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{{Short description|Croatian nationalist ideology}}
{{About|a Croatian nationalist ideology|the Croatian ancient homeland before migrating to the regions presently inhabited by Croatians|White Croatia}} {{About|a Croatian nationalist ideology|the Croatian ancient homeland before migrating to the regions presently inhabited by Croatians|White Croatia}}
]<ref name=Canak>{{Cite book |first=Nenad |last=Čanak |title=Ratovi tek dolaze |publisher=Nezavisno društvo novinara Vojvodine |year=1993 |page=12}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |first=James |last=Gow |title=The Serbian Project and Its Adversaries: A Strategy of War Crimes |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. Publishers |year=2003 |page=229}}</ref>]]

'''Greater Croatia''' ({{lang-hr|Velika Hrvatska}}) is a term applied to certain currents within ]. In one sense, it refers to the territorial scope of the ], emphasising the ] of those Croats living outside ]. In the political sense, though, the term refers to an ] belief in the equivalence between the territorial scope of the Croatian people and that of the ]. '''Greater Croatia''' ({{langx|hr|Velika Hrvatska}}) is a term applied to certain currents within ]. In one sense, it refers to the territorial scope of the ], emphasising the ] of those Croats living outside ]. In the political sense, though, the term refers to an ] belief in the equivalence between the territorial scope of the Croatian people and that of the ].
] ''Hrvatski Domobran'' newspaper associated with the Ustase organization of the same name, '']'', that sought recruitment of Croat ] in Argentina and other countries. This article rejects the ] and the borders that it provided to Croatia as insufficient.]]


==Background== ==Background==
{{See also|Illyrian movement}} {{See also|Illyrian movement}}
The concept of a Greater Croatian state has its modern origins with the ], a pan-] cultural and political campaign with roots in the ], and revived by a group of young ]n intellectuals during the first half of the 19th century. Although this movement arose in the developing European ] of the time, it particularly arose as a response to the more powerful nationalist stirrings in the then-], of which Croatia was a ]. The concept of a Greater Croatian state has its modern origins with the ], a pan-] cultural and political campaign with roots in the ], and revived by a group of young ]n intellectuals during the first half of the 19th century. Although this movement arose in the developing European ] of the time, it particularly arose as a response to the more powerful nationalist stirrings in the then-], with whom Croatia was in a ].{{Citation needed|date=August 2019}}


The foundations of the concept of Greater Croatia are laid in late 17th and early 18th century works of ].<ref name="AllcockMilivojević1998">{{cite book|author1=John B. Allcock|author2=Marko Milivojević|author3=John Joseph Horton|title=Conflict in the former Yugoslavia: an encyclopedia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vqoUAQAAIAAJ|accessdate=4 September 2013|year=1998|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-0-87436-935-9|page=105|quote=The concept of Greater Croatia...It has its roots in the writings of Pavao Ritter Vitezovic,...}}</ref> He was the first ideologist of Croatian nation who proclaimed that all ] are ].<ref name="Banac1988">{{cite book|author=Ivo Banac|title=The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KfqbujXqQBkC&pg=PA73|accessdate=4 September 2013|year=1988|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=978-0-8014-9493-2|page=73|quote=...was the first Croat national ideologist to extend the Croat name to all the Slavs, ...}}</ref> His works were used to legitimize expansionism of the ] to the east and south by asserting its historical rights to claim Illyria.<ref>{{cite book|last=Banac|first=Ivo|authorlink=Ivo Banac|title=The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KfqbujXqQBkC&pg=PA73|year=1988|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=0-8014-9493-1|page=73}}</ref>{{sfn|V. A. Fine|2010|p=486}} "Illyria" as Slavic territory projected by Vitezović would eventually incorporate not only most of the Southeastern Europe but also parts of Central Europe such as Hungary.<ref>{{harvnb|Trencsényi|Zászkaliczky|2010|p=364}}{{quote|By Slavic territories, Vitezović meant the Illyria of his dreams (Greater Croatia) which, in its boldest manifestation, would have incorporated Hungary itself.}}</ref> Vitezović defines territory of Croatia which, besides Illyria and all Slavic populated territory, includes all the territory between ], ] and ] seas.{{sfn|V. A. Fine|2010|p=487}} The foundations of the concept of Greater Croatia are laid in late 17th and early 18th century works of ].<ref name="AllcockMilivojević1998">{{cite book|author1=John B. Allcock|author2=Marko Milivojević|author3=John Joseph Horton|title=Conflict in the former Yugoslavia: an encyclopedia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vqoUAQAAIAAJ|access-date=4 September 2013|year=1998|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-0-87436-935-9|page=105|quote=The concept of Greater Croatia...It has its roots in the writings of Pavao Ritter Vitezovic,...}}</ref> He was the first ideologist of Croatian nation who proclaimed that all ] are ].<ref name="Banac1988">{{cite book|author=Ivo Banac|title=The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KfqbujXqQBkC&pg=PA73|access-date=4 September 2013|year=1988|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=978-0-8014-9493-2|page=73|quote=...was the first Croat national ideologist to extend the Croat name to all the Slavs, ...}}</ref> His works were used to legitimize expansionism of the ] to the east and south by asserting its historical rights to claim Illyria.<ref>{{cite book|last=Banac|first=Ivo|author-link=Ivo Banac|title=The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KfqbujXqQBkC&pg=PA73|year=1988|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=0-8014-9493-1|page=73}}</ref>{{sfn|Fine|2010|p=486}} "Illyria" as Slavic territory projected by Vitezović would eventually incorporate not only most of the Southeastern Europe but also parts of Central Europe such as Hungary.<ref>{{harvnb|Trencsényi|Zászkaliczky|2010|p=364}}{{quote|By Slavic territories, Vitezović meant the Illyria of his dreams (Greater Croatia) which, in its boldest manifestation, would have incorporated Hungary itself.}}</ref> Vitezović defines territory of Croatia which, besides Illyria and all Slavic populated territory, includes all the territory between ], ] and ] seas.{{sfn|Fine|2010|p=487}}


