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The term Israeli apartheid is used to make a controversial analogy between Israeli policies and those of apartheid era South Africa.

Proponents of the analogy point to the separate rights and privileges of Palestinians and Israelis(including Israeli Arabs) in the West Bank, and/or allege second-class citizenship of Arabs citizens in Israel proper.

Those who reject the analogy argue that it has no basis in fact and is intended as political slander, further arguing that Arab citizens enjoy full democratic rights, that the cited practices of the analogy are based on security needs, and that the practices of many other countries, to which the term is not applied, more closely resemble South African apartheid.

The proponets use the analogy in order to push for a boycott on Israel (similar to the SA divestment) and to advance the "one state" solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Opponents of this solution reply that because the majority of people in the Israel-Palestine region are Arabs, any single democratic state comprised of Israel proper and the occupied territories would certainly elect Arabs to power, and the Jewish state would effectively cease to exist.,

The term

Use of the term

Heribert Adam of Simon Fraser University and Kogila Moodley of the University of British Columbia, in their book-length study applying lessons learned in South Africa to resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, divide academic and journalistic commentators on the analogy into three groups:

• "The majority is incensed by the very analogy and deplores what it deems its propagandistic goals."
• "'Israel is Apartheid' advocates include most Palestinians, many Third World academics, and several Jewish post-Zionists who idealistically predict an ultimate South African solution of a common or binational state."
• A third group which sees both similarities and differences, and which looks to South African history for guidance in bringing resolution to the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians.

Adam and Moodley go on to examine the strengths and weaknesses of explicitly likening the situation of Palestinians to that of black South Africans during Apartheid.

Some have accused Israel of the crime of apartheid as defined by the International Criminal Court, though Israel, like many countries, has not ratified the Rome Statute. Adam and Moodley write that others, including Israeli Prime Ministers Ariel Sharon and Ehud Barak, also use the analogy "self-servingly in their exhortations and rationalizations." Such figures, say Adam and Moodley, "have repeatedly deplored the occupation and seeming 'South Africanization' but have done everything to entrench it."

John Dugard, a South African professor of international law and an ad hoc Judge on the International Court of Justice, serving as the Special Rapporteur for the United Nations on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories described the situation in the West Bank as "an apartheid regime ... worse than the one that existed in South Africa."

In 2007, in advance of a report from the United Nations Human Rights Council, Dugard wrote that "Israel's laws and practices in the OPT certainly resemble aspects of apartheid." Referring to Israel's actions in the occupied West Bank, he wrote, "Can it seriously be denied that the purpose is to establish and maintain domination by one racial group (Jews) over another racial group (Palestinians) and systematically oppressing them? Israel denies that this is its intention or purpose. But such an intention or purpose may be inferred from the actions described in this report."

Jamal Zahalka, an Israeli-Arab member of the Knesset, describes Israel's political discourse about the Palestinians as revolving around the ideas of separation, apartheid, and transfer. He argues that an apartheid system is already in place, with the West Bank and Gaza Strip separated into "cantons," and Palestinians required to carry permits to travel between them. Azmi Bishara, another Arab member of the Knesset, argues that the Palestinian situation has been caused by "colonialist apartheid." If a solution is not found, he writes, Israel will "entrench its apartheid system" through unilateral disengagement, leaving the Palestinians in "isolated cantons."

The term "Israeli apartheid" has been used by both mainstream and fringe groups and individuals, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu and other South African anti-apartheid leaders, leftist members of the Israeli Knesset, the Syrian government, pro-Palestinian student groups in the UK, U.S., and Canada, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, , and the Canadian Union of Public Employees. It has also been employed by individuals such as white supremacist David Duke, Holocaust denier Paul Grubach of the Institute for Historical Review, and antisemitic websites and organizations such as Jew Watch.

Notable commentators who have used the analogy

• In 2002 Anglican Archbishop and Nobel Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu wrote an op-ed for The Guardian titled "Apartheid in the Holy Land" and another in The Nation titled "Against Israeli apartheid"; both argued that there were parallels between the Israeli treatment of Palestinians and the treatment of black people in South Africa. Tutu says that the parallels are not exact, and that "Israel is certainly more democratic than most of its neighbours."
• Jimmy Carter, former President of the United States, Camp David Accords negotiator, and Nobel Peace Prize winner wrote a book entitled Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid that criticizes Israel's policies in the Palestinian territories. Carter states that Israeli Arabs are equal citizens, and says that the apartheid-like system in the West Bank is not based on racism.
• Uri Davis, Jewish member of the Palestine Liberation Organization, wrote a book Israel: An Apartheid State (1987) that drew parallels between Israel and South Africa.
• Michael Ben-Yair, attorney-general of Israel from 1993 to 1996 referred to Israel establishing "an apartheid regime in the occupied territories", in an essay included in the anthology The Other Israel, Voices of Refusal and Dissent.
• Hendrik Verwoerd, the prime minister of South Africa, widely considered the architect of South Africa's apartheid policies, stated in 1961 that "The Jews took Israel from the Arabs after the Arabs had lived there for a thousand years. Israel, like South Africa, is an apartheid state,"
• Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Agency (NSA) advisor to President Carter and currently a professor of American foreign policy at the Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies has said the absence of a resolution to the Israel-Palestine conflict could lead to de facto apartheid and "two communities living side by side but repressively separated, with one enjoying prosperity and seizing the lands of the other, and the other living in poverty and deprivation."

Other South African anti-apartheid activists have used apartheid comparisons to criticize Israel's policies in the West Bank, and particularly the construction of the separation barrier. These include Farid Esack, a Muslim writer who is currently William Henry Bloomberg Visiting Professor at Harvard Divinity School, Ronnie Kasrils, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, Arun Ghandhi, Dennis Goldberg, and Breyten Breytenbach. Ronnie Kasrils and Max Ozinsky headed a list of hundreds of Jewish leaders in South Africa who wrote a June 2001 open letter comparing the occupation of Palestinian lands to Apartheid.

Israelis who have compared the separation plan to apartheid include political scientist Meron Benvenisti, Ami Ayalon, Israeli admiral and former leader of the Israel Security Agency, and journalist Amira Hass. Shulamit Aloni, former education minister, Israel Prize winner, and a former leader of Meretz , and Tommy Lapid, leader of the liberal Shinui and former Justice minister, used the term "apartheid" when describing a bill proposed by the government of Ariel Sharon to bar Arabs from buying homes in "Jewish townships" within Israel proper.

