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'''Perpetual peace''' refers to a state of affairs where ] is permanently established over a certain area.{{fact|date=November 2017}}

The idea of perpetual peace was first suggested in the 18th century, when ] published his essay "Project for Perpetual Peace" ] while working as the negotiator for the ]. However, the idea did not become well known until the late 18th century. The term ''perpetual peace'' became acknowledged when German philosopher ] published his 1795 essay '']''.<ref>Pietrzyk, Mark E.,Ph.D. "The Idea of a Democratic Zone of Peace: Origins in the Enlightenment" <{{cite web |url=http://www.internationalorder.org/idea.html |title=Archived copy |accessdate=2013-09-25 |deadurl=yes |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20130619045843/http://www.internationalorder.org/idea.html |archivedate=2013-06-19 |df= }}>.</ref>

==The Kantian view and its descendants==
The other modern plans for a perpetual peace descend from Kant's 1795 essay, "]" ("'']''"). In this essay, Kant described his proposed peace program. Perpetual peace is arguably seen as the starting point of contemporary ].

"Perpetual Peace" is structured in two parts. The Preliminary Articles described the steps that should be taken immediately, or with all deliberate speed:
#"No secret treaty of peace shall be held valid in which there is tacitly reserved matter for a future war"
#"No independent states, large or small, shall come under the dominion of another state by inheritance, exchange, purchase, or donation"
#"] shall in time be totally abolished"
#"] shall not be contracted with a view to the external friction of states"
#"No state shall by force interfere with the constitution or government of another state"
#"No state shall, during war, permit such acts of hostility which would make mutual confidence in the subsequent peace impossible: such are the employment of assassins (percussores), poisoners (venefici), breach of capitulation, and incitement to treason (perduellio) in the opposing state"

Three Definitive Articles would provide not merely a cessation of hostilities, but a foundation on which to build a peace:
#"The civil ] of every state should be ]"
#"The law of nations shall be founded on a federation of free states"
#"The law of ] shall be limited to conditions of universal ]"

Kant's essay in some ways resembles modern ], though it also differs significantly from it. He speaks of ] (''Republikanisch'') states (rather than of ] ones), which he defines to have ] governments, in which the ] is ] from the ]. He does not discuss ], which is vital to modern democracy and quite important to some modern theorists; his commentators dispute whether it is implied by his language. Most importantly, he does not regard ]an governments as sufficient by themselves to produce peace: freedom of travel, though not necessarily migration, (hospitality); and a league of nations are necessary to consciously enact his six-point program.

Unlike some modern theorists, Kant claims not that republics will be at peace only with each other, but are more pacific than other forms of government in general.

The general idea that popular and ]s would be more inclined to promote peace and commerce became one current in the stream of European thought and political practice. It was one element of the American policy of ] and the foreign policy of ]. It was also represented in the ] of ], ], and ], although other planks in Kant's platform had even more influence. In the next generation, Kant's program was represented by the ] and the ].

Kant's essay is a three-legged stool (besides the preliminary disarmament). Various projects for perpetual peace have relied on one leg – either claiming that it is sufficient to produce peace, or that it will create the other two.

In 1909, ] relied only upon the second leg, arguing that modern commerce made war necessarily unprofitable, even for the technically victorious country, and therefore the possibility of successful war was '']''. ] had described the ] as ] for the upper classes; ] argued that ] made modern ] inherently peaceful and opposed to conquest and ], which economically favored the old ] elites.

This theory has been well developed in recent years. Mansfield and Pollins, writing in the Journal of Conflict Resolution, summarize a large body of empirical work which, for the most part, supports the thesis.<ref>{{cite journal |url=http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~johnston/GOV90ia/week%203/mansfield.pdf |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20080828175701/http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~johnston/GOV90ia/week%203/mansfield.pdf |archivedate=August 28, 2008 |title=The Study of Interdependence and Conflict |first1=Edward D |last1=Mansfield |first2=Brian M |last2=Pollins |journal=Journal of Conflict Resolution |volume=45 |number=6 |date=December 2001 |pages=834–859}}</ref> There are various exceptions and qualifications which seem to limit the circumstances under which economic interdependence results in conflict reduction. On the other hand, moving beyond economic interdependence to the issue of ] within states, Erik Gartzke has found ] that economic freedom (as measured by the ]) is about fifty times more effective than democracy in reducing violent conflict.<ref>{{cite book |chapter-url=http://www.cato.org/pubs/efw/efw2005/efw2005-2.pdf |title=Economic Freedom of the World: 2005 Annual Report |chapter=2: Economic Freedom and Peace |first=Erik |last=Gartzke |publisher=The Cato Institute |deadurl=yes |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20081016060114/http://www.cato.org/pubs/efw/efw2005/efw2005-2.pdf |archivedate=2008-10-16 |df= }}</ref>

The third leg is the old idea that a confederation of peaceable princes could produce a perpetual peace. Kant had distinguished his league from a universal state; ] proposed, in ''Union Now'' (1938), a union of the democratic states modelled after the Constitution of the United States. He argued that trade and the peaceable ways of democracy would keep this Union perpetual, and counted on the combined power of the Union to deter the ] from war.