Because the Kingdom of Hungary was so large, Hungary attempted processes of ] on its constituent territories. As a reaction, ] led the creation of the Illyrian movement.<ref name="Despalatović1975">{{cite book|author=Elinor Murray Despalatović|title=Ljudevit Gaj and the Illyrian Movement|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=aw4MAQAAMAAJ|accessdate=23 December 2011|year=1975|publisher=East European Quarterly|isbn=978-0-914710-05-9}}</ref> This movement aimed to establish Croatian national presence within ] through linguistic and ethnic unity among ]. This was the first and most prominent ] movement in Croatian history. Because the Kingdom of Hungary was so large, Hungary attempted processes of ] on its constituent territories. As a reaction, ] led the creation of the Illyrian movement.<ref name="Despalatović1975">{{cite book|author=Elinor Murray Despalatović|title=Ljudevit Gaj and the Illyrian Movement|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=aw4MAQAAMAAJ|access-date=23 December 2011|year=1975|publisher=East European Quarterly|isbn=978-0-914710-05-9}}</ref> This movement aimed to establish Croatian national presence within ] through linguistic and ethnic unity among ]. This was the first and most prominent ] movement in Croatian history.


An early proponent of Croatian-based Pan-Slavism was the politician, Count ]. In 1832, he published his ''Dissertation'' to the joint Hungarian-Croatian Diet, in which he envisioned a “Great Illyria” consisting of all the South Slav provinces of the Habsburg Empire. An early proponent of Croatian-based Pan-Slavism was the politician, Count ]. In 1832, he published his ''Dissertation'' to the joint Hungarian-Croatian Diet, in which he envisioned a “Great Illyria” consisting of all the South Slav provinces of the Habsburg Empire.


Likewise, the influential ] ], although a supporter of the ], nonetheless advocated merging the ] with Croatia. Likewise, the influential ] ], although a supporter of the ], nonetheless advocated merging the ] with Croatia.


The concept of a Greater Croatia was developed further{{verification needed|date=January 2011}} by ] and ], who founded the nationalist ] (HSP) in 1861. Unlike Strossmayer and the proponents of the Illyrian movement, HSP advocated a united Croatia that stood independently of a Pan-Slavic umbrella state.{{citation needed|date=December 2011}} Starčević was an early opponent of Croatia's unification with Serbs and Slovenes (chiefly the ]); their ideologies gradually gained popularity during the interwar period as tensions grew in the ] between the Croatian and the more influential Serbian political leaders. Ensuing events surrounding the ideology culminated in the World War II conflict between the ] and its opponents including ] Serbs and Communists of all ethnicities (including Croatian). The concept of a Greater Croatia was developed further<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|title=The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920|last=Charles Jelavich, Barbara Jelavich|publisher=University of Washington Press|year=2012|isbn=9780295803609|pages=252}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=The Balkans: A Post-Communist History|last=Robert Bideleux, Ian Jeffries|publisher=Routledge|year=2007|isbn=9781134583287|pages=187}}</ref> by ] and ], who founded the nationalist ] (HSP) in 1861. Unlike Strossmayer and the proponents of the Illyrian movement, HSP advocated a united Croatia that stood independently of a Pan-Slavic umbrella state.<ref name=":0" /><ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.openedition.org/ceup/2420?lang=es|title=Chapter 2. "We Were Defending the State": Nationalism, Myth, and Memory in Twentieth-Century Croatia|last=Biondich|first=Mark|date=2006|website=Open Edition Books|series=CEUP collection |pages=54–109 |publisher=Central European University Press |isbn=978-615-5053-85-6 }}</ref> Starčević was an early opponent of Croatia's unification with Serbs and Slovenes (chiefly the ]); their ideologies gradually gained popularity during the interwar period as tensions grew in the ] between the Croatian and the more influential Serbian political leaders. Ensuing events surrounding the ideology culminated in the World War II conflict between the ] and its opponents including ] Serbs and Communists of all ethnicities (including Croatian).