Michael Tarazi, a Palestinian proponent of the binational solution has argued that it is in Palestine's interest to "make this an argument about apartheid", to the extent of advocating Israeli settlement, "The longer they stay out there, the more Israel will appear to the world to be essentially an apartheid state".

Use of the term in United Nations forums

The term was used in a United Nations Security Council debate in December 1971 by Yakov Malik, the Soviet Ambassador to the United Nations, who accused Israel of promulgating a "racist policy of apartheid against Palestinians" following the imposition of Israeli rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip after the Six-Day War of 1967. It was notably used in November 1975 by Idi Amin Dada, the Ugandan dictator, who made allegations of "Israeli apartheid" in the United Nations General Assembly debate that preceded the passage of UN General Assembly Resolution 3379 which controversially linked Zionism with racism.

The term was famously used at the 2001 UN World Conference Against Racism. The conference was criticized by the United States and Israel, who described it as disproportionately demonizing and delegitimizing Israel.

Criticism of the term

David Matas and Jean-Christophe Rufin argue that the term is inaccurate, dangerous, and used as a rhetorical device to isolate Israel. They also call it antisemitic, and potentially a means to justify acts of terrorism.

Ian Buruma, Professor of Democracy, Human Rights & Journalism at Bard College, New York, finds the comparison to be "intellectually lazy, morally questionable, and possibly even mendacious." Though he disagrees with Israel's policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, in his view:

Inside the state of Israel, there is no apartheid. In proportion to its population, Israel has the largest minority within its borders of any country in the Middle East. The official figure for Copts in Egypt is 10%. Non-Jews, mostly Arab Muslims, make up 20% of the Israeli population, and they enjoy full citizen's rights. Israel is one of the few Middle Eastern states where Muslim women are allowed to vote.

British journalist Melanie Phillips has criticized Desmond Tutu for comparing Israel to Apartheid South Africa. Having made the comparison in an article for The Guardian in 2002, Tutu stated that people are scared to say the "Jewish lobby" in the U.S. is powerful. "So what?" he asked. "The apartheid government was very powerful, but today it no longer exists. Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin, Pinochet, Milosevic and Idi Amin were all powerful, but in the end they bit the dust." Phillips wrote of Tutu's article: "I never thought that I would see brazenly printed in a reputable British newspaper not only a repetition of the lie of Jewish power but the comparison of that power with Hitler, Stalin and other tyrants. I never thought I would see such a thing issuing from a Christian archbishop ... How can Christians maintain a virtual silence about the persecution of their fellow worshippers by Muslims across the world, while denouncing the Israelis who are in the front line against precisely this terror?"

In 2002, in response to a proposed academic boycott of Israel, Lee Bollinger, then President of Columbia University, said that the analogy of Israel to South Africa at the time of apartheid, "is both grotesque and offensive". Juan Cole also wrote "The supporters of the European academic boycott often make an analogy to South Africa and its apartheid policies. Yet while Arab Israelis are discriminated against in many ways in Israeli society, there is nothing like apartheid.

David Matas, senior counsel to B'nai Brith Canada, argues that the starting point for anti-Zionists is the "vocabulary of condemnation", rather than specific criticism of the practises of Israel. He writes that "any unsavoury verbal weapon that comes to hand is used to club Israel and its supporters. The reality of what happens in Israel is ignored. What matters is the condemnation itself. For anti-Zionists, the more repugnant the accusation made against Israel the better." Because apartheid is universally condemned, and a global coalition helped to bring down the South African apartheid regime, anti-Zionists "dream of constructing a similar global anti-Zionism effort", writes Matas. "The simplest and most direct way for them to do so is to label Israel as an apartheid state. The fact that there is no resemblance whatsoever between true apartheid and the State of Israel has not stopped anti-Zionists for a moment."

In 2003, South Africa's minister for home affairs Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi said that "The Israeli regime is not apartheid. It is a unique case of democracy". According to Fred Taub, the President of Boycott Watch, "he assertion ... that Israel is practicing apartheid is not only false, but may be considered libelous. ... The fact is that it is the Arabs who are discriminating against non-Muslims, especially Jews."

In 2004, Jean-Christophe Rufin, former vice-president of Médecins Sans Frontières and president of Action Against Hunger, recommended in a report about anti-Semitism commissioned by French Interior Minister Dominique de Villepin that the charge of apartheid and racism against Israel be criminalized in France. He wrote:

here is no question of penalising political opinions that are critical, for example, of any government and are perfectly legitimate. What should be penalised in the perverse and defamatory use of the charge of racism against those very people who were victims of racism to an unparalleled degree. The accusations of racism, of apartheid, of Nazism carry extremely grave moral implications. These accusations have, in the situation in which we find ourselves today, major consequences which can, by contagion, put in danger the lives of our Jewish citizens. It is why we invite reflection on the advisability and applicability of a law ... which would permit the punishment of those who make without foundation against groups, institutions or states accusations of racism and utilise for these accusations unjustified comparisons with apartheid or Nazism.

In 2004's The Trouble with Islam Today, Irshad Manji argues the allegation of apartheid in Israel is misleading. She writes that there are several Arab political parties; Arab-Muslim legislators have veto powers; and that Arab parties have won overturned disqualifications. She points to Arabs, like Emile Habibi, who have been awarded prestigious prizes. She also states that Israel has a free Arab press; road signs bear Arabic; Arabs live and study alongside Jews; and claims that Palestinans commuting from the West Bank are entitled to state benefits and legal protections.

According to historian Benny Morris, one of the most widely quoted scholars on the Arab-Israeli conflict,

Israel is not an apartheid state — rather the opposite, it is easily the most democratic and politically egalitarian state in the Middle East, in which Arabs Israelis enjoy far more freedom, better social services, etc. than in all the Arab states surrounding it. Indeed, Arab representatives in the Knesset, who continuously call for dismantling the Jewish state, support the Hezbollah, etc., enjoy more freedom than many Western democracies give their internal Oppositions. (The U.S. would prosecute and jail Congressmen calling for the overthrow of the U.S. Govt. or the demise of the U.S.) The best comparison would be the treatment of Japanese Americans by the US Govt ... and the British Govt. of German emigres in Britain WWII ... Israel's Arabs by and large identify with Israel's enemies, the Palestinians. But Israel hasn't jailed or curtailed their freedoms en masse (since 1966 ).

