of ''done'' as an [[auxiliary verb]] between the subject and verb in sentences conveying the [[past tense]].
*:I done told you before.
* Use of ''done'' (instead of ''did'') as the past simple form of ''do'', and similar uses of the [[past participle]] in place of the [[past simple]], such as ''seen'' replacing ''saw'' as past simple form of ''see.''
*:I only done what you done told me.
*:I seen her first.
* Use of other non-standard [[preterite]]s, Such as ''drownded'' as the past tense of ''drown'', ''knowed'' as past tense of ''know'', ''choosed'' as the past tense of ''choose'', ''degradated'' as the past tense of ''degrade''.
*:I knowed you for a fool soon as I seen you.
* Use of ''was'' in place of ''were,'' or other words regularizing the past tense of ''be'' to ''was''.{{Citation needed|date=September 2010}}
*:You was sittin' on that chair.
* Use of ''been'' instead of ''have been'' in [[perfect (grammar)|perfect]] constructions.
*:I been livin' here darn near my whole life.
* Use of ''(a-)fixin' to'', with several spelling variants such as ''fixing to'' or ''fixinta'',<ref>Metcalf, Allan A. (2000). How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 37.</ref> to indicate immediate future action; in other words: ''intending to'', ''preparing to'', or ''about to''.
*:He's fixin' to eat.
*:They're fixing to go for a hike.
:It is not clear where the term comes from and when it was first used. According to dialect dictionaries, ''fixin' to'' is associated with Southern speech, most often defined as being a [[synonym]] of ''preparing to'' or ''intending to''.<ref name="Bernstein">Bernstein, Cynthia. "Grammatical features of southern speech: y'all, might could, and fixin' to." ''English in the Southern United States''. Eds. Stephen J. Nagel and Sara L. Sanders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. 106-119.</ref> Some linguists, e.g. Marvin K. Ching, regard it as being a ''quasimodal'' rather than a [[verb]] followed by an [[infinitive]].<ref name="Ching">Ching, Marvin K. L. "How Fixed Is Fixin' to?" ''American Speech'', 62.4 (1987): 332-345.</ref> It is a term used by all [[social groups]], although more frequently by people with a lower [[social status]] than by members of the educated [[upper classes]]. Furthermore, it is more common in the speech of younger people than in that of older people.<ref name="Bernstein"/> Like much of the Southern dialect, the term is also more prevalent in rural areas than in urban areas.
* Preservation of older English ''me,'' ''him,'' etc. as reflexive datives.
*:I'm fixin' to paint me a picture.
*:He's gonna catch him a big one.
* Saying ''this here'' in place of ''this'' or ''this one'', and ''that there'' in place of ''that'' or ''that one''.
*:This here's mine and that there is yours.
* Existential ''it,'' a feature dating from Middle English which can be explained as substituting ''it'' for ''there'' when ''there'' refers to no physical location, but only to the existence of something.
*:It's one lady who lives in town.
*:It is nothing more to say.
Standard English would prefer "existential ''there''", as in "There's one lady who lives in town". This construction is used to say that something exists (rather than saying where it is located).<ref name="Online Dict">[http://www.odlt.org/definitionsOut/existential_it.html "Existential it."] ''Online Dictionary of Language Terminology''. 4 Oct 2012</ref> The construction can be found in [[Middle English]] as in Marlowe's Edward II: "Cousin, it is no dealing with him now".<ref name="Online Dict"/>
* Use of ''ever'' in place of ''every''.
*:Ever'where's the same these days.
*Using ''liketa'' (sometimes spelled as ''liked to'' or ''like to''<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://ygdp.yale.edu/phenomena/liketa|title=Liketa | Yale Grammatical Diversity Project: English in North America|website=ygdp.yale.edu}}</ref>) to mean "almost"
*:I liketa died<ref name="Bailey Tillery">Bailey, Guy, and Jan Tillery. "The Persistence of Southern American English." ''Journal of English Linguistics'', 24.4 (1996): 308-321.</ref>
*:He liketa got hit by a car
:Liketa is presumably a conjunction of "like to" or "like to have" coming from [[Appalachian English]]. It is most often seen as a synonym of almost. Accordingly, the phrase ''I like't'a died'' would be ''I almost died'' in Standard English. With this meaning, ''liketa'' can be seen as a verb [[Modifier (grammar)|modifier]] for actions that are on the verge of happening.<ref>Wolfram, Walt; Schilling-Estes, Natalie (2015). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=vPdgBgAAQBAJ&q American English: Dialects and Variation]''. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 48, 380.</ref> Furthermore, it is more often used in an exaggerative or violent figurative sense rather than literal sense.<ref>"[https://ygdp.yale.edu/phenomena/liketa Liketa]".'' Yale Grammatical Diversity Project. Yale University. 2019.</ref>
*Use of the distal [[demonstrative]] "yonder," archaic in most dialects of English, to indicate a third, larger degree of distance beyond both "here" and "there" (thus relegating "there" to a medial demonstrative as in some other languages), indicating that something is a longer way away, and to a lesser extent, in a wide or loosely defined expanse, as in the church hymn "When the Roll Is Called Up Yonder". A typical example is the use "over yonder" in place of "over there" or "in or at that indicated place", especially to refer to a particularly different spot, such as in "the house over yonder". <ref>Regional Note from [http://www.thefreedictionary.com/yonder The Free Dictionary]</ref>
* Compared to [[General American English]], when [[English_auxiliaries_and_contractions#Contracted_auxiliaries|contracting a negated auxiliary verb]], Southern American English has increased preference for contracting the subject and the auxiliary than the auxiliary and "not", e.g. the first of the following pairs:
*:''He's'' not here. / He ''isn't'' here.
*:''I've'' not been there. / I ''haven't'' been there.<ref>Wolfram, Walt; Reaser, Jeffrey (2014). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=lZflAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA94 Talkin' Tar Heel: How Our Voices Tell the Story of North Carolina]''. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. pp. 94-95.</ref>
===Multiple modals===
[[Standard English]] has a strict [[word order]]. In the case of [[Modal auxiliary verb|modal auxiliaries]], standard English is restricted to a single modal per [[verb phrase]]. However, some Southern speakers use [[double modal|double]] or more modals in a row (''might could, might should, might would, used to could,'' etc.--also called "modal stacking") and sometimes even triple modals that involve ''oughta'' (like ''might should oughta'')
*I might could climb to the top.
*I used to could do that.
The origin of multiple modals is controversial; some say it is a development of [[Modern English]], while others trace them back to [[Middle English]] and again others to [[Scots-Irish American|Scots-Irish]] settlers.<ref name="Bernstein"/> There are different opinions on which class preferably uses the term. Atwood,<ref name="Atwood1">Atwood, E. Bagby. ''A Survey of Verb Forms in the Eastern United States''. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1953.</ref> for example, finds that educated people try to avoid multiple modals, whereas Montgomery<ref name="Montgomery 3">Montgomery, Michael. "Multiple Modals In LAGS and LAMSAS". ''From the Gulf States and Beyond: the legacy of Lee Pederson and LAGS''. Eds. Michael Montgomery & Thomas E. Nunnaly, Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1998.</ref> suggests the opposite. In some Southern regions, multiple modals are quite widespread and not particularly stigmatized.<ref>Wolfram, Walt; Schilling-Estes, Natalie (2015). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=vPdgBgAAQBAJ&q American English: Dialects and Variation]''. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. p. 379.</ref> Possible multiple modals are:<ref name="Di Paolo">Di Paolo, Marianna. "Double Modals as Single Lexical Items." American Speech, 64.3 (1989): 195-224.</ref>
{|
|-
| may could || might could || might supposed to
|-
| may can || might oughta || mighta used to
|-
| may will || might can || might woulda had oughta
|-
| may should || might should || oughta could
|-
| may supposed to || might would || better can
|-
| may need to || might better || should oughta
|-
| may used to || might had better || used to could
|-
| || can might || musta coulda
|-
| || could might || would better
|}
As the table shows, there are only possible combinations of an [[epistemic]] modal followed by [[deontic]] modals in multiple modal constructions. Deontic modals express permissibility with a range from obligated to forbidden and are mostly used as markers of politeness in requests whereas epistemic modals refer to probabilities from certain to impossible.<ref name="Bernstein"/> Multiple modals combine these two modalities.
===Conditional syntax and evidentiality===
People from the South often make use of conditional or evidential [[syntax]]es as shown below (italicized in the examples):<ref name="Johnston">Johnston, Barbara. "Features and Uses of Southern Style". ''English in the Southern United States''. Eds. Stephen J. Nagle and Sara L. Sanders. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. 189-205.</ref>
Conditional syntax in requests:
:''I guess you could'' step out and git some toothpicks and a carton of Camel cigarettes, ''if you a mind to''.
:''If you be good enough to take it, I believe'' I could stand me a taste.<ref name="Johnston"/>
Conditional syntax in suggestions:
:I wouldn't look for 'em to show up ''if I was you''.
:''I'd think'' that whiskey ''would be'' a trifle hot.
Conditional syntax creates a distance between the speaker's claim and the hearer. It serves to soften obligations or suggestions, make criticisms less personal, and to overall express politeness, respect, or courtesy.<ref name="Johnston"/>
Southerners also often use "[[evidentiality|evidential]]" predicates such as think, reckon, believe, guess, have the feeling, etc.:
:You already said that once, ''I believe''.
:''I wouldn't want to guess, but I have the feeling'' we'll know soon enough.
:''You reckon'' we oughta get help?
:I ''don't believe'' I've ever known one.