==Cvetković–Maček Agreement== ==Cvetković–Maček Agreement==
{{unreferenced|section|date=December 2022}}
].]] ].]]
Amid rising ethnic tensions between Croats and Serbs in the 1930s, an autonomous state within Yugoslavia, called the ] was peacefully negotiated in the Yugoslav parliament in the ] of 1939. Croatia was united into a single territorial unit and was provided territories of parts of present-day ], and both ] and southern parts of present-day ]. Amid rising ethnic tensions between Croats and Serbs in the 1930s, an autonomous state within Yugoslavia, called the ] was peacefully negotiated in the Yugoslav parliament via the ] of 1939. Croatia was united into a single territorial unit and was provided territories of parts of present-day ], ], and parts of ] and ], which had Croatian majority at the time.


==Independent State of Croatia== ==Independent State of Croatia==
] in 1943]] ] in 1943]]
{{Main|Independent State of Croatia}} {{Main|Independent State of Croatia|Genocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia}}
The first modern development of a Greater Croatia came about with the establishment of the ] ({{lang-hr|Nezavisna Država Hrvatska}} NDH). Following occupation of the country by ] forces in 1941, ], deputy leader of the ] proclaimed the establishment of the NDH. The first modern development of a Greater Croatia came about with the establishment of the ] ({{langx|hr|Nezavisna Država Hrvatska}}, NDH). Following ] by ] forces in 1941, ], deputy leader of the ] proclaimed the establishment of the NDH.


The Ustaša, an ultranationalist and ]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/620426/Ustasa|title=Ustasa (Croatian political movement)|publisher=Britannica.com|accessdate=2011-12-22}}</ref> movement founded in 1929 supported a Greater Croatia that would extend to the River ] and to the edge of ].<ref name="Meier1999">{{cite book|last=Meier|first=Viktor|title=Yugoslavia: a history of its demise|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=InX1QDEq_O8C|accessdate=23 December 2011|date=23 July 1999|publisher=Psychology Press|isbn=978-0-415-18595-0|page=125}}</ref> ], the Ustaše's ] (leader) had been in negotiations with Fascist Italy since 1927. These negotiations included Pavelić supporting Italy's annexation of its claimed territory in ] in exchange for Italy supporting an independent Croatia.<ref name="Fischer2007">{{cite book|editor=Bernd Jürgen Fischer|title=Balkan strongmen: dictators and authoritarian rulers of South Eastern Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qMZaPjrHqYYC|accessdate=23 December 2011|date=March 2007|publisher=Purdue University Press|isbn=978-1-55753-455-2|page=210}}</ref> In addition, ] offered Pavelić the right for Croatia to annex all of ]. Pavelić agreed to this exchange. The Ustaša, an ] and ]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/620426/Ustasa|title=Ustasa (Croatian political movement)|publisher=Britannica.com|access-date=2011-12-22}}</ref> movement founded in 1929 supported a Greater Croatia that would extend to the River ] and to the edge of ].<ref name="Meier1999">{{cite book|last=Meier|first=Viktor|title=Yugoslavia: a history of its demise|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=InX1QDEq_O8C|access-date=23 December 2011|date=23 July 1999|publisher=Psychology Press|isbn=978-0-415-18595-0|page=125}}</ref> ], the Ustaše's '']'' (leader) had been in negotiations with ] since 1927. These negotiations included ] of ] in ] in exchange for Italy supporting ].<ref name="Fischer2007">{{cite book|editor=Bernd Jürgen Fischer|title=Balkan strongmen: dictators and authoritarian rulers of South Eastern Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qMZaPjrHqYYC|access-date=23 December 2011|date=March 2007|publisher=Purdue University Press|isbn=978-1-55753-455-2|page=210}}</ref> In addition, ] offered Pavelić the right for Croatia to annex all of ] and ]. Pavelić agreed to this exchange. The Greater Croatian ideology, combined with ], culminated in the ], ] and the ] carried out by Ustaše.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Lampe |first1=John |last2=Mazower |first2=Mark |title=Ideologies and National Identities|publisher=Central European University Press|isbn=9789639241824|year=2006|page=54-109}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Cyprian |first1= Blamires |title=World Fascism: A-K|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=9781576079409|year=2006|page=691}}</ref><ref name="fischer">{{cite book|editor-last=Fischer|editor-first=Bernd J.|editor-link=Bernd Jürgen Fischer|year=2007|title=Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of South-Eastern Europe|publisher=Purdue University Press|isbn=978-1-55753-455-2|pages=207–08, 210, 226}}</ref>