As to the occupied territories, Israeli policy is fueled by security considerations (whether one agrees with them or not, or with all the specific measures adopted at any given time) rather than racism (though, to be sure, there are Israelis who are motivated by racism in their attitude and actions towards Arabs) — and indeed the Arab population suffers as a result. But Gaza's and the West Bank's population (Arabs) are not Israeli citizens and cannot expect to benefit from the same rights as Israeli citizens so long as the occupation or semi-occupation (more accurately) continues, which itself is a function of the continued state of war between the Hamas-led Palestinians (and their Syrian and other Arab allies) and Israel.

Other views

While many commentators either strongly support or strongly condemn the analogy, some have attempted to analyze it neutrally. Adam and Moodley, discussed earlier, agree with critics of the analogy who suggest that human rights violations exist in many nations in the Third World, as well as among Israel's Arab nation-state critics, and that Israel receives disproportionate scrutiny. Rather than simple bias, however, they suggest the causes are more complex. For its Jewish majority and Arab citizens, they argue, Israel is a Western democracy and is judged by the standards of one; similarly, Western commentators feel "a greater affinity to a like minded polity than to an autocratic Third World state." Adam and Moodley also consider that Israel, which "is heavily bankrolled by U.S. taxpayers", is a strategic outpost of the Western world who can be viewed as sharing a collective responsibility for its behaviors. Radical Islamists, meanwhile, "use Israeli policies to mobilize anti-Western sentiment"; in the streets of Iraq, for example, American soldiers are called "Jews." Adam and Moodley argue that, as a result of these factors, the West Bank Barrier — nicknamed the "apartheid wall" — has become a critical frontline in the War on Terrorism.

Adam and Moodley add that many Israelis are Holocaust survivors and their descendants, and are therefore expected to be particularly careful not to repeat ethnic discrimination, noting that the anti-Apartheid resistance that formed against South Africa was disproportionately Jewish. This argument is also made by Ali Abunimah, creator of the Electronic Intifada website and author of One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse. Abunimah writes that "any liberal Zionists were active in the antiapartheid struggle and cannot accept that the Israel they love could have anything in common with the hated apartheid regime."

At the same time, Adam and Moodley note that Jewish historical suffering has imbued Zionism with a subjective sense of moral validity that the whites ruling South Africa never had: "Afrikaner moral standing was constantly undermined by exclusion and domination of blacks, even subconsiously in the minds of its beneficiaries. In contrast, the similar Israeli dispossession of Palestinians is perceived as self-defense and therefore not immoral." They also suggest that academic comparisons between Israel and apartheid South Africa that see both dominant groups as "settler societies" leave unanswered the question of "when and how settlers become indigenous," as well as failing to take into account that Israeli's Jewish immigrants view themselves as returning home. "In their self-concept, Zionists are simply returning to their ancentral homeland from which they were dispersed two millenia ago. Originally most did not intend to exploit native labor and resources, as colonizers do." Adam and Moodley stress that "because people give meaning to their lives and interpret their worlds through these diverse ideological prisms, the perceptions are real and have to be taken seriously."

Adam and Moodley also argue that Afrikaner leaders who justified their policies by claiming to be fighting against ANC communism found that excuse outdated after the collapse of the Soviet Union, whereas "continued Arab hostilities sustain the Israeli perception of justifiable self-defense."

The issues

Arguments for the term

Conditions in the West Bank

Palestinians living in the non-annexed portions of the West Bank do not have Israeli citizenship or voting rights in Israel, but are subject to the policies of the Israeli government. Israel has created roads and checkpoints in the West Bank that isolate Palestinian communities. Policies also restrict the movement of goods between Israel and the West Bank, and into the Gaza Strip. Marwan Bishara, a teacher of international relations at the American University of Paris, has described the restrictions on movement as "a defacto apartheid system".

According to Leila Farsakh, associate professor of Political Science at University of Massachusetts Boston, after 1977, "he military government in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (WBGS) expropriated and enclosed Palestinian land and allowed the transfer of Israeli settlers to the occupied territories: they continued to be governed by Israeli laws. The government also enacted different military laws and decrees to regulate the civilian, economic and legal affairs of Palestinian inhabitants. These strangled the Palestinian economy and increased its dependence and integration into Israel." Farsakh states that "any view these Israeli policies of territorial integration and societal separation as apartheid, even if they were never given such a name." Desmond Tutu used the analogy on a Christmas visit to Jerusalem, 25th Dec 1989 when he said in a Haaretz article, "I am a black South African, and if I were to change the names, a description of what is happening in Gaza and the West Bank could describe events in South Africa." In 2002 Tutu said that he was "very deeply distressed" by a visit to the Holy Land, adding that "it reminded me so much of what happened to us black people in South Africa" and that he saw "the humiliation of the Palestinians at checkpoints and roadblocks, suffering like us when young white police officers prevented us from moving about".

Guardian journalist Chris McGreal has written, "here are few places in the world where governments construct a web of nationality and residency laws designed for use by one section of the population against another. Apartheid South Africa was one. So is Israel." According to Juan Cole, "The end game for is the division of the West Bank Palestinians into three Bantustans completely surrounded by Israeli forces or settlements, and the maintainance of Gaza as a permanent slum that advertises Palestinians as wretched and dangerous...The horrible implications for the state of Israel is its descent into a permanent Apartheid state." John Dugard has argued that the West Bank is being fragmented into areas "which increasingly resemble the Bantustans of South Africa".

Former Italian prime minister Massimo D'Alema told the Israeli press in 2003 that in a visit to Rome, Prime Minister Sharon had "explained at length that the Bantustan model was the most appropriate solution to the conflict" between Israel and the Palestinians. Akiva Eldar of Haaretz wrote:

Supplementary evidence backing D'Alema's story can be found in an expensively produced brochure prepared for Israeli Tourism Minister Benny Elon, who is promoting a two-state solution - Israel and Jordan. Under the title "The Road to War: a tiny protectorate, overpopulated, carved up and demilitarized," the Moledet Party leader presents "the map of the Palestinian state, according to Sharon's proposal." Sharon's map is surprisingly similar to the plan for protectorates in South Africa in the early 1960s. Even the number of cantons is the same - 10 in the West Bank (and one more in Gaza).