In "]", part IV of '']'' (1786–89), ] proposed that disarmament, arbitration, and the renunciation of colonies would produce perpetual peace,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.laits.utexas.edu/poltheory/bentham/pil/pil.e04.html |title=A Plan for an Universal and Perpetual Peace |work=The Principles of International Law |first=Jeremy |last=Bentham}}</ref> thus relying merely on Kant's preliminary articles and on none of the three main points; contrary to the modern theorists, he relied on public opinion, even against the ].

Since 2008, the Perpetual Peace Project—a partnership between the ] (EUNIC), the ] (IPI), the ], ], and ]—is engaging Kant's essay in an ongoing philosophical and curatorial initiative that is conceptualized around ultimately "re-writing" Kant's 1795 treatise,<ref>"Gregg Lambert presents the Perpetual Peace Project" <{{cite web |url=https://iah.unc.edu/events/calendar/2012/lecture-gregg-lambert-presents-the-perpetual-peace-project |title=Archived copy |accessdate=2014-04-05 |deadurl=yes |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20141017193441/https://iah.unc.edu/events/calendar/2012/lecture-gregg-lambert-presents-the-perpetual-peace-project |archivedate=2014-10-17 |df= }}>.</ref> as well as a republication of the essay.<ref>Utrecht University 'Perpetual Peace Project' <http://www.uu.nl/faculty/humanities/NL/centreforthehumanities/nieuws/Pages/20121122cfh-Perpetual-Peace-Project-2013.aspx>.</ref> Thinking through the ideas behind the project and its links to Kant, ], Aaron Levy, and Martin Rauchbauer rely on the secret article contained in the second supplement which "is detached from the main body of the public treatise that outlines the preliminary and definitive articles, and offered as a secret pact".<ref>Lambert, Gregg, Levy, Aaron, and Rauchbauer, Martin "The Idea of Perpetual Peace" <http://perpetualpeaceproject.org/idea.php></ref> They draw on the ironic tone of Kant's writing to argue that the treatise performs the idea that the conditions for peace are best considered silently. Secretly, that is, statesmen and politicians can take the idea of peace seriously, since it will never be associated with them. As such, the project brings together theorists and practitioners, such as diplomats, policy experts, philosophers, and artists, in order to revisit 21st century prospects for international peace through Kant's essay, in order to "change people's minds, get them to take the idea seriously, start to imagine what it would be like to live in a peaceful society".<ref>Syracuse University News, Sep 5, 2012, "Two Minutes With Gregg Lambert" <http://asnews.syr.edu/newsevents_2012/releases/gregg_lambert_interview.html>.</ref> The Perpetual Peace Project finds its public form in symposia, exhibitions, lectures, as well as a feature film.<ref>Project website: <http://perpetualpeaceproject.org/>. See also Redrafting Perpetual Peace: <http://redraftingperpetualpeace.org/>.</ref>

==See also==
{{Portal|Philosophy}}

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==Notes==
{{reflist}}

==References==
* ], '''', in Review of International Studies, vol. 18, no. 4, 1992, pp.&nbsp;295–317.
* Adolf, Antony. ''Peace. A World History''. Polity, 2009. {{ISBN|978-0745641263}}
* Beck, Sanderson. ''Peace Plans of Rousseau, Bentham, and Kant''. 2003 <http://rousseaustudies.free.fr/ArticleBeck.htm>
* Bohman, James. ''"Perpetual peace: essays on Kant's cosmopolitan ideal"''. ], 1997.
* Ferraro, Vincent. ''Kant's Project for a Perpetual Peace''. <http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/kant/kant1.htm>
* Hinsley,Francis H. ''Power and the pursuit of peace: theory and practice in the history of relations between states''. ], 1967.
* Lenhard, Johannes. ''Kant and the Liberal Democratic Peace Theory - the Cases of Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan''. ], 2010. {{ISBN|978-3640595884}}
* Palmquist, Stephen. ''"The Philosopher as a 'Secret Agent' for Peace: Taking Seriously Kant's Revival of the 'Old Question'"''<http://www.hkbu.edu.hk/~ppp/srp/arts/PSAP.htm>
* Senghaas, Dieter. ''On perpetual peace: a timely assessment'', ], 2007.
* Terminski, Bogumil. ''The evolution of the concept of perpetual peace in the history of political-legal thought, Perspectivas internacionales'', vol. 6, n.º 1, 2010, pp.&nbsp;277–291.

==External links==
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