==Bosnian War== ==Bosnian War==
{{Main|Bosnian War|Partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina}} {{Main|Bosnian War|Partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina|Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia}}
The most recent expression of a Greater Croatia arose in the aftermath of the ] of ]. When the ] ] declared ] in 1992, Bosnian Serb political representatives, who had boycotted the referendum, established their own government of ], whereupon their forces attacked the ]. The most recent expression of a Greater Croatia arose in the aftermath of the ]. When the ] ] declared ] in 1992, Bosnian Serb political representatives, who had boycotted the referendum, established their own government of ], whereupon their forces attacked the ].


]]]
At the beginning of the ], the Croats and Bosniaks formed an alliance against the ] (JNA) and the ] (VRS). The main Croat army was the ] (HVO), and the Bosniak was the ] (ARBiH).{{sfn|Christia|2012|p=154}} In November 1991, the ] was established as an autonomous Croat territorial unit within Bosnia and Herzegovina.{{sfn|Marijan|2004|p=259}} At the beginning of the ], the Croats and Bosniaks formed an alliance against the ] (JNA) and the ] (VRS). The main Croat army was the ] (HVO), and the Bosniak was the ] (ARBiH).{{sfn|Christia|2012|p=154}} In November 1991, the ] was established as an autonomous Croat territorial unit within Bosnia and Herzegovina.{{sfn|Marijan|2004|p=259}}


The leaders of Herzeg-Bosnia called it a temporary measure during the conflict with the Serb forces and claimed it had no secessionary goal.{{sfn|Malcolm|1995|p=318}} The ] (HOS), a paramilitary wing of the ], supported a confederation between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina,{{sfn|Hewitt|1998|p=71}} but on the basis of the NDH.{{sfn|Marijan|2004|p=270}} Over time, the relations between Croats and Bosniaks worsened, resulting in the ],{{sfn|Christia|2012|p=157-158}} which lasted until early 1994 and the signing of the ].{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=292}} The leaders of Herzeg-Bosnia called it a temporary measure during the conflict with the Serb forces and claimed it had no secessionary goal.{{sfn|Malcolm|1995|p=318}} The ] (HOS), a paramilitary wing of the ], supported a confederation between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina,{{sfn|Hewitt|1998|p=71}} but on the basis of the NDH.{{sfn|Marijan|2004|p=270}} Over time, the relations between Croats and Bosniaks worsened, resulting in the ],{{sfn|Christia|2012|p=157-158}} which lasted until early 1994 and the signing of the ].{{sfn|Tanner|2001|p=292}}


] ] was criticised for trying to expand the borders of Croatia, mostly by annexing Herzegovina and parts of Bosnia with Croat majorities.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=239}} In 2013, the ] (ICTY) ruled, by a majority, that the Croatian leadership had a goal to join the areas of Herzeg-Bosnia to a "Greater Croatia", in accordance with the borders of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939.{{sfn|Prlic et al. judgement vol.6|2013|p=383}} Judge Jean-Claude Antonetti, the presiding judge in the trial, issued a separate opinion in which he disputed the notion that Tuđman had a plan to divide Bosnia.{{sfn|Prlic et al. judgement vol.6|2013|p=388}} ] ] was criticised for trying to expand the borders of Croatia, mostly by annexing Herzegovina and parts of Bosnia with Croat majorities.{{sfn|Goldstein|1999|p=239}} In 2013, the ] (ICTY) ruled, by a majority, that the Croatian leadership had a goal to join the areas of Herzeg-Bosnia to a "Greater Croatia", in accordance with the borders of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939.{{sfn|Prlic et al. judgement vol.6|2013|p=383}} Judge Jean-Claude Antonetti, the presiding judge in the trial, issued a separate opinion in which he disputed the notion that Tuđman had a plan to divide Bosnia.{{sfn|Prlic et al. judgement vol.6|2013|p=388}} On 29 November 2017, the Appeals Chamber concluded that Tuđman shared the ultimate purpose of "setting up a Croatian entity that reconstituted earlier borders and that facilitated the reunification of the Croatian people".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.icty.org/x/cases/prlic/acjug/en/171129-judgement-summary.pdf|title=Summary of Judgement|work=ICTY|page=10|date=29 November 2017}}</ref>