The Israeli human rights group B'Tselem also alleges that the legal system is reminiscent of apartheid. B'Tselem wrote in 2004 that "Palestinians are barred from or have restricted access to 450 miles of West Bank roads, a system with 'clear similarities' to South Africa's former apartheid regime". In October 2005 the Israel Defense Force stopped Palestinians from driving on the main road through the West Bank; B'Tselem described this as a first step towards "total 'road apartheid'". Jimmy Carter has stated that the prohibition of Palestanians using this road "perpetrates even worse instances of apartness, or apartheid, than we witnessed even in South Africa."

Adam and Moodley argue that notwithstanding universal suffrage within Israel proper, "if the Palestinian territories under more or less permanent Israeli occupation and settler presence are considered part of the entity under analysis, the comparison between a disenfranchised African population in apartheid South Africa and the three and a half million stateless Palestinians under Israeli domination gains more validity."

West Bank barrier

On April 14, 2002, during Israel's Operation Defensive Shield, "launched after a spate of suicide attacks against Israeli civilians", the Israeli cabinet announced that it would construct "fences and other physical obstacles" to "prevent Palestinians crossing into Israel". This effort, which became the West Bank barrier, has been described as an "apartheid wall". Leila Farsakh argues that the barrier "is establishing a unilaterally defined Israeli border that encroaches on the 1967 boundaries and cuts Palestinian areas off from each another".

Land policy inside the Green Line

93.5% of the land inside the Green Line is not held by private owners. 79.5% of the land is owned by the Israeli Government through the Israel Land Administration, and 14% is privately owned by the Jewish National Fund. Under Israeli law, both ILA and JNF lands may not be sold, and are leased under the administration of the ILA.

Critics say that as a result of this leasing arrangement, the vast majority of land in Israel is not available to non-Jews. In response, Alex Safian has argued that this is not true -- according to Safian, the 79.5% of Israeli land owned directly by the ILA is available for lease to both Jews and Arabs, sometimes on beneficial terms to Arabs under Israeli affirmative action programs. While Safian concedes that the 14% of Israeli land owned by the JNF is not legally available for lease to Israel's Arab citizens, he argues that the ILA often ignores this restriction in practice.

In March 2000, Israel's High Court ruled in Qaadan v. Katzir that the government's use of the JNF to develop public land was discriminatory due to the agency's prohibition against leasing to non-Jews. According to Alexandre Kedar of the Haifa University Law School "Until the Supreme Court Qaadan v. Katzir decision, Arabs could not acquire land in any of the hundreds of settlements of this kind existing in Israel..

Employment

Freelance journalist Flore de Préneuf, writing in Salon.com, states that in the 2000 although 18% of the population within Israel's pre-1967 borders was Arab, "only 3.7 percent of Israel's employees are Arabs; Arabs hold only 50 out of 5,000 university faculty positions; and of the country's 61 poorest towns, 48 are Arab."

Identity cards

Israeli identity cards, required of all residents over the age of 16, indicate whether holders are Jewish or not by adding the person's Hebrew date of birth.

In a controversial article in the Guardian, journalist Chris McGreal reported that having indications of Jewish ethnicity on national identification cards is "in effect determining where they are permitted to live, access to some government welfare programmes, and how they are likely to be treated by civil servants and policemen." The same article also compared Israel's Population Registry Act, which calls for the gathering of ethnic data, to South Africa's Apartheid-era Population Registration Act.

Pass laws

A permit and closure system was introduced in 1990 by the Oslo Accords; Leila Farsakh, states that this imposes "on Palestinians similar conditions to those faced by blacks under the pass laws. Like the pass laws, the permit system controlled population movement according to the settlers’ unilaterally defined considerations." In response to the al-Aqsa intifada, Israel modified the permit system and fragmented the WBGS territorially. "In April 2002 Israel declared that the WBGS would be cut into eight main areas, outside which Palestinians could not live without a permit." John Dugard has said these laws "resemble, but in severity go far beyond, apartheid's pass system".

Marriage

The Nationality and Entry into Israel Law, passed by the Knesset on 31 July 2003, forbids married couples comprising an Israeli citizen and a Palestinian from the West Bank or Gaza Strip from living together in Israel. The law does allow children from such marriages to live in Israel until age 12, at which age the law requires them to emigrate. The law was originally enacted for one year, extended for a six month period on 21 July 2004, and for an additional four month period on 31 January 2005. "On 27 July 2005, the Knesset voted to extend the law until 31 March 2006, with minor amendments." The law was narrowly upheld in May 2006, by the Supreme Court of Israel on a six to five vote. Israel's Chief Justice, Aharon Barak, sided with the minority on the bench, declaring: "This violation of rights is directed against Arab citizens of Israel. As a result, therefore, the law is a violation of the right of Arab citizens in Israel to equality." Zehava Gal-On, a founder of B'Tselem and a Knesset member with the Meretz-Yachad party, stated that with the ruling "The Supreme Court could have taken a braver decision and not relegated us to the level of an apartheid state."

Adam and Moodley cite the marriage law as an example of how Arab Israelis "resemble in many ways 'Colored' and Indian South Africans."

They write: "Both Israeli Palestinians and Colored and Indian South Africans are restricted to second-class citizen status when another ethnic group monopolizes state power, treats the minorities as intrinsically suspect, and legally prohibits their access to land or allocates civil service positions or per capita expenditure on education differentially between dominant and minority citizens."

Arguments against the term

Legal status of Israeli Arabs

Israeli law does not differentiate between Israeli citizens based on ethnicity. Israeli Arabs have the same rights as all other Israelis, whether they are Jews, Christians, Druze, etc. These rights include suffrage, political representation and recourse to the courts. Israeli Arabs are represented in the Knesset (Israel's legislature) and participate fully in Israeli political, cultural, and educational life. In apartheid South Africa, "Blacks" and "Coloureds" could not vote and had no representation in the South African parliament.

In an op-ed for the Jerusalem Post, Gerald Steinberg, Professor of Political Studies at Bar Ilan University, argued that "Black labor was exploited in slavery-like conditions under apartheid, in contrast, Palestinians are dependent on Israeli employment due to their own internal corruption and economic failures."