Evidential predicates indicate an uncertainty of the knowledge asserted in the sentence. According to Johnston, evidential predicates nearly always hedge the assertions and allow the respondents to hedge theirs. They protect speakers from the social embarrassment that appears, in case the assertion turns out to be wrong. As is the case with conditional syntax, evidential predicates can also be used to soften criticisms and to afford courtesy or respect.<ref name="Johnston"/>
==Vocabulary==
In the United States, the following vocabulary is mostly unique to, or best associated with, Southern U.S. English:<ref name = "Vaux">Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder. 2003. [http://dialect.redlog.net/ The Harvard Dialect Survey]. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.</ref>
*''Ain't'' to mean ''am not, is not, are not, have not, has not'', etc.<ref name="Algeo"/>
*''Bless your heart'' to express sympathy or concern to the addressee; often, now used ironically
*''Buggy'' to mean ''[[shopping cart]]''
*''Carry'' to additionally mean ''escort or accompany''<ref>"[https://www.ahdictionary.com/word/search.html?q=carry Carry]". ''The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language'', Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.</ref>
*''Catty-corner'' to mean ''located or placed diagonally''
*''Chill bumps'' as a [[synonym]] for ''[[goose bumps]]''
*''Coke'' to mean any [[Soft drink|sweet, carbonated soft drink]]
*''Crawfish'' to mean ''[[crayfish]]''
*''Devil is beating his wife'' to describe the weather phenomenon of a [[sunshower]]
*''Fixin to'' to mean ''about to''
*''[[Icing (food)|Icing]]'' (preferred over ''frosting'', in the confectionary sense)
*''Liketa'' to mean ''almost'' or ''nearly'' (particularly in Alabama and [[Appalachian English]])<ref>"[https://ygdp.yale.edu/phenomena/liketa Liketa]". ''Yale Grammatical Diversity Project''. Yale University. 2018.</ref>
*''Maters'' to mean ''[[tomatoes]]''
*''Ordinary'' to mean ''disreputable''<ref name="Dictionary.com">''[http://www.dictionary.com/ Dictionary.com]''. Dictionary.com Unabridged, based on the ''Random House Dictionary''. Random House, Inc. 2017.</ref>
*''Ornery'' to mean ''bad-tempered or surly'' (derived from ''ordinary'')<ref>Berrey, Lester V. (1940). "[https://www.jstor.org/stable/452728 Southern Mountain Dialect]". ''American Speech'', vol. 15, no. 1. p. 47.</ref>
*''Powerful'' to mean ''great in number or amount'' (used as an [[adverb]])<ref name="Dictionary.com"/>
*''Right'' to mean ''very or extremely'' (used as an [[adverb]])<ref>"[https://www.ahdictionary.com/word/search.html?q=right Right]". ''The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language'', Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.</ref>
*''Reckon'' to mean ''think, guess, or conclude''<ref>"[https://www.ahdictionary.com/word/search.html?q=reckon Reckon]". ''The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language'', Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.</ref>
*''Rolling'' to mean the prank of [[toilet papering]]
*''Slaw'' as a synonym for ''[[coleslaw]]''
*''Taters'' to mean ''[[potatoes]]''
*''Toboggan'' to mean ''[[knit cap]]''
*''Tote'' to mean ''carry''<ref name="Algeo">Algeo, John (ed.) (2001). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=ia5tHVtQPn8C&dq The Cambridge History of the English Language, Volume 3; Volume 6]''. Cambridge University Press. pp. 275-277.</ref>
*''Veranda'' to mean ''large, roofed [[porch]]''<ref name="Dictionary.com"/>
*''Yonder'' to mean ''over there''<ref name="Algeo"/>
Unique words can occur as Southern [[Nonstandard dialect|nonstandard]] past-tense forms of verbs, particularly in the Southern highlands and [[Piney Woods]], as in ''yesterday they riz up, come outside, drawed, and drownded'', as well as participle forms like ''they have took it, rode it, blowed it up, and swimmed away''.<ref name="Algeo"/> ''Drug'' is traditionally both the past tense and participle form of the verb ''drag''.<ref name="Algeo"/>
===Y'all===
{{main|Y'all}}
[[File:You all and Y'all.jpg|thumb|300px|Frequency of either "Y'all" or "You all" to address multiple people, according to an Internet survey of American dialect variation.<ref name="www4.uwm.edu">{{cite web|url=http://www4.uwm.edu/FLL/linguistics/dialect/staticmaps/states.html|title=Dialect Survey Results|website=www4.uwm.edu}}</ref>]]
[[File:Y'allMap.jpg|thumb|300px|Frequency of just "Y'all" to address multiple people, according to an Internet survey of American dialect variation.<ref name="www4.uwm.edu"/>]]
''[[Y'all]]'' is a second person plural pronoun and the usual Southern plural form of the word ''you''.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://cfprod01.imt.uwm.edu/Dept/FLL/linguistics/dialect/staticmaps/q_50.html|title=Harvard Dialect Survey - word use: a group of two or more people.|publisher=}}</ref> It is originally a [[Contraction (grammar)|contraction]]{{spaced ndash}}''you all''{{spaced ndash}}which is used less frequently.<ref>Hazen, Kirk and Fluharty, Ellen. "Linguistic Diversity in the South: Changing Codes, Practices and Ideology". Page 59. Georgia University Press; 1st Edition: 2004. {{ISBN|0-8203-2586-4}}</ref> This term originated with the modern Southern dialect region and is not found in older Southern dialects.
* When addressing a group, ''y'all'' is general (I know y'all) and is used to address the group as a whole, whereas ''all y'all'' is used to emphasize specificity of each and every member of the group ("I know all y'all.") The possessive form of ''Y'all'' is created by adding the standard "-'s".
*:"''I've got y'all's assignments here.''" {{IPA|/jɔlz/}}
* ''Y'all'' is distinctly separate from the singular ''you.'' The statement "''I gave y'all my truck payment last week,''" is more precise than "''I gave you my truck payment last week.''" ''You'' (if interpreted as singular) could imply the payment was given directly to the person being spoken to{{spaced ndash}}when that may not be the case.
* "All y'all" is used to specify that all members of the second person plural (''i.e.'', all persons currently being addressed and/or all members of a group represented by an addressee) are included; that is, it operates in contradistinction to "some of y'all", thereby functioning similarly to "all of you" in standard English.
* In rural southern Appalachia an "n" is added to pronouns indicating "one" "his'n" "his one" "her'n" "her one" "Yor'n" "your one" i.e. "his, hers and yours". Another example is ''yernses''. It may be substituted for the 2nd person plural possessive ''yours.''
*:"''That book is yernses.''" {{IPA|/ˈjɜrnzəz/}}
===Southern Louisiana===
{{Main|Cajun English|New Orleans English}}
Southern Louisiana English especially is known for some unique vocabulary: long sandwiches are often called ''poor boys'' or ''[[po' boy]]s'', [[Armadillidiidae|woodlice/roly-polies]] called ''doodle bugs'', the end of a bread loaf called a ''nose'', [[Refuge island|pedestrian islands]] and [[median strip]]s alike called ''neutral ground'',<ref name = "Vaux"/> and sidewalks called ''banquettes''.<ref name="banquette">{{cite web
|url=http://www.bartleby.com/61/44/B0064400.html
|title=banquette
|publisher=The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language: Fourth Edition
|year=2000
|accessdate=2008-09-15
}}</ref>
==Relationship to African-American English==
{{Main|African-American Vernacular English}}
Discussion of "Southern dialect" in the United States popularly refers to those English varieties spoken by [[white Southerners]];<ref name="Thomas 2006"/> however, as a geographic term, it may also encompass the dialects developed among other social or ethnic groups in the South, most prominently including African Americans. Today, [[African-American Vernacular English]] (AAVE) is a fairly unified variety of English spoken by working- and middle-class African Americans throughout the United States. AAVE exhibits an evident relationship with both older and newer Southern dialects, though the exact nature of this relationship is poorly understood.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=19}}</ref> It is clear that AAVE was influenced by older speech patterns of the Southern United States, where Africans and African Americans were held as slaves until the [[American Civil War]]. These slaves originally spoke a diversity of indigenous African languages but picked up English to communicate with one another, their white masters, and the white servants and laborers they often closely worked alongside. Many features of AAVE suggest that it largely developed from [[nonstandard dialect]]s of colonial English (with some features of AAVE absent from other modern American dialects, yet still existing in certain modern British dialects). However, there is also evidence of the influence of West African languages on AAE vocabulary and grammar.
It is uncertain to what extent early white Southern English borrowed elements from early African-American Vernacular English versus the other way around. Like many white accents of English once spoken in Southern plantation areas—namely, the Lowcountry, Virginia Piedmont and Tidewater and lower Mississippi Valley—the modern-day AAVE accent is mostly non-rhotic (or "''r''-dropping" ). The presence of non-rhoticity in both black English and older white Southern English is not merely coincidence, though, again, which dialect influenced which is unknown. It is better documented, however, that white Southerners borrowed some [[morphology (linguistics)|morphological]] processes from black Southerners.
Many grammatical features were used alike by older speakers of white Southern English and African-American Vernacular English more so than by contemporary speakers of the same two varieties. Even so, contemporary speakers of both continue to share these unique grammatical features: "existential ''it''", the word ''y'all'', [[double negative]]s, ''was'' to mean ''were'', deletion of ''had'' and ''have'', ''them'' to mean ''those'', the term ''fixin' to'', stressing the first syllable of words like ''hotel'' or ''guitar'', and many others.<ref>[[Sonja Lanehart|Lanehart, Sonja L.]] (editor) (2001). ''Sociocultural and Historical Contexts of African American English''. John Benjamins Publishing. pp. 113-114.</ref> Both dialects also continue to share these same pronunciation features: {{IPA|/ɪ/}} [[tenseness|tensing]], {{IPA|/ʌ/}} raising, upgliding {{IPA|/ɔ/}}, the [[pin–pen merger]], and the most defining sound of the current Southern accent (though rarely documented in older Southern accents): the glide weakening of {{IPA|/aɪ/}}. However, while this glide weakening has triggered among white Southerners a complicated "Southern Vowel Shift", black speakers in the South and elsewhere on the other hand are "not participating or barely participating" in much of this shift.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|pp=19–20}}</ref> AAVE speakers also do not front the vowel starting positions of {{IPA|/oʊ/}} and {{IPA|/u/}}, thus aligning these characteristics more with the speech of 19th-century white Southerners than 20th-century white Southerners.<ref name="auto">{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|pp=4}}</ref>
One strong possibility for the divergence of black American English and white Southern American English (i.e., the disappearance of [[older Southern American English]]) is that the civil rights struggles caused these two racial groups "to stigmatize linguistic variables associated with the other group".<ref name="auto"/> This may explain some of the differences outlined above, including why most traditionally non-rhotic white Southern accents have shifted to now becoming intensely rhotic.<ref name="Thomas 2006 15"/>
==Social perceptions==