==Lands of "Greater Croatia"== ==Lands of Greater Croatia==
Most commonly encompassed regions include:<ref name=Canak/><ref>{{Cite book |first=Pål |last=Kolstø |title=Strategies of Symbolic Nation-building in South Eastern Europe |publisher=Routledge |year=2016 |page=45}}</ref>
{{unreferenced section|date=March 2017}}
*] {{flagicon|CRO}} *]
*] {{flagicon|BIH}} *]
*] region {{flagicon|SER}} *] region (])
*] region {{flagicon|SER}} *] region (Croatia and Serbia)
*] region {{flagicon|MNE}} *] region (])
*]

==See also==
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]


==References== ==References==
Line 51: Line 61:


== Sources == == Sources ==
* {{cite book |last=Christia |first=Fotini |title=Alliance Formation in Civil Wars |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |author-link=Fotini Christia |year=2012 |isbn=978-1-13985-175-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=psYgAwAAQBAJ}}
* {{cite book
| last = Christia
| first = Fotini
| title = Alliance Formation in Civil Wars
| publisher = Cambridge University Press
| location = Cambridge
| year = 2012
| isbn = 978-1-13985-175-6
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=psYgAwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover
| ref = harv
}}
* {{cite book * {{cite book
| last = Goldstein | last = Goldstein
Line 71: Line 71:
| year = 1999 | year = 1999
| isbn = 978-1-85065-525-1 | isbn = 978-1-85065-525-1
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=pSxJdE4MYo4C&printsec=frontcover | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=pSxJdE4MYo4C
| ref = harv
}} }}
* {{cite book|ref=harv|title=From Ottawa to Sarajevo: Canadian Peacekeepers in the Balkans|first=Dawn M.|last=Hewitt|publisher=Centre for International Relations, Queen's University|location=Kingston, Ontario|year=1998|isbn=978-0-88911-788-4}} * {{cite book|title=From Ottawa to Sarajevo: Canadian Peacekeepers in the Balkans|first=Dawn M.|last=Hewitt|publisher=Centre for International Relations, Queen's University|location=Kingston, Ontario|year=1998|isbn=978-0-88911-788-4}}
* {{cite book|last=Malcolm|first=Noel|author-link=Noel Malcolm|title=Povijest Bosne: kratki pregled|trans-title=Bosnia: A Short History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y8BKAQAACAAJ|year=1995|publisher=Erasmus Gilda|ref=harv}} * {{cite book|last=Malcolm|first=Noel|author-link=Noel Malcolm|title=Povijest Bosne: kratki pregled|trans-title=Bosnia: A Short History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y8BKAQAACAAJ|year=1995|publisher=Erasmus Gilda|isbn=9783895470820}}
*{{cite journal|ref=harv|url=http://hrcak.srce.hr/103326?lang=en|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|publisher=Croatian Institute of History|location=Zagreb, Croatia|title=Expert Opinion: On the War Connections of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991 – 1995)|volume=36|year=2004|first=Davor|last=Marijan|pages=249–289}} *{{cite journal|url=http://hrcak.srce.hr/103326?lang=en|journal=Journal of Contemporary History|publisher=Croatian Institute of History|location=Zagreb, Croatia|title=Expert Opinion: On the War Connections of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991–1995)|volume=36|year=2004|first=Davor|last=Marijan|pages=249–289}}
*{{cite web|ref={{harvid|Prlic et al. judgement vol.6|2013}}|url=http://www.icty.org/x/cases/prlic/tjug/en/130529-6.pdf|title=Prosecutor v. Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić, Berislav Pušić - Judgement - Volume 6 of 6|publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|date=29 May 2013}} *{{cite web|ref={{harvid|Prlic et al. judgement vol.6|2013}}|url=http://www.icty.org/x/cases/prlic/tjug/en/130529-6.pdf|title=Prosecutor v. Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić, Berislav Pušić Judgement Volume 6 of 6|publisher=International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|date=29 May 2013}}
* {{cite book * {{cite book
| last = Tanner | last = Tanner
Line 86: Line 85:
| year = 2001 | year = 2001
| isbn = 978-0-300-09125-0 | isbn = 978-0-300-09125-0
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=sfcpsAoSoewC&printsec=frontcover | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=sfcpsAoSoewC
| ref = harv
}} }}
* {{cite book|first1=Balázs |last1=Trencsényi|first2=Márton |last2=Zászkaliczky |title=Whose Love of Which Country?: Composite States, National Histories and Patriotic Discourses in Early Modern East Central Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=eyRbB0mbSsUC&pg=PA220|accessdate=31 August 2013|year=2010|publisher=BRILL|isbn=978-90-04-18262-2|ref=harv}} * {{cite book|first1=Balázs |last1=Trencsényi|first2=Márton |last2=Zászkaliczky |title=Whose Love of Which Country?: Composite States, National Histories and Patriotic Discourses in Early Modern East Central Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=eyRbB0mbSsUC&pg=PA220|access-date=31 August 2013|year=2010|publisher=BRILL|isbn=978-90-04-18262-2}}
* {{cite book|last=V. A. Fine|first=John Jr.|title=When Ethnicity Did Not Matter in the Balkans: A Study of Identity in Pre-Nationalist Croatia, Dalmatia, and Slavonia in the Medieval and Early-Modern Periods|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wEF5oN5erE0C|year=2010|publisher=University of Michigan Press|isbn=0-472-02560-0|ref=harv}} * {{cite book|last=Fine|first=John V. A.|title=When Ethnicity Did Not Matter in the Balkans: A Study of Identity in Pre-Nationalist Croatia, Dalmatia, and Slavonia in the Medieval and Early-Modern Periods|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wEF5oN5erE0C|year=2010|publisher=University of Michigan Press|isbn=978-0-472-02560-2}}