The features of petty apartheid do not exist within Israel, according to Benjamin Pogrund:

The difference between the current Israeli situation and apartheid South Africa is emphasised at a very human level: Jewish and Arab babies are born in the same delivery room, with the same facilities, attended by the same doctors and nurses, with the mothers recovering in adjoining beds in a ward. Two years ago I had major surgery in a Jerusalem hospital: the surgeon was Jewish, the anaesthetist was Arab, the doctors and nurses who looked after me were Jews and Arabs. Jews and Arabs share meals in restaurants and travel on the same trains, buses and taxis, and visit each other’s homes. Could any of this possibly have happened under apartheid? Of course not.

According to StandWithUs, a pro-Israel advocacy organisation, Arab Israelis are often eligible for special perks. The organisation has pointed out that the city of Jerusalem gives Arab residents free professional advice to assist with the house permit process and structural regulations, advice which is not available to Jewish residents on the same terms.

StandWithUs has also stated that "Apartheid was an official policy, enacted in law and brutally enforced through police violence, of political, legal and economic discrimination against blacks. Apartheid is a political system based upon minority control over a majority population. In South Africa, blacks could not be citizens, vote, participate in the government or fraternize with whites. Israel, a majority-rule democracy like the U.S., gives equal rights and protections to all of its citizens. It grants full rights and protections to all Arab inhabitants inside of Israel, a reality best exemplified by Israel’s Arab members of parliament. Israeli citizens struggle with prejudices amongst its many minorities, just as all multi-racial, multi-ethnic democracies do, but Israel’s laws try to eradicate – not endorse – prejudices. The Palestinian Authority, not the Israeli government, governs the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. Like many Arab nations, the PA does not offer equal rights and protections to its inhabitants. Branding Israel an apartheid state is inaccurate – and emotional propaganda."

Racism

Critics of the term argue that, unlike apartheid, Israeli practices are not prompted by racism. Benjamin Pogrund writes

In any event, what is racism? Under apartheid it was skin colour. Applied to Israel that's a joke: for proof of that, just look at a crowd of Israeli Jews and their gradations in skin-colour from the "blackest" to the "whitest"... Occupation is brutalising and corrupting both Palestinians and Israelis... ut it is not apartheid. Palestinians are not oppressed on racial grounds as Arabs, but, rather, as competitors — until now, at the losing end — in a national/religious conflict for land.

According to Gil Troy:

Injecting "racism" into the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is absurd. It is a sloppy attempt to slander Israel with the accusation du jour, a statement as trendy and ahistorical as equating Zionism with European colonialism, another folly given Jews' historic ties to the land of Israel. Since the Nazi attempt to annihilate Jews as a "race," the Jewish world has recoiled against defining Jews as a "race." Zionism talks about Judaism, the Jewish people, the Jewish state. The Arab-Israeli conflict is a nationalist clash with religious overtones. The rainbow of colors among Israelis and Palestinians, with black Ethiopian Jews, and white Christian Palestinians, proves that both national communities are diverse.

Some who support the apartheid analogy nevertheless concur that the Israeli policies in question are not motivated by racism.

Demographics

Unlike South Africa, where Apartheid prevented Black majority rule, within Israel itself there is currently a Jewish majority.

West Bank barrier

The Israeli foreign ministry says that the West Bank barrier will cause no transfer of population and that none of the estimated 10,000 Palestinians (0.5%) who will be left on the Israeli side of the barrier (based on the February 2005 route) will be forced to migrate. The barrier has been presented as a reasonable and necessary security precaution to protect Israeli civilians from Palestinian terrorism. Supporters of the barrier consider it to be largely responsible for reducing incidents of terrorism by 90% from 2002 to 2005. Israel's foreign minister, Silvan Shalom, stated in 2004 that the barrier is not a border but a temporary defensive measure designed to protect Israeli civilians from terrorist infiltration and attack, and can be dismantled if appropriate. The Supreme Court of Israel ruled that the barrier is defensive and accepted the government's position that the route is based on security considerations.

Land Policy within the Green Line

Although there are formal restrictions on the lease of JNF land, which is privately owned by the JNF, "in practice JNF land has been leased to Arab citizens of Israel, both for short-term and long-term use. To cite one example of the former, JNF-owned land in the Besor Valley (Wadi Shallaleh) near Kibbutz Re'em has been leased on a yearly basis to Bedouins for use as pasture."

Differences between Israel and South Africa

• Moshe Machover, professor of philosophy in London and co-founder of Matzpen, argues against the use of the term on the basis that the situation in Israel is worse than apartheid. Machover points out some significant differences between the policy of the Israeli government and the apartheid model. According to Machover, drawing a close analogy between Israel and South Africa is both a theoretical and political mistake.

• Israel never formally annexed the West Bank or Gaza. The Palestinians are not Israeli citizens, and according to a flyer distributed by StandWithUs, they don't want to be. Palestinians have their own government, the Palestinian Authority.

• Critics of the term have also argued

• The analogy "demean(s) Black victims of the real apartheid regime in South Africa."
• Zionism is not a manifestation of European colonialism.

Differences between the PLO and ANC

Adam and Moodley contend that the relationship of South African apartheid to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been misinterpreted as "justifying suicide bombing and glorifying martyrdom." They argue that the ANC "never endorsed terrorism," and stress that "not one suicide has been committed in the cause of a thirty-year-long armed struggle, although in practice the ANC drifted increasingly toward violence during the latter years of apartheid."

In an article published in Slate and The Washington Post, Michael Kinsley writes that "the most tragic difference: Apartheid ended peacefully. This is largely thanks to Nelson Mandela, who turned out to be miraculously forgiving. If Israel is white South Africa and the Palestinians are supposed to be the blacks, where is their Mandela?

The debate on the two-state solution

See also: Israel's unilateral disengagement plan#Pro-withdrawal criticism

Some have also predicted that aspects of Israel's unilateral disengagement plan would also lead to apartheid-like conditions. These predictions are raised both by those who advocate a two-state solution and by those who advocate a one-state binational solution. These opponents of the plan generally agree with the principle of making territorial concessions, but object to the limited scope of the plan, which would leave much of the currently-occupied territory under some level of Israeli control.

• Desmond Tutu has advocated a two-state solution, saying, "Israel has three options: revert to the previous stalemated situation; exterminate all Palestinians; or - I hope - to strive for peace based on justice, based on withdrawal from all the occupied territories, and the establishment of a viable Palestinian state on those territories side by side with Israel, both with secure borders."