In the United States, there is a general negative stigma surrounding the Southern dialect. Non-Southern Americans tend to associate a Southern accent with cognitive and verbal slowness, lack of education, ignorance, bigotry, or religious and political conservatism,<ref>Hayes, Dean (2013). "[http://digitalrepository.unm.edu/ling_etds/15 The Southern Accent and 'Bad English': A Comparative Perceptual Study of the Conceptual Network between Southern Linguistic Features and Identity]". UNM Digital Repository: Electronic Theses and Dissertations. p. vi.</ref> using common labels like "hick", "hillbilly",<ref>Hayes, 2013, p. 51.</ref> or "redneck" accent.<ref name="Fought">Fought, John G. (2005). "[https://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/southern/ American Varieties: R-ful Southern]". ''Do You Speak American?'' MacNeil/Lehrer Productions.</ref> The accent is also associated nationwide with the military, [[NASCAR]], and [[country music]]; in fact, even non-Southern American country singers typically imitate a Southern accent in their music.<ref name="Fought"/> Meanwhile, Southerners themselves tend to have mixed judgments of their own accent, some similarly negative but others positively associating it with a laid-back, plain, or humble attitude.<ref>Hayes, 2013, p. 39.</ref> The sum negative associations nationwide, however, are the main presumable cause of a gradual decline of Southern accent features, since the middle of the 20th century onwards, among younger and more urban residents of the South.<ref name = "Dodsworth"/>
==See also==
* [[Accent perception]]
* [[African-American English]]
* [[Appalachian English]]
* [[Drawl]]
* [[High Tider]]
* [[Regional vocabularies of American English]]
* [[Southern literature]]
* [[Texan English]]
==References==
{{Reflist}}
==Sources==
* {{Cite book|author=Bernstein, Cynthia |chapter=Grammatical features of southern speech|editor=Stephen J. Nagel |editor2= Sara L. Sanders |title=English in the Southern United States |year=2003 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-82264-0}}
* {{Cite book|author=Crystal, David |year=2000 |title=The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English language |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-82348-7 |authorlink=David Crystal }}
* {{Cite book|author=Cukor-Avila, Patricia |chapter=The complex grammatical history of African-American and white vernaculars in the South |editor=In Stephen J. Nagel and Sara L. Sanders |title=English in the Southern United States |year=2003 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-82264-0}}
* {{citation
|last=Labov
|first=William
|authorlink=William Labov
|last2=Ash
|first2=Sharon
|last3=Boberg
|first3=Charles
|author3link=Charles Boberg
|year=2006
|title=The Atlas of North American English
|url=http://www.atlas.mouton-content.com/
|location=Berlin
|publisher=Mouton de Gruyter
|isbn=978-3-11-016746-7
}}
* {{Cite book|author1=Hazen, Kirk |author2=Fluharty, Ellen |lastauthoramp=yes |chapter=Defining Appalachian English |editor=Bender, Margaret
|title=Linguistic Diversity in the South |year=2004 |location=Athens |publisher=University of Georgia Press |isbn=978-0-8203-2586-6}}
*{{citation
|last=Wolfram
|first=Walt
|authorlink=Walt Wolfram
|last2=Schilling-Estes
|first2=Natalie
|year=2004
|title=American English
|edition=Second
|place=Malden, MA
|publisher=Blackwell Publishing
}}
*{{citation|title=Rural White Southern Accents|first=Erik R.|last=Thomas|publisher=[[Mouton de Gruyter]]|work=Atlas of North American English (online)|year=2003|postscript=. [Later published as a chapter in: Bernd Kortmann and Edgar W. Schneider (eds) (2004). ''A Handbook of Varieties of English: A Multimedia Reference Tool.'' New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 300-324.]|url=http://www.atlas.mouton-content.com/secure/generalmodules/varieties/unit0000/virtualsession/vslessons/thomas.pdf|pages=1–37|ref = {{Harvid|Thomas|2006}}}}
==External links==
*{{cite web|website=UTA.fi|url=http://www.uta.fi/FAST/US1/REF/dial-map.html |title=U.S. dialect map}}
*{{cite web|url=http://www.alphadictionary.com/articles/southernese.html |website=Glossary of Southernisms |author=Beard, Robert |title=Southernese}}
*{{cite web|url=http://www.asiteaboutnothing.net/w_southern.html|website=A Site About Nothing|title= Southern Accent Tutorial, with Voices of Native Speakers}}
*{{cite web|website=Smarty's World|url= http://smartysworld.com/2010/02/12/southern-fried-vocab-no-10/ |title=Southern Fried Vocab No. 10|date= February 12, 2010 }}
*{{cite news|work=The Post and Courier|url=http://www.postandcourier.com/article/20100122/ARCHIVES/301229942|title=Great day, the things that grandparents say| author=Guy, Yvette Richardson |date=Jan 22, 2010}}
{{English dialects by continent}}
{{Languages of the United States}}
[[Category:American English]]
[[Category:African-American English]]
[[Category:Culture of the Southern United States]]
[[Category:Vowel shifts]]' |
New page wikitext, after the edit (new_wikitext ) | '{{About|English as spoken in the Southern United States|older English dialects spoken in this same region|Older Southern American English|English as spoken in South America|South American English}}
BLM ✊🏻✊🏼✊🏽✊🏾✊🏿
Fuck Donald dump can't believe Americans are supporting a pedo, rapist and a racist what a bunch of 🤡
GeN Z
{{Infobox language
| name=Southern American English
| altname=Southern U.S. English
| region= [[Southern United States]]
| familycolor =Indo-European
| fam2 = [[Germanic languages|Germanic]]
| fam3 = [[West Germanic languages|West Germanic]]
| fam4 = [[North Sea Germanic]]
| fam5 = [[Anglo-Frisian languages|Anglo-Frisian]]
| fam6 = [[Anglic languages|Anglic]]
| fam7 = [[English language|English]]
| fam8 = [[North American English]]
| fam9 = [[American English]]
|ancestor=[[Older Southern American English]], [[Appalachian English]]
|notice=IPA
}}
'''Southern American English''' or '''Southern U.S. English''' is a [[regional dialect]]<ref>Clopper, Cynthia G; Pisoni, David B (2006). "The Nationwide Speech Project: A new corpus of American English dialects". ''Speech communication'' vol. 48,6: 633-644.</ref><ref>Labov, William (1998). ''The three dialects of English''. In: Linn MD, editor. Handbook of Dialects and Language Variation. Academic; San Diego. 1998. pp. 39–81</ref> or collection of dialects of [[American English]] spoken throughout the [[Southern United States]], though increasingly in more [[rural area]]s and primarily by [[White Southerners]].<ref name="Thomas 2006 4, 11">Thomas (2009:3)</ref> Formal, much more recent terms within American linguistics include Southern White Vernacular English and Rural White Southern English.<ref name="Thomas">Thomas, Erik R. (2007) "Phonological and phonetic characteristics of African American Vernacular English," ''Language and Linguistics Compass'', 1, 450–75. p. 453</ref><ref name="Thomas 2006">({{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006}}</ref>
A regional Southern American English consolidated and expanded throughout all the traditional Southern States since the last quarter of the 19th century until around [[World War II]],<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1, p. 329</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=241}}</ref> largely superseding the more diverse, [[older Southern American English]] dialects. This younger and more unified [[phonology|pronunciation system]], popularly known in the [[United States]] as a '''Southern accent''' or simply '''Southern''',<ref>{{cite book|title=English in the Southern United States|author=Stephen J. Nagle |author2=Sara L. Sanders|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2003|page=35|url=https://books.google.com/booksid=4hSipu5yeqMC&q=%22southern+is%22|postscript=[This page differentiates between "Traditional Southern" and "New Southern"]|isbn=9781139436786}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Southern|year=2014|work=Dictionary.com|publisher=Dictionary.com, based on Random House, Inc.|postscript=[See definition 7.]|url=https://www.dictionary.com/browse/southern}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Southern|year=2014|work=Merriam-Webster|publisher=Merriam-Webster, Inc.|postscript=[See under the "noun" heading.]|url=https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/southern}}</ref> now comprises the largest [[Dialects of North American English|American regional accent group]] by number of speakers.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.pbs.org/speak/ahead/|title=Do You Speak American: What Lies Ahead|accessdate=2007-08-15|publisher=PBS}}</ref> The 2006 ''[[Atlas of North American English]]'' strongly reports a Southern accent in [[Virginia]], [[North Carolina]], [[South Carolina]] (though not [[Charleston, South Carolina|Charleston]]), [[State of Georgia|Georgia]] (though [[Atlanta]] is inconsistent), [[Alabama]], [[Mississippi]], [[Tennessee]], [[Kentucky]], [[Arkansas]], and [[Louisiana]] (co-occurring with [[Cajun English|Cajun]] and [[New Orleans English|New Orleans dialects]]), as well as almost all of [[Texas]], the [[Charleston metropolitan area, West Virginia|Charleston area]] of [[West Virginia]], the [[Springfield metropolitan area, Missouri|Springfield area]] of [[Missouri]], and the [[Jacksonville metropolitan area|Jacksonville area]] of [[Florida]].<ref name="Labov 2006 126, 131">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=126, 131, 150}}</ref> The accent of southern [[Midland American English]] (often identified as a '''South Midland accent''') is documented as sharing key features with Southern American English, though to a weaker extent; this definition would additionally encompass the rest of Texas, Oklahoma, West Virginia, eastern and central [[Kansas]], southern Missouri, southern [[Indiana]], southern [[Ohio]], and possibly southern [[Illinois]].<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=268}}</ref>
<!-- Anecdotally, areas like western [[Delaware]], south-central [[Pennsylvania]], southeastern [[New Mexico]], all of north and central Florida, etc. are Southern-sounding or have significant Southern characteristics. However, since this is not confirmed by the ANAE, please find sources before adding them, or they will be removed. (The ANAE admittedly does not generally focus on rural areas of the country, for example.) -->
Southern American English as a regional dialect can be divided into various sub-dialects, the most phonologically advanced (i.e., the most [[conservative (linguistics)|innovative]]) ones being southern varieties of [[Appalachian English]] and certain varieties of [[Texan English]]. [[African-American English]] has many common points with Southern American English dialects due to the strong historical ties of [[African American]]s to the South. Since around 1950, the Southern accent has been [[Southern American English#Social perceptions|receding]] among younger and more urban Southerners.
{{listen|filename=George W. Bush Speech - September 12, 2001.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a [[Texas]]-raised male with a rhotic accent ([[George W. Bush]]).}}
{{listen|filename=Carter Panama Canal speech.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a [[Plains, Georgia]] male with a non-rhotic accent ([[Jimmy Carter]]).}}
{{listen|filename=Response to the Lewinsky Allegations (1-26-98, WJC).ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a southwestern [[Arkansas]] male with a rhotic accent ([[Bill Clinton]]).}}
==Geography==
The dialects collectively known as Southern American English stretch across the south-eastern and south-central United States, but exclude the southernmost areas of Florida and the extreme western and south-western parts of Texas as well as the Rio Grande Valley (Laredo to Brownsville). This linguistic region includes [[Alabama]], [[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]], [[Tennessee]], [[Mississippi]], [[North Carolina]], [[South Carolina]], [[Louisiana]], and [[Arkansas]], as well as most of [[Texas]], [[Virginia]], [[Kentucky]], [[Oklahoma]], [[West Virginia]], and northern and central [[Florida]]. Southern American English dialects can also be found in extreme southern parts of [[Missouri]], [[Maryland]], [[Delaware]], and [[Illinois]].<ref>[http://www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/maps/MapsS/Map1S.html Map from the Telsur Project]. Retrieved 2009-08-03.</ref><ref>[http://www.ic.arizona.edu/~lsp/Images/DialectMap.gif Map from Craig M. Carver (1987), ''American Regional Dialects: A Word Geography'', Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press]. Retrieved 2009-08-03</ref>
Southern dialects originated mostly from a mix of immigrants from the [[British Isles]], who moved to the American South in the 17th and 18th centuries with minor African elements introduced by African Slaves brought to the region. Upheavals such as the [[Great Depression]], the [[Dust Bowl]] and [[World War II]] caused mass migrations of those and other settlers throughout the United States.<ref>Thomas (2006:3)</ref>
==Modern phonology==
