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Peshmerga
پێشمەرگه
Flag of Kurdistan Region
Motto	Ey Reqîb
Founded	1920s/1946
Current form	2003–present
Headquarters	Erbil, Kurdistan Region, Iraq
Website	gov.krd/mopa
Leadership
President of Kurdistan Region	Nêçîrvan Barzanî
Minister of Peshmerga Affairs	Şoreş Îsmaîl Abdulla
Personnel
Military age	21–41
Conscription	None
Active personnel	150,000 (see § Structure)
Industry
Domestic suppliers	Republic of Iraq
Foreign suppliers	Current:  Albania  Australia  Austria  Belgium  Bulgaria  Canada  Croatia  Cyprus  Czech Republic  Denmark  Estonia  Finland  France  Germany  Greece  Hungary  India  Iran  Israel  Italy  Netherlands  New Zealand  Norway  Romania  Russia  Slovakia  Slovenia  Sweden  United Kingdom  United States Former:  Czechoslovakia  Soviet Union
Related articles
History	Before 2003: Mahmud Barzanji revolts Ahmed Barzani revolt 1943 Barzani revolt First Iraqi–Kurdish War Second Iraqi–Kurdish War PUK insurgency Iran–Iraq War 1983–1986 Kurdish rebellions Kurdistan Region–PKK conflict Anfal campaign Gulf War 1991 Iraqi uprisings Battle of Sulaymaniyah Kurdish Civil War Islamist insurgency in Kurdistan After 2003: 2003 invasion of Iraq Operation Viking Hammer First Iraq War Iraqi insurgency (2003–2011) Iraqi insurgency (2011–2013) Second Iraq War 2017 Iraqi–Kurdish conflict Attacks on U.S. bases in Iraq and Syria (2023–present)

The Peshmerga (Kurdish: پێشمەرگه, romanized: Pêşmerge, lit. ''Those Who Face Death'') are the armed forces of Iraqi Kurdistan, an autonomous region in northern Iraq. According to the Constitution of Iraq, regional governments are responsible for "the establishment and organization of the internal security forces for the region such as police, security forces, and guards of the region". Other Kurdish defence and security agencies include the Zêrevanî (gendarmerie), Asayish (security and counterterrorism service), and the Parastin û Zanyarî (intelligence agency). The Peshmerga's history dates back to the 18th century, when they began as a tribal paramilitary border guard under the Ottoman Turks and the Safavid Iranians. By the 19th century, they had evolved into a disciplined and well-trained guerrilla force.

Formally, the Peshmerga are under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs of the Kurdistan Regional Government. In practice, however, the Peshmerga's structure is largely divided and controlled separately by the two Iraqi Kurdish political parties: the Democratic Party of Kurdistan and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. Though unifying and integrating the Peshmerga has been on the Kurdistan Region's public agenda since 1992, the individual forces remain divided due to factionalism, which has proved to be a major stumbling block.

Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Peshmerga played a key role in helping the United States on the mission to capture deposed Iraqi president Saddam Hussein. In 2004, they captured Saudi-born Pakistani terrorist Hassan Ghul, who was operating for al-Qaeda in Iraq. Ghul was turned over to American intelligence officers shortly afterwards, and revealed the identity of several key al-Qaeda figures during his interrogation, which eventually led to the killing of Osama bin Laden in a covert American military operation in Pakistan in 2011. One year later, in 2012, Ghul was assassinated by an American drone strike in northwestern Pakistan.

Etymology

The word "Peshmerga" can be translated to "to stand in front of death", and Valentine states it was first used by Qazi Muhammad in the short-lived Mahabad Republic (1946–47). The word is understandable to Persian speakers.

History

The Kurdish warrior tradition of rebellion has existed for thousands of years along with aspirations for independence, and early Kurdish warriors fought against the various Persian empires, the Ottoman Empire and the British Empire.

Historically the Peshmerga existed only as guerrilla organizations, but under the self-declared Republic of Mahabad (1946–1947), the Peshmerga led by Mustafa Barzani became the official army of the republic. After the fall of the republic and the execution of head of state Qazi Muhammad, Peshmerga forces reemerged as guerrilla organizations that would go on to fight the Iranian and Iraqi governments for the remainder of the century.

In Iraq, most of these Peshmerga were led by Mustafa Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party. In 1975 the Peshmerga were defeated in the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War. Jalal Talabani, a leading member of the KDP, left the same year to revitalize the resistance and founded the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. This event created the baseline for the political discontent between the KDP and PUK that divides Peshmerga forces and much of Kurdish society in Kurdistan.