==External links== ==External links==
{{Commons}}
{{commons category|Greater Croatia}}
*{{cite web |url=http://www.transcomm.ox.ac.uk/traces/iss9pg2.htm |title=Croatia: New Government Alters Position of Diaspora |author= |date= |work=Transnational Communities Programme |publisher=Economic & Social Research Council |accessdate=23 December 2011}} *{{cite web |url=http://www.transcomm.ox.ac.uk/traces/iss9pg2.htm |title=Croatia: New Government Alters Position of Diaspora |work=Transnational Communities Programme |publisher=Economic & Social Research Council |access-date=23 December 2011 |archive-date=6 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120206032140/http://www.transcomm.ox.ac.uk/traces/iss9pg2.htm |url-status=dead }}
*{{cite news |title=Mesic Spurns Greater Croatia |author=Janez Kovac |url=http://iwpr.net/report-news/mesic-spurns-greater-croatia |newspaper=BCR Issue 116 |date=15 February 2000 |accessdate=23 December 2011}} *{{cite news |title=Mesic Spurns Greater Croatia |author=Janez Kovac |url=http://iwpr.net/report-news/mesic-spurns-greater-croatia |archive-url=https://archive.today/20130112114615/http://iwpr.net/report-news/mesic-spurns-greater-croatia |url-status=dead |archive-date=January 12, 2013 |newspaper=BCR Issue 116 |date=15 February 2000 |access-date=23 December 2011 }}

{{Irredentism}} {{Irredentism}}
{{Nationalism}}
{{Pan-nationalist concepts}} {{Pan-nationalist concepts}}
{{Franjo Tuđman}}

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Croatian nationalist ideology This article is about a Croatian nationalist ideology. For the Croatian ancient homeland before migrating to the regions presently inhabited by Croatians, see White Croatia.
One of the visions of the borders of Greater Croatia as advocated by Dobroslav Paraga

Greater Croatia (Croatian: Velika Hrvatska) is a term applied to certain currents within Croatian nationalism. In one sense, it refers to the territorial scope of the Croatian people, emphasising the ethnicity of those Croats living outside Croatia. In the political sense, though, the term refers to an irredentist belief in the equivalence between the territorial scope of the Croatian people and that of the Croatian state.

Background

See also: Illyrian movement

The concept of a Greater Croatian state has its modern origins with the Illyrian movement, a pan-South-Slavist cultural and political campaign with roots in the early modern period, and revived by a group of young Croatian intellectuals during the first half of the 19th century. Although this movement arose in the developing European nationalist context of the time, it particularly arose as a response to the more powerful nationalist stirrings in the then-Kingdom of Hungary, with whom Croatia was in a personal union.