• In January 2004, Ahmed Qureia, then the Palestinian Prime Minister, said that the building of the West Bank barrier, and the associated Israeli absorption of parts of the West Bank, constituted "an apartheid solution to put the Palestinians in cantons." He predicted that Israel's unilateralism could prompt an end to the Palestinian efforts towards a two-state solution, and instead shift favour towards a one-state solution.

• When asked for comment on Qureia's statement, Colin Powell, then U.S. Secretary of State, responded by affirming U.S. commitment to a two-state solution while saying, "I don't believe that we can accept a situation that results in anything that one might characterize as apartheid or Bantuism."

• Ehud Olmert, then Deputy Prime Minister of Israel, commented in April 2004 that, "More and more Palestinians are uninterested in a negotiated, two-state solution, because they want to change the essence of the conflict from an Algerian paradigm to a South African one. From a struggle against 'occupation,' in their parlance, to a struggle for one-man-one-vote. That is, of course, a much cleaner struggle, a much more popular struggle - and ultimately a much more powerful one. For us, it would mean the end of the Jewish state."

• An academic paper by Professor Oren Yiftachel Chair of the Geography Department at the Ben Gurion University of the Negev predicted that Israel unilateral disengagement plan will result in "creeping apartheid" in the West Bank, Gaza, and in Israel itself. Yiftachel argues that, "Needless to say, the reality of apartheid existed for decades in Israel/Palestine, but this is the first time a Prime Minister spells out clearly the strengthening of this reality as a long-term political platform.". Yiftachel argued that the plan would entrench a situation that can be described as "neither two states nor one," separating Israelis from Palestinians without giving Palestinians true sovereignty.

• Meron Benvenisti, an Israeli political scientist and the former deputy mayor of Jerusalem, predicted that the interim disengagement plan would become permanent, with the West Bank barrier entrenching both the isolation of Palestinian communities and the existence of Israeli settlements. He warned that Israel is moving towards the model of apartheid South Africa through the creation of "Bantustan" like conditions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

• The Economist, in an article on the debate over withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza Strip, asserted that "Keeping the occupied land will force on Israel the impossible choice of being either an apartheid state, or a binational one with Jews as a minority."