[[File:Southern dialect map.png|thumb|300px|The approximate extent of Southern American English, based upon ''[[The Atlas of North American English]]''.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.acoustics.org/press/147th/clopper.htm |title=ASA 147th Meeting Lay Language Papers - The Nationwide Speech Project |publisher=Acoustics.org |date=2004-05-27 |accessdate=2012-11-08 |url-status=dead |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20140108111111/http://www.acoustics.org/press/147th/clopper.htm |archivedate=2014-01-08 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/NationalMap/NatMap1.html |title=Map|website=ling.upenn.edu}}</ref>]]
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
|+ class="nowrap" | A list of typical Southern vowels<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|pp=1–2}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Accents of English from Around the World|editor=Heggarty, Paul |display-editors=etal |publisher=University of Edinburgh|year=2013|url=http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/research/gsound/}}</ref>
! [[Help:IPA for English|English diaphoneme]]
! Southern [[phoneme]]
! Example words
|-
! colspan="3" | '''Pure vowels ([[Monophthong]]s)'''
|-
| rowspan="2" | {{IPAc-en|æ}}
| {{IPA|[æ~æjə~æ̠ɛæ̠]}}
| '''a'''ct, p'''a'''l, tr'''a'''p
|-
| [[æ tensing|{{IPA|[eə~æjə]}}]]
| h'''a'''m, l'''a'''nd, y'''eah'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɑː}}
| rowspan="2" |{{IPA|[ɑ]}}
| rowspan="2" | bl'''ah''', b'''o'''ther, f'''a'''ther, <br/>l'''o'''t, t'''o'''p, w'''a'''sp
|-
| rowspan="2" |{{IPAc-en|ɒ}}
|-
| rowspan="2" | {{IPA|[ɑɒ~ɑ]}} ([[rhoticity in English|older]]: {{IPA|[ɔo~ɑɒ]}})
| rowspan="2" |'''a'''ll, d'''o'''g, b'''ough'''t, <br/>l'''o'''ss, s'''aw''', t'''augh'''t
|-
|{{IPAc-en|ɔː}}
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɛ}}
| {{IPA|[ɛ~ɛjə]}} <br/>preceding a [[nasal consonant]]: [[pin-pen merger|{{IPA|[ɪ~ɪ(j)ə]}}]]
| dr'''e'''ss, m'''e'''t, br'''ea'''d
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ə}}
| {{IPA|[ə]}}
| '''a'''bout, syr'''u'''p, '''a'''ren'''a'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɪ}}
| {{IPA|[ɪ~ɪjə~iə]}}
| h'''i'''t, sk'''i'''m, t'''i'''p
|-
| {{IPAc-en|iː}}
| {{IPA|[i̞i~ɪi]}}
| b'''ea'''m, ch'''i'''c, fl'''ee'''t
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ʌ}}
| {{IPA|[ɜ]}}
| b'''u'''s, fl'''oo'''d, wh'''a'''t
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ʊ}}
| {{IPA|[ʊ̈~ʏ]}}
| b'''oo'''k, p'''u'''t, sh'''ou'''ld
|-
| {{IPAc-en|uː}}
| {{IPA|[ʊu~ɵu~ʊ̈y~ʏy~ʉ̞u̟]}}
| f'''oo'''d, gl'''ue''', n'''ew'''
|-
! colspan="3" | [[Diphthong]]s
|-
| rowspan="2" |{{IPAc-en|aɪ}}
| {{IPA|[äː~äɛ]}}
| r'''i'''de, sh'''i'''ne, tr'''y'''
|-
| [[Canadian raising|{{IPA|([ɐi~äɪ~äɛ])}}]]
| br'''igh'''t, d'''i'''ce, ps'''y'''ch
|-
| {{IPAc-en|aʊ}}
| {{IPA|[æɒ~ɛjɔ]}}
| n'''ow''', '''ou'''ch, sc'''ou'''t
|-
| {{IPAc-en|eɪ}}
| {{IPA|[ɛi~æ̠i]}}
| l'''a'''ke, p'''ai'''d, r'''ei'''n
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɔɪ}}
| {{IPA|[oi]}}
| b'''oy''', ch'''oi'''ce, m'''oi'''st
|-
| {{IPAc-en|oʊ}}
| {{IPA|[ɜʊ~ɜʊ̈~ɜʏ]}} <br/>preceding {{IPA|/l/}} or a [[hiatus (linguistics)|hiatus]]: {{IPA|[ɔu]}}
| g'''oa'''t, '''oh''', sh'''ow'''
|-
! colspan="3" | [[R-colored vowel]]s
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɑːr}}
| [[rhoticity in English|rhotic Southern dialects]]: {{IPA|[ɒɹ~ɑɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic Southern dialects: {{IPA|[ɒ~ɑ]}}
| b'''ar'''n, c'''ar''', p'''ar'''k
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɛər}}
| rhotic: {{IPA|[e̞ɹ~ɛ(j)ɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic: {{IPA|[ɛ(j)ə]}}
| b'''are''', b'''ear''', th'''ere'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɜːr}}
| {{IPA|[ɚ~ɐɹ]}} ([[rhoticity in English|older]]: {{IPA|[ɜ]}})
| b'''ur'''n, f'''ir'''st, h'''er'''d
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ər}}
| rhotic:{{IPA|[ɚ]}}<br/>non-rhotic:{{IPA|[ə]}}
| bett'''er''', mart'''yr''', doct'''or'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɪər}}
| rhotic: {{IPA|[iɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic: {{IPA|[iə]}}
| f'''ear''', p'''eer''', t'''ier'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ɔːr}}
| rowspan="2" | rhotic: {{IPA|[o(u)ɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic: {{IPA|[o(u)ə]}}
| rowspan="2" | h'''oar'''se, h'''or'''se, p'''oor''' <br> sc'''ore''', t'''our''', w'''ar'''
|-
| {{IPAc-en|ʊər}}
|-
| {{IPAc-en|j|ʊər}}
| rhotic: {{IPA|[juɹ~jɹ]}} <br/>non-rhotic: {{IPA|[juə]}}
| c'''ure''', '''Eur'''ope, p'''ure'''
|}
Most of the Southern United States underwent several major sound changes from the beginning to the middle of the 20th century, during which a more unified, region-wide sound system developed, markedly different from the sound systems of the 19th-century Southern dialects.
The South as a present-day dialect region generally includes all of these pronunciation features below, which are popularly recognized in the United States as a "Southern accent". However, there is still variation in Southern speech regarding potential differences based on factors like a speaker's exact sub-region, age, ethnicity, etc. The following phonological phenomena focus on the developing sound system of the 20th-century Southern dialects of the United States that altogether largely (though certainly not entirely) superseded the [[older Southern American English|older Southern]] regional patterns:
*Southern Vowel Shift (or Southern Shift): A [[chain shift]] regarding vowels is fully completed, or occurring, in most Southern dialects, especially 20th-century ones, and at the most advanced stage in the "Inland South" (i.e. away from the Gulf and Atlantic Coasts) and "Texas South" (i.e. much of central and northern Texas). This 3-stage chain movement of vowels, called the Southern Shift, is first triggered by Stage 1 that dominates the entire Southern region, followed by Stage 2 that covers almost all of that area, and Stage 3 that is concentrated only in speakers of certain core sub-regions. Stage 1 (defined below) may have begun in a minority of Southern accents as early as the first half of the 19th century with a glide weakening of {{IPA|/aɪ/}} to {{IPA|[aɛ]}} or {{IPA|[aə]}}; however, it was still largely incomplete or absent in the mid-19th century, before expanding rapidly from the last quarter of the 19th into the middle of the 20th century;<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1, p. 332.</ref> today, this glide weakening or even total glide deletion is the pronunciation norm throughout all of the Southern United States.
**Stage 1 ({{IPA|/aɪ/}} → {{IPA|[aː]}} and {{IPA|/æ/}} → {{IPA|[ɛ(j)ə]}}):
***The starting point, or first stage, of the Southern Shift is the transition of the [[diphthong]] {{IPA|/aɪ/}} ({{Audio|En-us-eye.ogg|<small>listen</small>|help=no}}) towards a [[monophthong|"glideless"]] long vowel {{IPA|[aː]}} ({{Audio|open front unrounded vowel.ogg|<small>listen</small>|help=no}}), so that, for example, the word ''ride'' commonly approaches a sound that most other American English speakers would hear as ''rod'' or ''rad''. Stage 1 is now complete for a majority of Southern dialects.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=244}}</ref> Southern speakers particularly exhibit the Stage 1 shift at the ends of words and before voiced consonants, but often not before voiceless consonants, where the diphthong instead retains its glide, so that ''ride'' is {{IPA|[ɹäːd]}}, but ''right'' is {{IPA|[ɹäɪt]}}. Inland (i.e. non-coastal) Southern speakers, however, indeed delete the glide of {{IPA|/aɪ/}} in all contexts, as in the stereotyped pronunciation "nahs whaht rahss" for ''nice white rice''; these most shift-advanced speakers are largely found today in an Appalachian area that comprises eastern Tennessee, western North Carolina and northern Alabama, as well as in central Texas.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=245}}</ref> Some traditional East Coast Southern accents do not exhibit this Stage 1 glide deletion,<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1, p. 301, 311-312</ref> particularly in [[Charleston, SC]] and possibly Atlanta and Savannah, GA (cities that are, at best, considered marginal to the modern Southern dialect region).
***This new glideless {{IPA|[aː~äː]}} vowel encroaches on the territory of the "short ''a''" vowel, {{IPA|/æ/}} (as in ''rat'' or ''bad''), thus pushing {{IPA|/æ/}} generally higher and fronter in the mouth (and also possibly giving it a complex gliding quality, often starting higher and then gliding lower); thus {{IPA|/æ/}} can range variously away from its original position, with variants such as {{IPA|[æ(j)ə]}}, {{IPA|[æɛæ]}}, {{IPA|[ɛ(j)ə]}}, and possibly even {{IPA|[ɛ]}}. An example is that, to other English speakers, the Southern pronunciation of ''yap'' sounds something like ''yeah-up''.
**Stage 2 ({{IPA|/eɪ/}} → {{IPA|[ɛɪ]}} and {{IPA|/ɛ/}} → {{IPA|[e(j)ə]}}):
***By removing the existence of {{IPA|[aɪ]}}, Stage 1 leaves open a lower space for {{IPA|/eɪ/}} (as in ''name'' and ''day'') to occupy, causing Stage 2: the dragging of the diphthong {{IPA|/eɪ/}} into a lower starting position, towards {{IPA-all|ɛɪ||nl-ei.ogg}} or to a sound even lower or more retracted, or both.
***At the same time, the pushing of {{IPA|/æ/}} into the vicinity of {{IPA|/ɛ/}} (as in ''red'' or ''belt''), forces {{IPA|/ɛ/}} itself into a higher and fronter position, occupying the {{IPA|[e]}} area (previously the vicinity of {{IPA|/eɪ/}}). {{IPA|/ɛ/}} also often acquires an in-glide: thus, {{IPA|[e(j)ə]}}. An example is that, to other English speakers, the Southern pronunciation of ''yep'' sounds something like ''yay-up''. Stage 2 is most common in heavily stressed syllables. Southern accents originating from cities that formerly had the greatest influence and wealth in the South (Richmond, VA; Charleston, SC; Atlanta, Macon, and Savannah, GA; and all of Florida) do not traditionally participate in Stage 2.<ref name="Labov 2006 248">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=248}}</ref>
**Stage 3 ({{IPA|/i/}} → {{IPA|[ɪi]}} and {{IPA|/ɪ/}} → {{IPA|[iə]}}): By the same pushing and pulling [[domino effect]]s described above, {{IPA|/ɪ/}} (as in ''hit'' or ''lick'') and {{IPA|/i/}} (as in ''beam'' or ''meet'') follow suit by both possibly becoming diphthongs whose nuclei switch positions. {{IPA|/ɪ/}} may be pushed into a diphthong with a raised beginning, {{IPA|[iə]}}, while {{IPA|/i/}} may be pulled into a diphthong with a lowered beginning, {{IPA|[ɪi]}}. An example is that, to other English speakers, the Southern pronunciation of ''fin'' sounds something like ''fee-in'', while ''meal'' sounds something like ''mih-eel''. Like the other stages of the Southern shift, Stage 3 is most common in heavily stressed syllables and particularly among Inland Southern speakers.<ref name="Labov 2006 248"/>
**Southern vowel breaking ("Southern [[drawl]]"): All three stages of the Southern Shift often result in the short front pure vowels being "broken" into gliding vowels, making one-syllable words like ''pet'' and ''pit'' sound as if they might have two syllables (as something like ''pay-it'' and ''pee-it'' respectively). This short front vowel gliding phenomenon is popularly recognized as the "Southern drawl". The "short ''a''", "short ''e''", and "short ''i''" vowels are all affected, developing a glide up from their original starting position to {{IPA|[j]}}, and then often back down to a [[schwa]] vowel: {{IPA|/æ/ → [æjə~ɛjə]}}; {{IPA|/ɛ/ → [ɛjə~ejə]}}; and {{IPA|/ɪ/ → [ɪjə~ijə]}}, respectively. This phenomenon is on the decline, being most typical of Southern speakers born before 1960,<ref name="Thomas 2006 5">{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=5}}</ref> though mostly after the mid-19th century.
*Unstressed, word-final {{IPA|/ŋ/}} → {{IPA|[n]}}: The [[phoneme]] {{IPA|/ŋ/}} in an unstressed syllable at the end of a word [[Fronting (phonology)|fronts]] to {{IPA|[n]}}, so that ''singing'' {{IPA|/ˈsɪŋɪŋ/}} is sometimes [[eye dialect|written phonetically]] as ''singin'' {{IPA|[ˈsɪŋɪn]}}.<ref>{{cite book|title=English in the Southern United States|author=Stephen J. Nagle |author2=Sara L. Sanders|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2003|page=151|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4hSipu5yeqMC&pg=PA151&lpg=PA151&dq=%22%C5%8B%22|isbn=9781139436786}}</ref> This is common in vernacular English dialects around the world.