The foundations of the concept of Greater Croatia are laid in late 17th and early 18th century works of Pavao Ritter Vitezović. He was the first ideologist of Croatian nation who proclaimed that all South Slavs are Croats. His works were used to legitimize expansionism of the Habsburg Empire to the east and south by asserting its historical rights to claim Illyria. "Illyria" as Slavic territory projected by Vitezović would eventually incorporate not only most of the Southeastern Europe but also parts of Central Europe such as Hungary. Vitezović defines territory of Croatia which, besides Illyria and all Slavic populated territory, includes all the territory between Adriatic, Black and Baltic seas.

Because the Kingdom of Hungary was so large, Hungary attempted processes of Magyarisation on its constituent territories. As a reaction, Ljudevit Gaj led the creation of the Illyrian movement. This movement aimed to establish Croatian national presence within Austria-Hungary through linguistic and ethnic unity among South Slavs. This was the first and most prominent Pan-Slavic movement in Croatian history.

An early proponent of Croatian-based Pan-Slavism was the politician, Count Janko Drašković. In 1832, he published his Dissertation to the joint Hungarian-Croatian Diet, in which he envisioned a “Great Illyria” consisting of all the South Slav provinces of the Habsburg Empire.

Likewise, the influential Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer, although a supporter of the Habsburg monarchy, nonetheless advocated merging the Kingdom of Dalmatia with Croatia.

The concept of a Greater Croatia was developed further by Ante Starčević and Eugen Kvaternik, who founded the nationalist Party of Rights (HSP) in 1861. Unlike Strossmayer and the proponents of the Illyrian movement, HSP advocated a united Croatia that stood independently of a Pan-Slavic umbrella state. Starčević was an early opponent of Croatia's unification with Serbs and Slovenes (chiefly the Kingdom of Serbia); their ideologies gradually gained popularity during the interwar period as tensions grew in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia between the Croatian and the more influential Serbian political leaders. Ensuing events surrounding the ideology culminated in the World War II conflict between the Independent State of Croatia and its opponents including Chetnik Serbs and Communists of all ethnicities (including Croatian).

Cvetković–Maček Agreement

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Map of the Banovina of Croatia.

Amid rising ethnic tensions between Croats and Serbs in the 1930s, an autonomous state within Yugoslavia, called the Banovina of Croatia was peacefully negotiated in the Yugoslav parliament via the Cvetković–Maček Agreement of 1939. Croatia was united into a single territorial unit and was provided territories of parts of present-day Vojvodina, Posavina, and parts of Herzegovina and Central Bosnia, which had Croatian majority at the time.

Independent State of Croatia

Districts of the Independent State of Croatia in 1943
Main articles: Independent State of Croatia and Genocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia

The first modern development of a Greater Croatia came about with the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia (Croatian: Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH). Following occupation of the country by Axis forces in 1941, Slavko Kvaternik, deputy leader of the Ustaše proclaimed the establishment of the NDH.

The Ustaša, an ultranationalist and fascist movement founded in 1929 supported a Greater Croatia that would extend to the River Drina and to the edge of Belgrade. Ante Pavelić, the Ustaše's Poglavnik (leader) had been in negotiations with Fascist Italy since 1927. These negotiations included Pavelić supporting Italy's annexation of its claimed territory in Dalmatia in exchange for Italy supporting an independent Croatia. In addition, Benito Mussolini offered Pavelić the right for Croatia to annex all of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Pavelić agreed to this exchange. The Greater Croatian ideology, combined with Nazi racial theory, culminated in the genocide of Serbs, the Holocaust and the Porajmos in the NDH carried out by Ustaše.

Bosnian War

Main articles: Bosnian War, Partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia

The most recent expression of a Greater Croatia arose in the aftermath of the breakup of Yugoslavia. When the multiethnic Yugoslav republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence in 1992, Bosnian Serb political representatives, who had boycotted the referendum, established their own government of Republika Srpska, whereupon their forces attacked the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

  Croat-populated areas
Territorial ethnic changes before and after the Bosnian War

At the beginning of the Bosnian war, the Croats and Bosniaks formed an alliance against the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) and the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS). The main Croat army was the Croatian Defence Council (HVO), and the Bosniak was the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH). In November 1991, the Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia was established as an autonomous Croat territorial unit within Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The leaders of Herzeg-Bosnia called it a temporary measure during the conflict with the Serb forces and claimed it had no secessionary goal. The Croatian Defence Forces (HOS), a paramilitary wing of the Croatian Party of Rights, supported a confederation between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, but on the basis of the NDH. Over time, the relations between Croats and Bosniaks worsened, resulting in the Croat–Bosniak War, which lasted until early 1994 and the signing of the Washington Agreement.