Notes

1. Irshad Manji: Modern Israel is a far cry from old South Africa
2. ^ Matas, David. Aftershock: Anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. Dundurn, 2005, pp. 53-55.
3. ^ Buruma, Ian. "Do not treat Israel like apartheid South Africa",The Guardian, July 23, 2002.
4. Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. op. cit. p. ix.
5. ^ Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. Template:PDFlink, University College London Press, pp. 20-21. ISBN 1-84472-130-2 Cite error: The named reference "Adam20" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
6. ISRAELI PRACTICES IN OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES, FORM OF APARTHEID FOURTH COMMITTEE TOLD, AS DEBATE CONTINUES, UN Press Release GA/SPD/254, 12/11/2002.
7. Conference Action Plan, International Conference of Civil Society in Support of the Palestinian People, reprinted in full by Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign, September 10, 2006.
8. LAW, LAW files petition against construction of Israel's apartheid wall, August 21, 2002.
9. Benn, Aluf. "UN agent: Apartheid regime in territories worse than S. Africa", Ha'aretz, August 24, 2004.
10. McCarthy, Rory. "Occupied Gaza like apartheid South Africa, says UN report", The Guardian, February 23, 2007.
11. John Dugard, Template:PDFlink (Advance Edited Version), United Nations Human Rights Council, 29 January 2007.
12. "New Laws Legalize Apartheid in Israel. Report from a Palestine Center briefing by Jamal Zahalka", For the Record, No. 116, June 11, 2002.
13. Bishara, Azmi. "Searching for meaning", Al-Ahram, May 13-19, 2004.
14. Frenkel, Sheera Claire "Left appalled by citizenship ruling", Jerusalem Post, May 15, 2006
15. The Syrian government wrote in a letter to the UN Security Council that "Zionist Israeli institutional terrorism in no way differs from the terrorism pursued by the apartheid regime against millions of Africans in South Africa and Namibia…just as it in no way differs in essence and nature from the Nazi terrorism which shed European blood and visited ruin and destruction upon the peoples of Europe." (UN Doc S/16520 at 2 (1984), quoting from Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1987. Edited by Y. Dinstein, M. Tabory, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987. ISBN 90-247-3646-3 p.36)
16. "Oxford holds 'Apartheid Israel' week" at Jerusalem Post by Jonny Paul
17. The Congress of South African Trade Unions called Israel as an apartheid state and supported the boycott of the Canadian Union of Public Employees. ("South African union joins boycott of Israel". ynetnews.com. . {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help))
18. "American White Supremacist David Duke: Israel Makes the Nazi State Look Very Moderate", David Duke Interview on Syrian TV, November 21, 2005.
19. Grubach, Paul. A Reply To Mr. Foxman
20. ^ Tutu, Desmond "Apartheid in the Holy Land", The Guardian, April 29, 2002.
21. Tutu, D., and Urbina, I. "Against Israeli apartheid", The Nation 275:4-5, posted June 27, 2002 (July 15, 2002 issue).
25. Davis, Uri. Israel: An Apartheid State. 1987. ISBN 0-86232-317-7
26. New Press, ISBN 1565849140
27. Book Review,Middle East Policy Council Journal Volume XIII, Fall 2006
28. ^ McGreal, Chris. "Worlds apart", The Guardian, February 6, 2006.
29. Ask the Expert: US policy in the Middle East, Zbigniew Brzezinski, London Financial Times, December 4, 2006.
30. "The logic of Apartheid is akin to the logic of Zionism... Life for the Palestinians is infinitely worse than what we ever had experienced under Apartheid... The price they (Palestinians) have had to pay for resistance is much more horrendous" http://cjpip.org/0609_esack.html Audio: Learning from South Africa -- Religion, Violence, Nonviolence, and International Engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian Struggle
31. Rage of the Elephant: Israel in Lebanon Accessed November 3 2006.
32. "Apartheid Israel can be defeated, just as apartheid in South Africa was defeated" Winnie Mandela on apartheid Israel, Independent Online, March 26 2004, accessed November 3 2006
33. Arun Ghandhi. "Occupation 'Ten Times Worse than Apartheid'", Speech, Palestinian International Press Center, August 29 2004, accessed September 17 2006
34. The Israeli-South African-U.S. Alliance accessed November 6, 2006
35. quoted in 'Peace, not apartheid', Jordan Times, December 3, 2006
36. Urbina, Ian. "The Analogy to Apartheid," Middle East Report, No. 223. (Summer, 2002), pp. 58-61+64.
37. ^ Meron Benvenisti, "Bantustan plan for an apartheid Israel", The Guardian, April 26, 2005.
38. "Israel must decide quickly what sort of environment it wants to live in because the current model, which has some apartheid characteristics, is not compatible with Jewish principles."Israel warned against emerging apartheid
39. "An apartheid-like system is when we are talking about two peoples who live in the same territory, between the sea and the river, the Mediterranean and the River of Jordan, two peoples. And there are two sets of laws which apply to each separate people. There are two -- there are privileges and rights for the one people, for the Israeli people, and mostly for the Jews among -- within -- of the Israeli people, and there are restrictions and decrees and military laws which apply to the other people, to the Palestinians." Interview with Amy Goodman, Democracy Now!, April 12, 2005
40. "Yes, There is Apartheid in Israel"
41. "If we are not an apartheid state, we are getting much, much closer to it.""EDITORIAL: An apartheid state?", Jerusalem Post, November 11, 2002
42. Silver, Eric. "Israel Accused of 'Racist Ideology' with Plan to Prevent Arabs Buying Homes", The Independent, July 9, 2002.
43. Ash, Lucy. "Battling against Israeli 'apartheid'", BBC News, December 23, 2004.
44. Among the settlers, Jeffrey Goldberg, The New Yorker
45. Summary of news events, New York Times, December 10, 1971.
46. ^ Pollack, Joel. "The trouble with the apartheid analogy." Business Day. 2 March 2007. 10 March 2007.
47. ^ Rufin, Jean-Christophe. "Chantier sur la lutte contre le racisme et l'antisémitisme", presented on October 19, 2004. Cited in Matas, David. Aftershock: Anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. Dundurn, 2005, p. 54 and p. 243, footnotes 59 and 60.
48. Tutu, Desmond. "Apartheid in the Holy Land, The Guardian, April 29, 2002, cited in Phillips, Melanie. "Christian Theology and the New Antisemitism" in Iganski, Paul & Kosmin, Barry. (eds) A New Anti-Semitism? Debating Judeophobia in 21st century Britain. Profile Books, 2003, p. 196.
49. Phillips, Melanie. "Christian Theology and the New Antisemitism" in Iganski, Paul & Kosmin, Barry. (eds) A New Anti-Semitism? Debating Judeophobia in 21st century Britain. Profile Books, 2003, p. 197.
50. President Lee Bollinger's Statement on the Divestment Campaign, November 7, 2002. Retrieved from the Columbia University Divestment Campaign website, July 4, 2006.
51. Cole, Juan. "Why We Should Not Boycott Israeli Academics", The Chronicle of Higher Education, July 26, 2002.
52. S. African Minister: Israel is Not Apartheid by Yossi Melman (Haaretz) September 23, 2003
53. Presbyterian Church Violates US Antiboycott Laws. General Assembly of Presbyterian Church, USA, votes For Illegal Action at Convention August 1, 2004 (Boycott Watch)
54. "France: International Religious Freedom Report 2005", U.S. Department of State.
55. "French concern about race attacks", BBC News, October 2004.
56. Manji, Irshad. The Trouble with Islam Today: A Muslim's Call for Reform in Her Faith. St. Martin's Griffin, 2005, pp. 108-109. ISBN 0-312-32699-8
57. Norman Finkelstein, Benny Morris and Peace not Apartheid, February 7, 2007.
58. ^ Heriber, Adam & Moodley, Kogila. op cit. p. xiii. Cite error: The named reference "AdamXIII" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
59. ^ Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. op. cit. p. xv.
60. Abunimah, Ali. One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse, Metropolitan Books, 2006, p. 17. ISBN 0-8050-8034-1
61. ^ Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. op. cit. p. 22. Cite error: The named reference "Adam22" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
62. Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. op. cit. p. xvi.
63. Forbidden Checkpoints and Roads at B'Tselem
64. Bishara, Marwan. "Israel's Pass Laws Will Wreck Peace Hopes", accessed October 21 2006.
65. ^ Farsakh, Leila. "Israel an apartheid state?", Le Monde diplomatique, November 2003
66. New York Times, December 24, 1989. Cited in Robert B. Ashmore, "State Terrorism and its Sponsors", p. 131-132, in Philosophical Perspectives on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, ed. Tomis Kapitan. M.E. Sharpe, 1997
67. Tutu condemns Israeli 'apartheid' BBC, April 90 2002
68. Cole, Juan.Henry Siegman in New York Review
69. Israelis adopt what South Africa dropped, John Dugard, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
70. Eldar, Akiva . "People and Politics / Sharon's Bantustans are far from Copenhagen's hope." Haaretz, May 13 2003.
71. "Israel has established in the Occupied Territories a separation cum discrimination regime, in which it maintains two systems of laws, and a person’s rights are based on his or her national origin. This regime is the only of its kind in the world, and brings to mind dark regimes of the past, such as the Apartheid regime in South Africa." B'Tselem, Maps
72. "Forbidden Roads: The Discriminatory West Bank Road Regime". B'Tselem. 2004. Retrieved 2 November. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
73. McGreal, Chris. "Israel accused of 'road apartheid' in West Bank", The Guardian, October 20, 2005.
74. Carter: Israeli apartheid "worse", BBC.co.uk, 11 December 2006
75. "Israel: West Bank Barrier Endangers Basic Rights", Human Rights Watch, October 1, 2003.
76. • Alan Blenford, "Degree of separation", The Guardian, 30 September 2003, 14.
    • Mohammad Sarwar, 'No one sees policy as credible', The Independent, 4 August 2006.
    • John Pilger, "John Pilger rejects the Law of Silence", New Statesman
    • Mustafa Barghouti, quoted in Horsley, William. "Europe mulls new role in Middle East", BBC, December 13, 2006.
    • "The Apartheid Wall", Al Jazeera English, December 8, 2003
77. ^ Alex Safian, Guardian Defames Israel with False Apartheid Charges, Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America, February 20, 2006
78. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001: Israel Jewish Virtual Library
79. Dr. Alexandre Kedar, Haifa University Law School, "A First Step in a Difficult and Sensitive Road": Preliminary Observations on Qaadan v. Katzir
80. "WEDDINGS; Flore de Preneuf, Lee Hockstader", The New York Times, July 5, 1998.
81. Davidson, Lawrence (2004). "Apartheid Israel". Retrieved 22 October. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |acccessyear= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
82. Israelis adopt what South Africa dropped, John Dugard, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, 29 December 2006
83. Israel Knesset (2003-07-31). "Nationality and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Order) - 2003" (pdf). Retrieved 7 November. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
84. Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. op. cit. p. 23.
85. Huggler, Justin (2003-08-01). "Israel Imposes 'Racist' Marriage Law". Jerusalem: The Independent. Retrieved 23 October. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
86. "Ban on Family Unification". Adalah. Retrieved 7 November. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
87. Macintyre, Donald (2006-05-15). "'Racist' marriage law upheld by Israel". Jerusalem: The Independent. Retrieved 23 October. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
88. Left appalled by citizenship ruling at Jerusalem Post by Sheera Claire Frenkel
89. Israel Is Not An Apartheid State at Jewish Virtual Library
90. ^ Steinberg, Gerald M. Abusing 'Apartheid' for the Palestinian Cause, Jerusalem Post, August 24, 2004. Also, "Either way, its inappropriate use cheapens the meaning of the apartheid that South Africans suffered for so long." Pogrund, Benjamin. "Apartheid? Israel is a democracy in which Arabs vote", MidEastWeb. First published in Focus 40 (December 2005). Accessed December 29, 2006.
91. ^ "Response to the Guardian's G2 supplement". Britain Israel Communications and Research Centre. 2006-02-07. Retrieved 2 November. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
92. ^ Pogrund, Benjamin. "Apartheid? Israel is a democracy in which Arabs vote", MidEastWeb. First published in Focus 40 (December 2005). Accessed December 29, 2006.
93. Jerusalem Houses
94. "Truth, Lies & Stereotypes..." (PDF). StandWithUs. Retrieved 2006-12-29.
95. Troy, Gil. "On Jimmy Carter's False Apartheid Analogy", History News Network, December 18, 2006. Accessed December 27, 2006.
96. e.g. Jimmy Carter, author of Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid, has stated "I have made it clear that the motivation is not racism..." ("Speaking frankly about Israel and Palestine", Los Angeles Times, December 8, 2006.) Raja G. Khouri, a member of the Ontario Human Rights Commission and former president of the Canadian Arab Federation, has said "Indeed, the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians has always been a political one about land and identity, not about race." (Khouri, Raja G. "Time for Canadian Arabs and Jews to work together", The Globe and Mail, December 13, 2006).
97. Bard, Mitchell G. "Myth and Fact: Apartheid?". Jewish Federation of Greater Santa Barbara / Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 8 November. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
98. "Humanitarian Aspects: Impact on Palestinians", Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, July 24, 2006.
99. Wall Street Journal, "After Sharon", January 6, 2006.
100. "Not an 'Apartheid Wall'", Honest Reporting, 15 February 2004. Accessed January 1, 2007.
101. Boehlert, Eric. "Fence? Security barrier? Apartheid wall?", Salon.com, August 1, 2003. Accessed January 1, 2007.
102. "Statement by Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom", Israeli Foreign Ministry, March 17, 2004.
103. The Supreme Court Sitting as the High Court of Justice Beit Sourik Village Council vs. The Government of Israel and Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank.(Articles 28-30)
104. The Negev Bedouin and Livestock Raising", Berg Publishers Ltd, 1994, pgs 28, 36, 38.
105. , Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America, June 25, 1997
106. Is it Apartheid? at Jewish Voice for Peace by Moshe Machover published 10 November 2004
107. Truth, Lies & Stereotypes...
108. Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. op. cit. p. x.
109. Qureia: Israel's unilateral moves are pushing us toward a one-state solution, Haaretz, January 9 2004. Accessed June 26, 2006.
110. PMO rejects Palestinian assertion on right to declare state, Haaretz, January 11 2004, accessed June 26, 2006
111. Is the two-state solution in danger?, Haaretz, April 13 2004, accessed June 26 2006
112. Oren Yiftachel, Department of Geography and Environmental Development, Ben Gurion University of the Desert (2005) Neither two states nor one: The Disengagement and "creeping apartheid" in Israel/Palestine in The Arab World Geographer/Le Géographe du monde arabe 8(3): 125-129
113. "Israel's settlers: Waiting for a miracle", The Economist, August 11, 2005.