After Mustafa Barzani's death in 1979, his son Masoud Barzani took his position. As tension increased between KDP and PUK, most Peshmerga fought to keep a region under their own party's control while also fighting off Iraqi Army incursions. Following the First Persian Gulf War, Iraqi Kurdistan saw the Kurdish Civil War between the two major parties, the KDP and the PUK, and Peshmerga forces were used to fight each other. The civil war officially ended in September 1998 when Barzani and Talabani signed the Washington Agreement establishing a formal peace treaty. In the agreement, the parties agreed to share revenue and power, deny the use of northern Iraq to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and not allow Iraqi troops into the Kurdish regions. By then, around 5,000 had been killed on both sides, and many more had been evicted for being on the wrong side. In the years after, tension remained high, but both parties moved towards each other, and in 2003 they both took part in the overthrowing of the Baathist regime as part of the Iraq War. Unlike other militia forces, the Peshmerga were never prohibited by Iraqi law.

In 2014, the Peshmerga withdrew from the Nineveh Plains which was said by the locals as being a contributing factor of the quick Islamic State victory in the invasion, and the widespread massacre of Yazidis, who were rendered defenseless.

Structure and capabilities

The Peshmerga are mostly divided among forces loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those loyal to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), while other, minor Kurdish parties such as the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party also have their own small Peshmerga units. The KDP and PUK do not disclose information about the composition of their forces with government or media. Thus there is no reliable number of how many Peshmerga fighters exist. Media outlets have speculated that there are between 150,000 and 200,000 Peshmerga, but this number is highly disputed. Peshmerga have divided Kurdistan Region into a KDP-governed "yellow" zone covering Dohuk Governorate and Erbil Governorate and a PUK-governed "green" zone covering Sulaymaniyah Governorate and Halabja Governorate. Each zone has its own branch of Peshmerga with their own governing institutions that do not coordinate with the other branch.

As a result of the split nature of the Peshmerga forces, there is no central command center in charge of the entire force, and Peshmerga units instead follow separate military hierarchies depending on political allegiance. Multiple unification and depoliticizing efforts of the Peshmerga have been made since 1992. But so far all deadlines have been missed, reforms have been watered down, and most of the Peshmerga are still under the influence of the KDP and the PUK, who also maintain their separate Peshmerga forces. Following the events of the Iraqi Civil War in 2014, the United States and several Europe nations pressured the PUK and KDP to set up mixed brigades of Peshmerga as a condition for aid and funding. The PUK and KDP united 12 to 14 brigades under the Regional Guard Brigades, which were then placed under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs. However, officers continue to report to and take orders from their party leaders who also control the deployment of forces loyal to them and appoint front-line and sector commanders.

Both the KDP and the PUK rely heavily on irregulars in times of conflict to increase their ranks. However, both maintain several professional military brigades. The following units have been identified within the Peshmerga force:

Force	Estimated size	Commander	Party affiliation
Regional Guard Brigades	40,000–43,000	Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs	Supposedly apolitical
Hezekani Kosrat Rasul	2,000–3,000	Kosrat Rasul Ali	PUK
Anti-terror force	5,000	Lahur Shekh Jangi	PUK
Presidential Peshmerga brigades	unknown	Hero Ibrahim Ahmed	PUK
70 Unit	60,000	Sheikh Jaafar Sheikh Mustafa	PUK. Supposedly becoming incorporated into MPA
Emergency Forces	3,000	unknown	PUK
PUK Asayish (security) force	unknown	unknown	PUK
Presidential Guard (Iraqi Kurdistan )	unknown	Nechirvan Barzani	W
80 Unit	70,000–90,000	Najat Ali Salih	KDP. Supposedly becoming incorporated into MPA
Zerevani	51,000–120,000 active/250,000 reservists	Masoud Barzani	KDP
Êzîdxan Protection Force	7,000–8,000	Haydar Shesho	Yazidi Democratic Party, Incorporated into Peshmerga Ministry
Nineveh Plain Guard Forces or "Christian Peshmerga"	1,500	unknown	Chaldean Syriac Assyrian Popular Council
KDP Asayish (security) force	unknown	unknown	KDP

Due to limited funding and the vast size of the Peshmerga forces, the KRG planned to downsize its forces from large numbers of low-quality forces to a smaller but much more effective and well-trained force. Consequently, in 2009, the KRG and Baghdad engaged in discussions about incorporating parts of the Peshmerga forces into the Iraqi Army in what would be the 15th and 16th Iraqi Army divisions. However, after increasing tension between Erbil and Baghdad regarding the disputed areas, the transfer was largely put on hold. Some Peshmerga were already transferred but reportedly deserted again, and there are allegations that former Peshmerga forces remained loyal to the KRG rather than their Iraqi chain of command; regardless, thousands of members of the 80 Unit of KDP and the 70 Unit of PUK are based in Baghdad, and they have good cooperation with other Iraqi forces in Baghdad.

The Peshmerga forces are secular with a Muslim majority and Assyrian and Yazidi units.

Peshmerga forces largely rely on old arms captured from battles. The Peshmerga captured stockpiles of weapons during the 1991 Iraqi uprisings. Several stockpiles of weapons were captured from the old Iraqi Army during the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, in which Peshmerga forces were active. Following the retreat of the new Iraqi Army during the June 2014 Islamic State offensive, Peshmerga forces reportedly again managed to get hold of weapons left behind by the Army. Since August 2014, Peshmerga forces have also captured weapons from the Islamic State. In 2015, for the first time, Peshmerga soldiers received urban warfare and military intelligence training from foreign trainers, the Combined Joint Task Force – Operation Inherent Resolve.