*Lacking or transitioning cot–caught merger: The historical distinction between the two vowels sounds {{IPA|/ɔ/}} and {{IPA|/ɒ/}}, in words like ''caught'' and ''cot'' or ''stalk'' and ''stock'' is mainly preserved.<ref name="Labov 2006 137"/> In much of the South during the 1900s, there was a trend to lower the vowel found in words like ''stalk'' and ''caught'', often with an upglide, so that the most common result today is the gliding vowel {{IPA|[ɑɒ]}}. However, the [[Phonological history of the low back vowels#Cot–caught merger|cot–caught merger]] is becoming increasingly common throughout the United States, thus affecting Southeastern and even some Southern dialects, towards a merged vowel {{IPA|[ɑ]}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=9}}</ref> In the South, this merger, or a transition towards this merger, is especially documented in central, northern, and (particularly) western Texas.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=61}}</ref>
[[File:Pin-pen.svg|thumb|300px|The merger of ''pin'' and ''pen'' in Southern American English. In the purple areas, the merger is complete for most speakers. Note the exclusion of the New Orleans area, Southern Florida, and of the [[South Carolina Lowcountry|Lowcountry]] of South Carolina and Georgia. The purple area in California consists of the [[Bakersfield, California|Bakersfield]] and [[Kern County, California|Kern County]] area, where migrants from the [[South Central United States|south-central states]] settled during the [[Dust Bowl]]. There is also debate whether or not [[Austin, Texas]] is an exclusion. Based on {{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=68}}.]]
*[[Pin-pen merger]]: the vowels {{IPA|[ɛ]}} and {{IPA|[ɪ]}} now merge when before [[nasal stop|nasal consonants]], so that ''pen'' and ''pin'', for instance, or ''hem'' and ''him'', are pronounced the same, as ''pin'' or ''him'', respectively.<ref name="Labov 2006 137">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=137}}</ref> The merger, towards the sound {{IPA|[ɪ]}}, is still unreported among some vestigial [[Older Southern American English|varieties of the older South]], and other geographically Southern U.S. varieties that have eluded the Southern Vowel Shift, such as the [[Yat dialect]] of [[New Orleans]] or the anomalous dialect of [[Savannah, Georgia]].
*[[Rhoticity in English|Rhoticity]]: The "dropping" of the ''r'' sound [[postvocalic consonant|after vowels]] was historically widespread in the South, particularly in former plantation area. This phenomenon, non-rhoticity, was considered prestigious before World War II, after which the social perception in the South reversed. Now, rhoticity (sometimes called ''r''-fulness), in which all ''r'' sounds are pronounced, is dominant throughout most of the South, and even "hyper-rhoticity",<ref>Hayes, Dean (2013). "[http://digitalrepository.unm.edu/ling_etds/15 The Southern Accent and 'Bad English': A Comparative Perceptual Study of the Conceptual Network between Southern Linguistic Features and Identity]". UNM Digital Repository: Electronic Theses and Dissertations. p. 63.</ref> particularly among younger and female white Southerners; the only major exception is among African American Southerners, whose modern [[African American vernacular English|vernacular dialect]] continues to be mostly non-rhotic.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=16}}</ref> The sound quality of the Southern ''r'' is the distinctive "bunch-tongued ''r''", produced by strongly constricting the root or midsection of the tongue, or both.<ref name="Thomas 2006 15">{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=15}}</ref>
* [[Pronunciation of English ⟨wh⟩|Pronunciation of ⟨wh⟩]]: Most of the U.S. has completed the [[wine–whine merger]], but, in many Southern accents, particularly inland Southern accents, the phonemes {{IPA|/w/}} and {{IPA|/hw/}} remain distinct, so that pairs of words like ''wail'' and ''whale'' or ''wield'' and ''wheeled'' are not [[homophone]]s.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=50}}</ref>
* Lax and tense vowels often [[English-language vowel changes before historic l|neutralize before {{IPA|/l/}}]], making pairs like ''feel''/''fill'' and ''fail''/''fell'' [[homophone]]s for speakers in some areas of the South. Some speakers may distinguish between the two sets of words by reversing the normal vowel sound, e.g., ''feel'' in Southern may sound like ''fill'', and vice versa.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=69–73}}</ref>
* The back vowel {{IPA|/u/}} (in ''goose'' or ''true'') is [[Fronting (phonetics)|fronted]] in the mouth to the vicinity of {{IPA|[ʉ]}} or even farther forward, which is then followed by a slight [[Semivowel|gliding quality]]; different gliding qualities have been reported, including both backward and (especially in the eastern half of the South) forward glides.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=10}}</ref>
* The back vowel {{IPA|/oʊ/}} (in ''goat'' or ''toe'') is fronted to the vicinity of {{IPA|[ɜʊ~ɜʉ]}}, and perhaps even as far forward as {{IPA|[ɛʊ]}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=105}}</ref>
* Back Upglide (Chain) Shift: In Southern regional dialects, {{IPA|/aʊ/}} shifts forward and upward to {{IPA|[æʊ]}} (also possibly realized, variously, as {{IPA|[æjə~æo~ɛɔ~eo]}}); thus allowing the back vowel {{IPA|/ɔ/}} to fill an area similar to the former position of /aʊ/ in the mouth, becoming lowered and developing an upglide [ɑɒ]; this, in turn, allows (though only for the most advanced Southern speakers) the upgliding {{IPA|/ɔɪ/}}, before {{IPA|/l/}}, to lose its glide {{IPA|[ɔ]}} (for instance, causing the word ''boils'' to sound something like the British or New York City pronunciations of {{Audio|en-uk-balls.ogg|''balls''|help=no}}).<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=254}}</ref>
* The vowel {{IPA|/ʌ/}}, as in ''bug, luck, strut,'' etc., is realized as {{IPA|[ɜ]}}, occasionally fronted to {{IPA|[ɛ̈]}} or raised in the mouth to {{IPA|[ə]}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=7}}</ref>
* {{IPA|/z/}} becomes {{IPA|[d]}} before {{IPA|/n/}}, for example {{IPA|[ˈwʌdn̩t]}} ''wasn't'', {{IPA|[ˈbɪdnɪs]}} ''business'',<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Wolfram|2004|p=55}}</ref> but ''hasn't'' may keep the [z] to avoid merging with ''hadn't''.
* Many nouns are stressed on the first syllable that are stressed on the second syllable in most other American accents.<ref name="Thomas 2006 5"/> These may include ''police'', ''cement'', ''Detroit'', ''Thanksgiving'', ''insurance'', ''behind'', ''display'', ''hotel'', ''motel'', ''recycle'', ''TV'', ''guitar'', ''July'', and ''umbrella''. Today, younger Southerners tend to keep this initial stress for a more reduced set of words, perhaps including only ''insurance'', ''defense'', ''Thanksgiving'', and ''umbrella''.<ref>A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1, p. 331.</ref><ref name = "Vaux"/>
*[[phoneme|Phonemic]] incidence is sometimes unique in the South, so that:<ref name = "Vaux"/>
**''Florida'' is typically pronounced {{IPA|/ˈflɑrɪdə/}} rather than [[General American]] {{IPA|/ˈflɔrɪdə/}}, and ''lawyer'' is {{IPA|/ˈlɔjər/}} rather than General American {{IPA|/ˈlɔɪər/}} (i.e., the first syllable of ''lawyer'' sounds like ''law'', not ''loy'').
**The {{IPA|/deɪ/}} in words like ''Monday'' and ''Sunday'' is commonly {{IPA|/di/}}.
**''Spigot'' (a water tap) is often pronounced {{IPA|/ˈspɪkət/}}, as if spelled ''spicket''.
* Lacking or incomplete [[happy tensing|''happy'' tensing]]: The [[tenseness|tensing]] of unstressed, word-final {{IPA|/ɪ/}} (the second vowel sound in words like ''happy, money, Chelsea,'' etc.) to a higher and fronter vowel like {{IPA|[i]}} is typical throughout the United States, except in the South. The South maintains a sound not obviously tensed: {{IPA|[ɪ]}} or {{IPA|[ɪ~i]}}.<ref>Wells, John C. (1988). ''Accents of English 1: An Introduction''. Cambridge University Press. p. 165.</ref>
* Words ending in unstressed {{IPA|/oʊ/}} (especially with the spelling {{angbr|ow}}) may be pronounced as {{IPA|[ə]}} or {{IPA|[ʊ]}},<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Wells|1988|p=167}}</ref> making ''yellow'' sound like ''yella'' or ''tomorrow'' like ''tomorra''.
*Variable [[horse–hoarse merger]]: the merger of the phonemes {{IPA|/ɔː/r/}} (as in ''morning'') and {{IPA|/oʊr/}} (as in ''mourning'') is common, as in most English dialects, though a distinction is still preserved especially in Southern accents along the Gulf Coast, plus scatterings elsewhere;<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=52}}</ref> thus, ''morning'' {{IPA|[ˈmɒɹnɪn]}} versus ''mourning'' {{IPA|[ˈmouɹnɪn]}}.
===Inland South and Texas===
{{Main|Appalachian English|Texan English}}
[[William Labov]] [[Atlas of North American English|et al.]] identify the "Inland South" as a large linguistic sub-region of the South located mostly in southern [[Appalachia]] (specifically naming the cities of Greenville SC, Asheville NC, Knoxville and Chattanooga TN, and Birmingham and Linden AL), inland from both the Gulf and Atlantic Coasts, and the originating region of the Southern Vowel Shift. The Inland South, along with the "Texas South" (an urban core of central Texas: [[Dallas]], [[Lubbock]], [[Odessa, Texas|Odessa]], and [[San Antonio, Texas|San Antonio]])<ref name="Labov 2006 126, 131"/> are considered the two major locations in which the Southern regional sound system is the most highly developed, and therefore the core areas of the current-day South as a dialect region.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=148, 150}}</ref>
The accents of Texas are actually diverse, for example with important Spanish influences on its vocabulary;<ref>[https://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/texan/ American Varieties: Texan English]. [[Public Broadcasting Service]]. MacNeil/Lehrer Productions. 2005.</ref> however, much of the state is still an unambiguous region of modern rhotic Southern speech, strongest in the cities of Dallas, Lubbock, Odessa, and San Antonio,<ref name="Labov 2006 126, 131"/> which all firmly demonstrate the first stage of the Southern Shift, if not also further stages of the shift.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=69}}</ref> Texan cities that are noticeably "non-Southern" dialectally are Abilene and Austin; only marginally Southern are Houston, El Paso, and Corpus Christi.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=131}}</ref> In western and northern Texas, the [[cot–caught merger]] is very close to completed.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=254}}</ref>
===Distinct phonologies===
Some sub-regions of the South, and perhaps even a majority of the biggest cities, are showing a gradual shift away from the Southern accent (toward a more [[Midland American English|Midland]] or [[General American]] accent) since the second half of the 20th century to the present. Such well-studied cities include [[Houston, Texas]], and [[Raleigh, North Carolina]]; in Raleigh, for example, this retreat from the accent appears to have begun around 1950.<ref name = "Dodsworth">Dodsworth, Robin (2013) "Retreat from the Southern Vowel Shift in Raleigh, NC: Social Factors," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 19 : Iss. 2, Article 5. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol19/iss2/5</ref> Other sub-regions are unique in that their inhabitants have never spoken with the Southern regional accent, instead having their own distinct accents.
====Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah====
The ''Atlas of North American English'' identified [[Atlanta|Atlanta, Georgia]] as a dialectal "island of non-Southern speech",<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=181}}</ref> [[Charleston, South Carolina]] likewise as "not markedly Southern in character", and the traditional local accent of [[Savannah, Georgia]] as "giving way to regional [Midland] patterns",<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=304}}</ref> despite these being three prominent Southern cities. The dialect features of Atlanta are best described today as sporadic from speaker to speaker, with such variation increased due to a huge movement of non-Southerners into the area during the 1990s.<ref name="Labov 260-1"/> Modern-day Charleston speakers have leveled in the direction of a more generalized [[Midland American English|Midland accent]], away from the city's now-defunct, [[Older Southern American English#Charleston|traditional Charleston accent]], whose features were "diametrically opposed to the Southern Shift... and differ in many other respects from the main body of Southern dialects".<ref name="Labov 2006 259-61">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=259–260}}</ref> The Savannah accent is also becoming more Midland-like. The following vowel sounds of Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah have been unaffected by typical Southern phenomena like the Southern drawl and Southern Vowel Shift:<ref name="Labov 260-1"/>
*{{IPA|/æ/}} as in ''bad'' (the "default" [[General American]] nasal short-''a'' system is in use, in which [[æ tensing|{{IPA|/æ/}} is tensed]] only before {{IPA|/n/}} or {{IPA|/m/}}).<ref name="Labov 2006 259-61"/>
*{{IPA|/aɪ/}} as in ''bide'' (however, some Atlanta and Savannah speakers do variably show Southern {{IPA|/aɪ/}} glide weakening).
*{{IPA|/eɪ/}} as in ''bait''.
*{{IPA|/ɛ/}} as in ''bed''.
*{{IPA|/ɪ/}} as in ''bid''.
*{{IPA|/i/}} as in ''bead''.
*{{IPA|/ɔ/}} as in ''bought'' (which is lowered, as in most of the U.S., and approaches {{IPA|[ɒ~ɑ]}}; the [[cot–caught merger]] is mostly at a transitional stage in these cities).
Today, the accents of Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah are most similar to [[Midland American English|Midland regional accents]] or at least [[North American English regional phonology#Southeastern United States|Southeastern super-regional accents]].<ref name="Labov 260-1"/><ref name="Labov 2006 68">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=68}}</ref> In all three cities, some speakers (though most consistently documented in Charleston and least consistently in Savannah) demonstrate the Southeastern fronting of {{IPA|/oʊ/}} and the status of the [[pin–pen merger]] is highly variable.<ref name="Labov 2006 68"/> Non-rhoticity (''r''-dropping) is now rare in these cities, yet still documented in some speakers.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|p=48}}</ref>
====Southern Louisiana====
{{Main|Cajun English|New Orleans English}}
Most of southern Louisiana constitutes [[Acadiana]], a cultural region dominated for hundreds of years by monolingual speakers of [[Cajun French]],<ref name="Dubois 2">Dubois, Sylvia and Barbara Horvath (2004). "Cajun Vernacular English: phonology." In Bernd Kortmann and Edgar W. Schneider (Ed). ''A Handbook of Varieties of English: A Multimedia Reference Tool.'' New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 412-4.</ref> which combines elements of [[Acadian French]] with other French and Spanish words. Today, this French dialect is spoken by many older [[Cajun]] ethnic group and is said to be dying out. A related language, [[Louisiana Creole French]], also exists. Since the early 1900s, [[Cajun]]s additionally began to develop their own [[Cajun English|vernacular dialect of English]], which retains some influences and words from French, such as "cher" (dear) or "nonc" (uncle). This dialect fell out of fashion after World War II, but experienced a renewal in primarily male speakers born since the 1970s, who have been the most attracted by, and the biggest attractors for, a successful Cajun cultural renaissance.<ref name="Dubois 2"/> The accent includes:<ref name="Dubois 1"/> variable non-rhoticity (or ''r''-dropping), high [[nasalization]] (including in vowels before [[nasal consonant]]s), deletion of any word's final consonant(s) (''hand'' becomes {{IPA|[hæ̃]}}, ''food'' becomes {{IPA|[fu]}}, ''rent'' becomes {{IPA|[ɹɪ̃]}}, ''New York'' becomes {{IPA|[nuˈjɔə]}}, etc.),<ref name="Dubois 1">Dubois, Sylvia and Barbara Horvath (2004). "Cajun Vernacular English: phonology." In Bernd Kortmann and Edgar W. Schneider (ed). ''A Handbook of Varieties of English: A Multimedia Reference Tool.'' New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 409-10.</ref> a potential for glide weakening in all gliding vowels (e.g. {{IPA|/oʊ/}} (as in ''Joe''), {{IPA|/eɪ/}} as in ''jay'', and {{IPA|/ɔɪ/}} as in ''joy'', have reduced glides: {{IPA|[oː]}}, {{IPA|[eː]}}, and {{IPA|[ɔː]}}, respectively),<ref name="Dubois 1"/> and the [[cot–caught merger]] towards {{IPA|[ɑ̈]}}.<ref name="Dubois 1"/>
One historical English dialect spoken only by those raised in the [[Greater New Orleans]] area is traditionally non-rhotic and noticeably shares more pronunciation commonalities with the [[New York City English|New York accent]] than with other Southern accents. Since at least the 1980s, this local New Orleans dialect has popularly been called "[[Yat dialect|Yat]]", from the common local greeting "Where you at?". The New York accent features shared with the Yat accent include:<ref name="Labov 260-1">{{Harvcoltxt|Labov|Ash|Boberg|2006|pp=260–1}}</ref> non-rhoticity, a short-''a'' split system (so that ''bad'' and ''back'', for example, have different vowels), {{IPA|/ɔ/}} as high gliding {{IPA|[ɔə]}}, {{IPA|/ɑr/}} as rounded {{IPA|[ɒ~ɔ]}}, and the [[coil–curl merger]] (traditionally, though now in decline). Yat also lacks the typical vowel changes of the Southern Shift and the [[pin–pen merger]] that are commonly heard elsewhere throughout the South. Yat is associated with the working and lower-middle classes, though a spectrum with fewer notable Yat features is often heard the higher one's socioeconomic status; such New Orleans affluence is associated with the New Orleans Uptown and the [[Garden District, New Orleans|Garden District]], whose speech patterns are sometimes considered distinct from the lower-class Yat dialect.<ref>{{cite video| people=Alvarez, Louis (director) | date=1985 | title=Yeah You Rite! | medium=Short documentary film | location=USA | publisher= Center for New American Media}}</ref>
==Older phonologies==
{{main|Older Southern American English}}
Prior to becoming a phonologically unified dialect region, the South was once home to an array of much more diverse accents at the local level. Features of the deeper interior Appalachian South largely became the basis for the newer Southern regional dialect; thus, older Southern American English primarily refers to the English spoken outside of Appalachia: the coastal and former plantation areas of the South, best documented before the [[American Civil War|Civil War]], on the decline during the early 1900s, and basically non-existent in speakers born since the [[Civil Rights Movement]].<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=4}}</ref>
Little unified these older Southern dialects, since they never formed a single homogeneous dialect region to begin with. Some older Southern accents were rhotic (most strongly in [[Appalachia]] and west of [[Mississippi River|the Mississippi]]), while the majority were non-rhotic (most strongly in plantation areas); however, wide variation existed. Some older Southern accents showed (or approximated) Stage 1 of the Southern Vowel Shift—namely, the glide weakening of {{IPA|/aɪ/}}—however, it is virtually unreported before the very late 1800s.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=6}}</ref> In general, the older Southern dialects clearly lacked the [[Mary–marry–merry merger|Mary–marry–merry]], [[cot–caught merger|cot–caught]], [[Horse–hoarse merger|horse–hoarse]], [[Wine–whine merger|wine–whine]], [[full–fool merger|full–fool]], [[fill–feel merger|fill–feel]], and [[yod coalescence|do–dew merger]]s, all of which are now common to, or encroaching on, all varieties of present-day Southern American English. Older Southern sound systems included those local to the:<ref name="Thomas"/>
*Plantation South (excluding the Lowcountry): phonologically characterized by {{IPA|/aɪ/}} glide weakening, non-rhoticity (for some accents, including a [[coil–curl merger]]), and the Southern trap–bath split (a version of the [[trap–bath split]] unique to older Southern U.S. speech that causes words like ''lass'' {{IPA|[læs~læɛæs]}} not to rhyme with words like ''pass'' {{IPA|[pæes]}}).
**Eastern and central Virginia (often identified as the "Tidewater accent"): further characterized by [[Canadian raising]] and some vestigial resistance to the [[vein–vain merger]].
*[[South Carolina Lowcountry|Lowcountry]] (of South Carolina and Georgia; often identified as the traditional "Charleston accent"): characterized by no {{IPA|/aɪ/}} glide weakening, non-rhoticity (including the coil-curl merger), the Southern trap–bath split, Canadian raising, the [[cheer–chair merger]], {{IPA|/eɪ/}} pronounced as {{IPA|[e(ə)]}}, and {{IPA|/oʊ/}} pronounced as {{IPA|[o(ə)]}}.
*[[Outer Banks]] and [[Chesapeake Bay]] (often identified as the "[[High Tider|Hoi Toider accent]]"): characterized by no {{IPA|/aɪ/}} glide weakening (with the on-glide strongly backed, unlike any other U.S. dialect), the [[card–cord merger]], {{IPA|/aʊ/}} pronounced as {{IPA|[aʊ~äɪ]}}, and up-gliding of [[pure vowel]]s especially before {{IPA|/ʃ/}} (making ''fish'' sound almost like ''feesh'' and ''ash'' like ''aysh''). It is the only dialect of the older South still extant on the East Coast, due to being passed on through generations of geographically isolated islanders.
*Appalachian and Ozark Mountains: characterized by strong rhoticity and a [[English-language vowel changes before historic /r/|tor–tore–tour merger]] (which still exist in that region), the Southern trap–bath split, plus the original and most advanced instances of the Southern Vowel Shift now defining the whole South.
==Grammar==
These grammatical features are characteristic of both older and newer Southern American English.
<!-- Note: please put only examples of GRAMMAR in this section. Examples of Southern vocabulary (e.g. 'buggy' to mean 'cart' etc.) should be added to the Regional Vocabularies article. See link below. Thank you. -->
* Use of ''done'' as an [[auxiliary verb]] between the subject and verb in sentences conveying the [[past tense]].
*:I done told you before.
* Use of ''done'' (instead of ''did'') as the past simple form of ''do'', and similar uses of the [[past participle]] in place of the [[past simple]], such as ''seen'' replacing ''saw'' as past simple form of ''see.''
*:I only done what you done told me.
*:I seen her first.
* Use of other non-standard [[preterite]]s, Such as ''drownded'' as the past tense of ''drown'', ''knowed'' as past tense of ''know'', ''choosed'' as the past tense of ''choose'', ''degradated'' as the past tense of ''degrade''.
*:I knowed you for a fool soon as I seen you.
* Use of ''was'' in place of ''were,'' or other words regularizing the past tense of ''be'' to ''was''.{{Citation needed|date=September 2010}}
*:You was sittin' on that chair.
* Use of ''been'' instead of ''have been'' in [[perfect (grammar)|perfect]] constructions.
*:I been livin' here darn near my whole life.
* Use of ''(a-)fixin' to'', with several spelling variants such as ''fixing to'' or ''fixinta'',<ref>Metcalf, Allan A. (2000). How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 37.</ref> to indicate immediate future action; in other words: ''intending to'', ''preparing to'', or ''about to''.
*:He's fixin' to eat.
*:They're fixing to go for a hike.
:It is not clear where the term comes from and when it was first used. According to dialect dictionaries, ''fixin' to'' is associated with Southern speech, most often defined as being a [[synonym]] of ''preparing to'' or ''intending to''.<ref name="Bernstein">Bernstein, Cynthia. "Grammatical features of southern speech: y'all, might could, and fixin' to." ''English in the Southern United States''. Eds. Stephen J. Nagel and Sara L. Sanders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. 106-119.</ref> Some linguists, e.g. Marvin K. Ching, regard it as being a ''quasimodal'' rather than a [[verb]] followed by an [[infinitive]].<ref name="Ching">Ching, Marvin K. L. "How Fixed Is Fixin' to?" ''American Speech'', 62.4 (1987): 332-345.</ref> It is a term used by all [[social groups]], although more frequently by people with a lower [[social status]] than by members of the educated [[upper classes]]. Furthermore, it is more common in the speech of younger people than in that of older people.<ref name="Bernstein"/> Like much of the Southern dialect, the term is also more prevalent in rural areas than in urban areas.