Further reading

• "No apartheid in the Middle East" The Guardian February 27, 2007
• Avnery, Uri. "An Eskimo in Bantustan".
• Bard, Mitchell. "Myths & Facts Online. Human Rights in Israel and the Territories", American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise.
• Barghouti, Omar. "Israeli Apartheid - Time for the South African Treatment".
• Buruma, Ian. "Do not treat Israel like apartheid South Africa", The Guardian, July 23, 2002.
• Carey Ron et al. The New Intifada: Resisting Israel's Apartheid. Verso, 2001. ISBN 1-85984-377-8
• Carter, Jimmy. Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Simon & Schuster, 2006. ISBN 0-7432-8502-6
• Davis, Uri. Apartheid Israel: Possibilities for the Struggle Within. Zed Books, 2004. ISBN 1-84277-339-9
• Dugard, John. Template:PDFlink 59th Session of the General Assembly Third Committee, Item 105, 28 October 2004
• Farsakh, Leila: "Israel an apartheid state?", Le Monde diplomatique, November 2003
• Falkson, Jock L. "An Apartheid State? Or The Greatest Lie Ever Told?"
• Pogrund, Benjamin. "Apartheid? Israel is a democracy in which Arabs vote", MidEastWeb.
• Siegel, Jennifer. "Carter Book Slaps Israel With ‘Apartheid’ Tag, Provides Ammo to GOP", The Forward, October 17, 2006.
• Tutu, Desmond & Urbina Ian. Against Israeli apartheid.
• Template:PDFlink, United Nations, January 2006.
• Is Zionism Apartheid? at Zionism On The Web
• This Road is for Jews Only. Yes, There is Apartheid in Israel. By SHULAMIT ALONI
• "Labor MK Raleb Majadele to be appointed first Arab minister" By Yoav Stern, Haaretz

See also

• Academic boycotts of Israel
• Allegations of apartheid for other uses of the term
• Antisemitism
• Arab anti-Zionism
• Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law
• Hafrada
• Intifada
• Israeli West Bank barrier
• Jewish exodus from Arab lands
• New antisemitism
• New Historians

• Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Discrimination