The Peshmerga arsenal is limited and confined by restrictions because the Kurdish Region has to purchase arms through the Iraqi government. Due to disputes between the KRG and the Iraqi government, arms flows from Baghdad to Kurdistan Region have been almost nonexistent, as Baghdad fears Kurdish aspirations for independence. After the Islamic State offensive of August 2014, multiple governments armed the Peshmerga with light arms, night goggles, and ammunition. However, Kurdish officials and Peshmerga stressed that they were not receiving enough and Baghdad was blocking arms from reaching the KRG, emphasizing the need for weapons to be sent directly and not through Baghdad. Despite this, the United States has maintained that the government of Iraq is responsible for the security of Iraqi Kurdistan and that Baghdad must approve all military aid.

The Peshmerga lack a proper medical corps and communication units. This became apparent during the Islamic State offensive in 2014 where the Peshmerga found itself lacking ambulances and frontline field hospitals, forcing wounded fighters to walk back to safety. There is also a lack of communication tools, as Peshmerga commanders are forced to use civilian cellphones to communicate with each other. Under the guidance of the US-led coalition the Peshmerga started to standardize its weapons systems, replacing Soviet-era weapons with NATO firearms.

Inventory

Issues

Peshmerga has been accused of corruption, partisanship, nepotism and fraud. Peshmerga is accused of listing "ghost employees" who do not exist or do not show up for work but receive a salary. Those setting up such a scam split the salary of these employees.

In addition the KDP and PUK have used the Peshmerga to exert a monopoly on the use of force within their zones. In 2011 KDP Peshmerga fired on anti-government protesters in Sulaymaniyah, and the PUK later used its own security forces to break up these protests, leading to criticism from all of the opposition parties in the parliament. In 2014 the KDP used its Peshmerga to stop ministers from the Gorran Movement to enter Erbil and attend parliament.

Outside of Kurdistan Region the Peshmerga has been criticized for using force to exert control of local Arab, Yazidi and Assyrian communities, particularly after taking control of areas officially outside of Kurdistan Region during the Iraqi Civil War.

Role of women

Women have played a significant role in the Peshmerga since its foundation. The Kurdish Zand tribe was known for allowing women in military roles. During the Iraqi–Kurdish conflict the majority of women served within the Peshmerga in supporting roles such as building camps, taking care of the wounded, and carrying munitions and messages. Several women brigades served on the front lines. Margaret George Malik was an iconic Assyrian guerilla fighter who was given a leading position in important battles such as the battle of Zawita Valley. The PUK started recruiting women during the Kurdish Civil War. Women were given a 45-day basic training that included parade drills and basic marksmanship with various rifles, mortars, and RPGs.

In the months leading up to the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, the United States launched Operation Viking Hammer which dealt a huge blow to Islamic terrorist groups in Iraqi Kurdistan and uncovered a chemical weapons facility. The PUK later confirmed that female Kurdish fighters had participated in the operation.

The modern Peshmerga is almost entirely made up of men, while having at least 600 women in their ranks. In the KDP, these Peshmerga women have been refused access to the frontline and are mostly used in logistics and management positions, but PUK Peshmerga women are deployed in the front lines and are actively engaged in combat.

See also

• List of armed groups in the War in Iraq (2013–2017)
• Kurdish rebellion of 1983 and Al-Anfal campaign
• Sinjar massacre and Genocide of Yazidis by ISIL
• YPG
• YPJ
• PKK
• PDKI
• Zaytun Division

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Further reading

• Simon Ross Valentine, Peshmerga: Those Who Face Death: The Kurdish Army, its History, Development, and the Fight against ISIS, Kindle Direct Publishing, 2018, 300pp.
• Chapman, Dennis P., Lieutenant Colonel USA, Security Forces of the Kurdistan Regional Government, Mohammed Najat, Costa Mesa, California: Mazda Publishers, 2011. ISSN 0026-3141 Reviewed by Michael M. Gunter in Middle East Affairs, Vol. 65, No. 3, Summer 2011.

External links

Media related to Kurdish Peshmerga at Wikimedia Commons

• Official MPA site at Kurdish Regional Government site Archived July 10, 2020, at the Wayback Machine

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v t e Iraqi Kurdistan articles
History	Iraqi–Kurdish conflict Iraqi insurgency (2011–2013)
Geography	Kurdistan Erbil (Hewlêr) Halabja (Helebce) Dohuk (Dihok) Sulaymaniyah (Slêmanî) Disputed territories
Politics	Kurdistan Region (autonomous region) Human rights Military (Peshmerga) Presidency Council Parliament President Vice President Prime Minister Foreign relations Foreign missions in Iraqi Kurdistan Missions of Iraqi Kurdistan Two-state solution (Iraqi–Kurdish negotiations) Independence referendum
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