* Preservation of older English ''me,'' ''him,'' etc. as reflexive datives.
*:I'm fixin' to paint me a picture.
*:He's gonna catch him a big one.
* Saying ''this here'' in place of ''this'' or ''this one'', and ''that there'' in place of ''that'' or ''that one''.
*:This here's mine and that there is yours.
* Existential ''it,'' a feature dating from Middle English which can be explained as substituting ''it'' for ''there'' when ''there'' refers to no physical location, but only to the existence of something.
*:It's one lady who lives in town.
*:It is nothing more to say.
Standard English would prefer "existential ''there''", as in "There's one lady who lives in town". This construction is used to say that something exists (rather than saying where it is located).<ref name="Online Dict">[http://www.odlt.org/definitionsOut/existential_it.html "Existential it."] ''Online Dictionary of Language Terminology''. 4 Oct 2012</ref> The construction can be found in [[Middle English]] as in Marlowe's Edward II: "Cousin, it is no dealing with him now".<ref name="Online Dict"/>
* Use of ''ever'' in place of ''every''.
*:Ever'where's the same these days.
*Using ''liketa'' (sometimes spelled as ''liked to'' or ''like to''<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://ygdp.yale.edu/phenomena/liketa|title=Liketa | Yale Grammatical Diversity Project: English in North America|website=ygdp.yale.edu}}</ref>) to mean "almost"
*:I liketa died<ref name="Bailey Tillery">Bailey, Guy, and Jan Tillery. "The Persistence of Southern American English." ''Journal of English Linguistics'', 24.4 (1996): 308-321.</ref>
*:He liketa got hit by a car
:Liketa is presumably a conjunction of "like to" or "like to have" coming from [[Appalachian English]]. It is most often seen as a synonym of almost. Accordingly, the phrase ''I like't'a died'' would be ''I almost died'' in Standard English. With this meaning, ''liketa'' can be seen as a verb [[Modifier (grammar)|modifier]] for actions that are on the verge of happening.<ref>Wolfram, Walt; Schilling-Estes, Natalie (2015). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=vPdgBgAAQBAJ&q American English: Dialects and Variation]''. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 48, 380.</ref> Furthermore, it is more often used in an exaggerative or violent figurative sense rather than literal sense.<ref>"[https://ygdp.yale.edu/phenomena/liketa Liketa]".'' Yale Grammatical Diversity Project. Yale University. 2019.</ref>
*Use of the distal [[demonstrative]] "yonder," archaic in most dialects of English, to indicate a third, larger degree of distance beyond both "here" and "there" (thus relegating "there" to a medial demonstrative as in some other languages), indicating that something is a longer way away, and to a lesser extent, in a wide or loosely defined expanse, as in the church hymn "When the Roll Is Called Up Yonder". A typical example is the use "over yonder" in place of "over there" or "in or at that indicated place", especially to refer to a particularly different spot, such as in "the house over yonder". <ref>Regional Note from [http://www.thefreedictionary.com/yonder The Free Dictionary]</ref>
* Compared to [[General American English]], when [[English_auxiliaries_and_contractions#Contracted_auxiliaries|contracting a negated auxiliary verb]], Southern American English has increased preference for contracting the subject and the auxiliary than the auxiliary and "not", e.g. the first of the following pairs:
*:''He's'' not here. / He ''isn't'' here.
*:''I've'' not been there. / I ''haven't'' been there.<ref>Wolfram, Walt; Reaser, Jeffrey (2014). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=lZflAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA94 Talkin' Tar Heel: How Our Voices Tell the Story of North Carolina]''. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. pp. 94-95.</ref>
===Multiple modals===
[[Standard English]] has a strict [[word order]]. In the case of [[Modal auxiliary verb|modal auxiliaries]], standard English is restricted to a single modal per [[verb phrase]]. However, some Southern speakers use [[double modal|double]] or more modals in a row (''might could, might should, might would, used to could,'' etc.--also called "modal stacking") and sometimes even triple modals that involve ''oughta'' (like ''might should oughta'')
*I might could climb to the top.
*I used to could do that.
The origin of multiple modals is controversial; some say it is a development of [[Modern English]], while others trace them back to [[Middle English]] and again others to [[Scots-Irish American|Scots-Irish]] settlers.<ref name="Bernstein"/> There are different opinions on which class preferably uses the term. Atwood,<ref name="Atwood1">Atwood, E. Bagby. ''A Survey of Verb Forms in the Eastern United States''. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1953.</ref> for example, finds that educated people try to avoid multiple modals, whereas Montgomery<ref name="Montgomery 3">Montgomery, Michael. "Multiple Modals In LAGS and LAMSAS". ''From the Gulf States and Beyond: the legacy of Lee Pederson and LAGS''. Eds. Michael Montgomery & Thomas E. Nunnaly, Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1998.</ref> suggests the opposite. In some Southern regions, multiple modals are quite widespread and not particularly stigmatized.<ref>Wolfram, Walt; Schilling-Estes, Natalie (2015). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=vPdgBgAAQBAJ&q American English: Dialects and Variation]''. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. p. 379.</ref> Possible multiple modals are:<ref name="Di Paolo">Di Paolo, Marianna. "Double Modals as Single Lexical Items." American Speech, 64.3 (1989): 195-224.</ref>
{|
|-
| may could || might could || might supposed to
|-
| may can || might oughta || mighta used to
|-
| may will || might can || might woulda had oughta
|-
| may should || might should || oughta could
|-
| may supposed to || might would || better can
|-
| may need to || might better || should oughta
|-
| may used to || might had better || used to could
|-
| || can might || musta coulda
|-
| || could might || would better
|}
As the table shows, there are only possible combinations of an [[epistemic]] modal followed by [[deontic]] modals in multiple modal constructions. Deontic modals express permissibility with a range from obligated to forbidden and are mostly used as markers of politeness in requests whereas epistemic modals refer to probabilities from certain to impossible.<ref name="Bernstein"/> Multiple modals combine these two modalities.
===Conditional syntax and evidentiality===
People from the South often make use of conditional or evidential [[syntax]]es as shown below (italicized in the examples):<ref name="Johnston">Johnston, Barbara. "Features and Uses of Southern Style". ''English in the Southern United States''. Eds. Stephen J. Nagle and Sara L. Sanders. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. 189-205.</ref>
Conditional syntax in requests:
:''I guess you could'' step out and git some toothpicks and a carton of Camel cigarettes, ''if you a mind to''.
:''If you be good enough to take it, I believe'' I could stand me a taste.<ref name="Johnston"/>
Conditional syntax in suggestions:
:I wouldn't look for 'em to show up ''if I was you''.
:''I'd think'' that whiskey ''would be'' a trifle hot.
Conditional syntax creates a distance between the speaker's claim and the hearer. It serves to soften obligations or suggestions, make criticisms less personal, and to overall express politeness, respect, or courtesy.<ref name="Johnston"/>
Southerners also often use "[[evidentiality|evidential]]" predicates such as think, reckon, believe, guess, have the feeling, etc.:
:You already said that once, ''I believe''.
:''I wouldn't want to guess, but I have the feeling'' we'll know soon enough.
:''You reckon'' we oughta get help?
:I ''don't believe'' I've ever known one.
Evidential predicates indicate an uncertainty of the knowledge asserted in the sentence. According to Johnston, evidential predicates nearly always hedge the assertions and allow the respondents to hedge theirs. They protect speakers from the social embarrassment that appears, in case the assertion turns out to be wrong. As is the case with conditional syntax, evidential predicates can also be used to soften criticisms and to afford courtesy or respect.<ref name="Johnston"/>
==Vocabulary==
In the United States, the following vocabulary is mostly unique to, or best associated with, Southern U.S. English:<ref name = "Vaux">Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder. 2003. [http://dialect.redlog.net/ The Harvard Dialect Survey]. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.</ref>
*''Ain't'' to mean ''am not, is not, are not, have not, has not'', etc.<ref name="Algeo"/>
*''Bless your heart'' to express sympathy or concern to the addressee; often, now used ironically
*''Buggy'' to mean ''[[shopping cart]]''
*''Carry'' to additionally mean ''escort or accompany''<ref>"[https://www.ahdictionary.com/word/search.html?q=carry Carry]". ''The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language'', Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.</ref>
*''Catty-corner'' to mean ''located or placed diagonally''
*''Chill bumps'' as a [[synonym]] for ''[[goose bumps]]''
*''Coke'' to mean any [[Soft drink|sweet, carbonated soft drink]]
*''Crawfish'' to mean ''[[crayfish]]''
*''Devil is beating his wife'' to describe the weather phenomenon of a [[sunshower]]
*''Fixin to'' to mean ''about to''
*''[[Icing (food)|Icing]]'' (preferred over ''frosting'', in the confectionary sense)
*''Liketa'' to mean ''almost'' or ''nearly'' (particularly in Alabama and [[Appalachian English]])<ref>"[https://ygdp.yale.edu/phenomena/liketa Liketa]". ''Yale Grammatical Diversity Project''. Yale University. 2018.</ref>
*''Maters'' to mean ''[[tomatoes]]''
*''Ordinary'' to mean ''disreputable''<ref name="Dictionary.com">''[http://www.dictionary.com/ Dictionary.com]''. Dictionary.com Unabridged, based on the ''Random House Dictionary''. Random House, Inc. 2017.</ref>
*''Ornery'' to mean ''bad-tempered or surly'' (derived from ''ordinary'')<ref>Berrey, Lester V. (1940). "[https://www.jstor.org/stable/452728 Southern Mountain Dialect]". ''American Speech'', vol. 15, no. 1. p. 47.</ref>
*''Powerful'' to mean ''great in number or amount'' (used as an [[adverb]])<ref name="Dictionary.com"/>
*''Right'' to mean ''very or extremely'' (used as an [[adverb]])<ref>"[https://www.ahdictionary.com/word/search.html?q=right Right]". ''The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language'', Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.</ref>
*''Reckon'' to mean ''think, guess, or conclude''<ref>"[https://www.ahdictionary.com/word/search.html?q=reckon Reckon]". ''The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language'', Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.</ref>
*''Rolling'' to mean the prank of [[toilet papering]]
*''Slaw'' as a synonym for ''[[coleslaw]]''
*''Taters'' to mean ''[[potatoes]]''
*''Toboggan'' to mean ''[[knit cap]]''
*''Tote'' to mean ''carry''<ref name="Algeo">Algeo, John (ed.) (2001). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=ia5tHVtQPn8C&dq The Cambridge History of the English Language, Volume 3; Volume 6]''. Cambridge University Press. pp. 275-277.</ref>
*''Veranda'' to mean ''large, roofed [[porch]]''<ref name="Dictionary.com"/>
*''Yonder'' to mean ''over there''<ref name="Algeo"/>
Unique words can occur as Southern [[Nonstandard dialect|nonstandard]] past-tense forms of verbs, particularly in the Southern highlands and [[Piney Woods]], as in ''yesterday they riz up, come outside, drawed, and drownded'', as well as participle forms like ''they have took it, rode it, blowed it up, and swimmed away''.<ref name="Algeo"/> ''Drug'' is traditionally both the past tense and participle form of the verb ''drag''.<ref name="Algeo"/>
===Y'all===
{{main|Y'all}}
[[File:You all and Y'all.jpg|thumb|300px|Frequency of either "Y'all" or "You all" to address multiple people, according to an Internet survey of American dialect variation.<ref name="www4.uwm.edu">{{cite web|url=http://www4.uwm.edu/FLL/linguistics/dialect/staticmaps/states.html|title=Dialect Survey Results|website=www4.uwm.edu}}</ref>]]
[[File:Y'allMap.jpg|thumb|300px|Frequency of just "Y'all" to address multiple people, according to an Internet survey of American dialect variation.<ref name="www4.uwm.edu"/>]]
''[[Y'all]]'' is a second person plural pronoun and the usual Southern plural form of the word ''you''.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://cfprod01.imt.uwm.edu/Dept/FLL/linguistics/dialect/staticmaps/q_50.html|title=Harvard Dialect Survey - word use: a group of two or more people.|publisher=}}</ref> It is originally a [[Contraction (grammar)|contraction]]{{spaced ndash}}''you all''{{spaced ndash}}which is used less frequently.<ref>Hazen, Kirk and Fluharty, Ellen. "Linguistic Diversity in the South: Changing Codes, Practices and Ideology". Page 59. Georgia University Press; 1st Edition: 2004. {{ISBN|0-8203-2586-4}}</ref> This term originated with the modern Southern dialect region and is not found in older Southern dialects.