Croatian President Franjo Tuđman was criticised for trying to expand the borders of Croatia, mostly by annexing Herzegovina and parts of Bosnia with Croat majorities. In 2013, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) ruled, by a majority, that the Croatian leadership had a goal to join the areas of Herzeg-Bosnia to a "Greater Croatia", in accordance with the borders of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939. Judge Jean-Claude Antonetti, the presiding judge in the trial, issued a separate opinion in which he disputed the notion that Tuđman had a plan to divide Bosnia. On 29 November 2017, the Appeals Chamber concluded that Tuđman shared the ultimate purpose of "setting up a Croatian entity that reconstituted earlier borders and that facilitated the reunification of the Croatian people".

Lands of Greater Croatia

Most commonly encompassed regions include:

See also

References

  1. ^ Čanak, Nenad (1993). Ratovi tek dolaze. Nezavisno društvo novinara Vojvodine. p. 12.
  2. Gow, James (2003). The Serbian Project and Its Adversaries: A Strategy of War Crimes. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 229.
  3. John B. Allcock; Marko Milivojević; John Joseph Horton (1998). Conflict in the former Yugoslavia: an encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 105. ISBN 978-0-87436-935-9. Retrieved 4 September 2013. The concept of Greater Croatia...It has its roots in the writings of Pavao Ritter Vitezovic,...
  4. Ivo Banac (1988). The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Cornell University Press. p. 73. ISBN 978-0-8014-9493-2. Retrieved 4 September 2013. ...was the first Croat national ideologist to extend the Croat name to all the Slavs, ...
  5. Banac, Ivo (1988). The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Cornell University Press. p. 73. ISBN 0-8014-9493-1.
  6. Fine 2010, p. 486.
  7. Trencsényi & Zászkaliczky 2010, p. 364

    By Slavic territories, Vitezović meant the Illyria of his dreams (Greater Croatia) which, in its boldest manifestation, would have incorporated Hungary itself.

  8. Fine 2010, p. 487.
  9. Elinor Murray Despalatović (1975). Ljudevit Gaj and the Illyrian Movement. East European Quarterly. ISBN 978-0-914710-05-9. Retrieved 23 December 2011.
  10. ^ Charles Jelavich, Barbara Jelavich (2012). The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920. University of Washington Press. p. 252. ISBN 9780295803609.
  11. Robert Bideleux, Ian Jeffries (2007). The Balkans: A Post-Communist History. Routledge. p. 187. ISBN 9781134583287.
  12. Biondich, Mark (2006). Chapter 2. "We Were Defending the State": Nationalism, Myth, and Memory in Twentieth-Century Croatia. CEUP collection. Central European University Press. pp. 54–109. ISBN 978-615-5053-85-6. {{cite book}}: |website= ignored (help)
  13. "Ustasa (Croatian political movement)". Britannica.com. Retrieved 2011-12-22.
  14. Meier, Viktor (23 July 1999). Yugoslavia: a history of its demise. Psychology Press. p. 125. ISBN 978-0-415-18595-0. Retrieved 23 December 2011.
  15. Bernd Jürgen Fischer, ed. (March 2007). Balkan strongmen: dictators and authoritarian rulers of South Eastern Europe. Purdue University Press. p. 210. ISBN 978-1-55753-455-2. Retrieved 23 December 2011.
  16. Lampe, John; Mazower, Mark (2006). Ideologies and National Identities. Central European University Press. p. 54-109. ISBN 9789639241824.
  17. Cyprian, Blamires (2006). World Fascism: A-K. ABC-CLIO. p. 691. ISBN 9781576079409.
  18. Fischer, Bernd J., ed. (2007). Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of South-Eastern Europe. Purdue University Press. pp. 207–08, 210, 226. ISBN 978-1-55753-455-2.
  19. Christia 2012, p. 154.
  20. Marijan 2004, p. 259.
  21. Malcolm 1995, p. 318.
  22. Hewitt 1998, p. 71.
  23. Marijan 2004, p. 270.
  24. Christia 2012, p. 157-158.
  25. Tanner 2001, p. 292.
  26. Goldstein 1999, p. 239.
  27. Prlic et al. judgement vol.6 2013, p. 383.
  28. Prlic et al. judgement vol.6 2013, p. 388.
  29. "Summary of Judgement" (PDF). ICTY. 29 November 2017. p. 10.
  30. Kolstø, Pål (2016). Strategies of Symbolic Nation-building in South Eastern Europe. Routledge. p. 45.

Sources

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