* When addressing a group, ''y'all'' is general (I know y'all) and is used to address the group as a whole, whereas ''all y'all'' is used to emphasize specificity of each and every member of the group ("I know all y'all.") The possessive form of ''Y'all'' is created by adding the standard "-'s".
*:"''I've got y'all's assignments here.''" {{IPA|/jɔlz/}}
* ''Y'all'' is distinctly separate from the singular ''you.'' The statement "''I gave y'all my truck payment last week,''" is more precise than "''I gave you my truck payment last week.''" ''You'' (if interpreted as singular) could imply the payment was given directly to the person being spoken to{{spaced ndash}}when that may not be the case.
* "All y'all" is used to specify that all members of the second person plural (''i.e.'', all persons currently being addressed and/or all members of a group represented by an addressee) are included; that is, it operates in contradistinction to "some of y'all", thereby functioning similarly to "all of you" in standard English.
* In rural southern Appalachia an "n" is added to pronouns indicating "one" "his'n" "his one" "her'n" "her one" "Yor'n" "your one" i.e. "his, hers and yours". Another example is ''yernses''. It may be substituted for the 2nd person plural possessive ''yours.''
*:"''That book is yernses.''" {{IPA|/ˈjɜrnzəz/}}
===Southern Louisiana===
{{Main|Cajun English|New Orleans English}}
Southern Louisiana English especially is known for some unique vocabulary: long sandwiches are often called ''poor boys'' or ''[[po' boy]]s'', [[Armadillidiidae|woodlice/roly-polies]] called ''doodle bugs'', the end of a bread loaf called a ''nose'', [[Refuge island|pedestrian islands]] and [[median strip]]s alike called ''neutral ground'',<ref name = "Vaux"/> and sidewalks called ''banquettes''.<ref name="banquette">{{cite web
|url=http://www.bartleby.com/61/44/B0064400.html
|title=banquette
|publisher=The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language: Fourth Edition
|year=2000
|accessdate=2008-09-15
}}</ref>
==Relationship to African-American English==
{{Main|African-American Vernacular English}}
Discussion of "Southern dialect" in the United States popularly refers to those English varieties spoken by [[white Southerners]];<ref name="Thomas 2006"/> however, as a geographic term, it may also encompass the dialects developed among other social or ethnic groups in the South, most prominently including African Americans. Today, [[African-American Vernacular English]] (AAVE) is a fairly unified variety of English spoken by working- and middle-class African Americans throughout the United States. AAVE exhibits an evident relationship with both older and newer Southern dialects, though the exact nature of this relationship is poorly understood.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|p=19}}</ref> It is clear that AAVE was influenced by older speech patterns of the Southern United States, where Africans and African Americans were held as slaves until the [[American Civil War]]. These slaves originally spoke a diversity of indigenous African languages but picked up English to communicate with one another, their white masters, and the white servants and laborers they often closely worked alongside. Many features of AAVE suggest that it largely developed from [[nonstandard dialect]]s of colonial English (with some features of AAVE absent from other modern American dialects, yet still existing in certain modern British dialects). However, there is also evidence of the influence of West African languages on AAE vocabulary and grammar.
It is uncertain to what extent early white Southern English borrowed elements from early African-American Vernacular English versus the other way around. Like many white accents of English once spoken in Southern plantation areas—namely, the Lowcountry, Virginia Piedmont and Tidewater and lower Mississippi Valley—the modern-day AAVE accent is mostly non-rhotic (or "''r''-dropping" ). The presence of non-rhoticity in both black English and older white Southern English is not merely coincidence, though, again, which dialect influenced which is unknown. It is better documented, however, that white Southerners borrowed some [[morphology (linguistics)|morphological]] processes from black Southerners.
Many grammatical features were used alike by older speakers of white Southern English and African-American Vernacular English more so than by contemporary speakers of the same two varieties. Even so, contemporary speakers of both continue to share these unique grammatical features: "existential ''it''", the word ''y'all'', [[double negative]]s, ''was'' to mean ''were'', deletion of ''had'' and ''have'', ''them'' to mean ''those'', the term ''fixin' to'', stressing the first syllable of words like ''hotel'' or ''guitar'', and many others.<ref>[[Sonja Lanehart|Lanehart, Sonja L.]] (editor) (2001). ''Sociocultural and Historical Contexts of African American English''. John Benjamins Publishing. pp. 113-114.</ref> Both dialects also continue to share these same pronunciation features: {{IPA|/ɪ/}} [[tenseness|tensing]], {{IPA|/ʌ/}} raising, upgliding {{IPA|/ɔ/}}, the [[pin–pen merger]], and the most defining sound of the current Southern accent (though rarely documented in older Southern accents): the glide weakening of {{IPA|/aɪ/}}. However, while this glide weakening has triggered among white Southerners a complicated "Southern Vowel Shift", black speakers in the South and elsewhere on the other hand are "not participating or barely participating" in much of this shift.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|pp=19–20}}</ref> AAVE speakers also do not front the vowel starting positions of {{IPA|/oʊ/}} and {{IPA|/u/}}, thus aligning these characteristics more with the speech of 19th-century white Southerners than 20th-century white Southerners.<ref name="auto">{{Harvcoltxt|Thomas|2006|pp=4}}</ref>
One strong possibility for the divergence of black American English and white Southern American English (i.e., the disappearance of [[older Southern American English]]) is that the civil rights struggles caused these two racial groups "to stigmatize linguistic variables associated with the other group".<ref name="auto"/> This may explain some of the differences outlined above, including why most traditionally non-rhotic white Southern accents have shifted to now becoming intensely rhotic.<ref name="Thomas 2006 15"/>
==Social perceptions==
In the United States, there is a general negative stigma surrounding the Southern dialect. Non-Southern Americans tend to associate a Southern accent with cognitive and verbal slowness, lack of education, ignorance, bigotry, or religious and political conservatism,<ref>Hayes, Dean (2013). "[http://digitalrepository.unm.edu/ling_etds/15 The Southern Accent and 'Bad English': A Comparative Perceptual Study of the Conceptual Network between Southern Linguistic Features and Identity]". UNM Digital Repository: Electronic Theses and Dissertations. p. vi.</ref> using common labels like "hick", "hillbilly",<ref>Hayes, 2013, p. 51.</ref> or "redneck" accent.<ref name="Fought">Fought, John G. (2005). "[https://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/southern/ American Varieties: R-ful Southern]". ''Do You Speak American?'' MacNeil/Lehrer Productions.</ref> The accent is also associated nationwide with the military, [[NASCAR]], and [[country music]]; in fact, even non-Southern American country singers typically imitate a Southern accent in their music.<ref name="Fought"/> Meanwhile, Southerners themselves tend to have mixed judgments of their own accent, some similarly negative but others positively associating it with a laid-back, plain, or humble attitude.<ref>Hayes, 2013, p. 39.</ref> The sum negative associations nationwide, however, are the main presumable cause of a gradual decline of Southern accent features, since the middle of the 20th century onwards, among younger and more urban residents of the South.<ref name = "Dodsworth"/>
==See also==
* [[Accent perception]]
* [[African-American English]]
* [[Appalachian English]]
* [[Drawl]]
* [[High Tider]]
* [[Regional vocabularies of American English]]
* [[Southern literature]]
* [[Texan English]]
==References==
{{Reflist}}
==Sources==
* {{Cite book|author=Bernstein, Cynthia |chapter=Grammatical features of southern speech|editor=Stephen J. Nagel |editor2= Sara L. Sanders |title=English in the Southern United States |year=2003 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-82264-0}}
* {{Cite book|author=Crystal, David |year=2000 |title=The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English language |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-82348-7 |authorlink=David Crystal }}
* {{Cite book|author=Cukor-Avila, Patricia |chapter=The complex grammatical history of African-American and white vernaculars in the South |editor=In Stephen J. Nagel and Sara L. Sanders |title=English in the Southern United States |year=2003 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-82264-0}}
* {{citation
|last=Labov
|first=William
|authorlink=William Labov
|last2=Ash
|first2=Sharon
|last3=Boberg
|first3=Charles
|author3link=Charles Boberg
|year=2006
|title=The Atlas of North American English
|url=http://www.atlas.mouton-content.com/
|location=Berlin
|publisher=Mouton de Gruyter
|isbn=978-3-11-016746-7
}}
* {{Cite book|author1=Hazen, Kirk |author2=Fluharty, Ellen |lastauthoramp=yes |chapter=Defining Appalachian English |editor=Bender, Margaret
|title=Linguistic Diversity in the South |year=2004 |location=Athens |publisher=University of Georgia Press |isbn=978-0-8203-2586-6}}
*{{citation
|last=Wolfram
|first=Walt
|authorlink=Walt Wolfram
|last2=Schilling-Estes
|first2=Natalie
|year=2004
|title=American English
|edition=Second
|place=Malden, MA
|publisher=Blackwell Publishing
}}
*{{citation|title=Rural White Southern Accents|first=Erik R.|last=Thomas|publisher=[[Mouton de Gruyter]]|work=Atlas of North American English (online)|year=2003|postscript=. [Later published as a chapter in: Bernd Kortmann and Edgar W. Schneider (eds) (2004). ''A Handbook of Varieties of English: A Multimedia Reference Tool.'' New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 300-324.]|url=http://www.atlas.mouton-content.com/secure/generalmodules/varieties/unit0000/virtualsession/vslessons/thomas.pdf|pages=1–37|ref = {{Harvid|Thomas|2006}}}}
==External links==
*{{cite web|website=UTA.fi|url=http://www.uta.fi/FAST/US1/REF/dial-map.html |title=U.S. dialect map}}
*{{cite web|url=http://www.alphadictionary.com/articles/southernese.html |website=Glossary of Southernisms |author=Beard, Robert |title=Southernese}}
*{{cite web|url=http://www.asiteaboutnothing.net/w_southern.html|website=A Site About Nothing|title= Southern Accent Tutorial, with Voices of Native Speakers}}
*{{cite web|website=Smarty's World|url= http://smartysworld.com/2010/02/12/southern-fried-vocab-no-10/ |title=Southern Fried Vocab No. 10|date= February 12, 2010 }}
*{{cite news|work=The Post and Courier|url=http://www.postandcourier.com/article/20100122/ARCHIVES/301229942|title=Great day, the things that grandparents say| author=Guy, Yvette Richardson |date=Jan 22, 2010}}
{{English dialects by continent}}
{{Languages of the United States}}
[[Category:American English]]
[[Category:African-American English]]
[[Category:Culture of the Southern United States]]
[[Category:Vowel shifts]]' |
Unified diff of changes made by edit (edit_diff ) | '@@ -1,4 +1,6 @@
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+BLM ✊🏻✊🏼✊🏽✊🏾✊🏿
+Fuck Donald dump can't believe Americans are supporting a pedo, rapist and a racist what a bunch of 🤡
+GeN Z
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