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{{Short description|President of Turkey from 1923 to 1938}} | |||
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{{Other people|Mustafa Kamal|Mustafa Kamal (disambiguation)}} | |||
{{Infobox Officeholder | |||
{{redirect|Atatürk|the airport|Atatürk Airport|other uses}} | |||
|name = Mustafa Kemal Atatürk | |||
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|nationality = ] | |||
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|image = MustafaKemalAtaturk.jpg | |||
{{Use dmy dates|date=June 2020}} | |||
|birth_date = {{birth date|1881|5|19|mf=y}} | |||
{{Infobox officeholder | |||
|birth_place = ] (]) | |||
| honorific-prefix = ''Halâskâr ]''<ref>] ''Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey'', Overlook Press, 2002, {{ISBN|978-1-58567-334-6}}, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230423183736/https://books.google.com/books?id=cO50m62MA8AC&dq=halaskar+gazi+ataturk&pg=PT350 |date=23 April 2023 }}</ref><br />'']'' | |||
|death_date = {{death date and age|df=yes|1938|11|10|1881|5|19}} | |||
| name = Mustafa Kemal Atatürk | |||
|death_place = ], ] | |||
| image = Atatürk1930sy.jpg | |||
|influenced = | |||
| caption = Atatürk in 1936 | |||
|signature = Signiture of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.jpg | |||
| birth_name = Ali Rıza oğlu Mustafa<br>{{efn|Mustafa, son of Ali Rıza}} | |||
|party = ] | |||
| birth_date = {{circa|1881}} | |||
|spouse = ] (1923–25) | |||
| birth_place = ], ] | |||
|religion = ] | |||
| death_date = {{death date and age|1938|11|10|1881|5|19|df=y}} | |||
|order = 1<sup>st</sup> ] | |||
| death_place = ], Turkey | |||
|term_start = 29 October 1923 | |||
| resting_place = ], ]<!--Use Ankara here as the city is known under that name today--> (21 November 1938 – 10 November 1953)<br>], Ankara (since 10 November 1953) | |||
|term_end = 10 November 1938 | |||
| signature = Signature of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.svg | |||
|successor = ] | |||
| nationality = Ottoman, Turkish | |||
|vicepresident = | |||
| party = ] | |||
|order2 = 1<sup>st</sup> ] | |||
| otherparty = {{ubl|] (1906–1907)|] (1907–1918)|] (1918–1919)|] (1919–1923)}} | |||
|term_start2 = 3 May 1920 | |||
| spouse = ] (1923–1925) | |||
|term_end2 = 24 January 1921 | |||
| |
| father = ] | ||
| mother = ] | |||
|order3 = 1<sup>st</sup> ] | |||
| relatives = ] (sister) | |||
|term_start3 = 24 April 1920 | |||
| order1 = 1st | |||
|term_end3 = 29 October 1923 | |||
| office1 = President of Turkey | |||
|predecessor3 = | |||
| term_start1 = 29 October 1923 | |||
|successor3 = ] | |||
| term_end1 = 10 November 1938 | |||
|order4 = 1<sup>st</sup> ] | |||
| primeminister1 = {{ubl|]|]|]}} | |||
|term_start4 = 1919 | |||
| predecessor1 = ''Office established'' | |||
|term_end4 = 1938 | |||
| successor1 = İsmet İnönü | |||
|predecessor4 = | |||
| office2 = ] | |||
|successor4 = ] | |||
| term_start2 = 3 May 1920 | |||
| term_end2 = 24 January 1921 | |||
| deputy2 = ] | |||
| predecessor2 = ''Office established'' | |||
| successor2 = Fevzi Çakmak | |||
| office3 = ] | |||
| term_start3 = 24 April 1920 | |||
| term_end3 = 29 October 1923 | |||
| predecessor3 = ''Office established'' | |||
| successor3 = Fethi Okyar | |||
| order4 = 1st | |||
| office4 = Leader of the Republican People's Party | |||
| term_start4 = 9 September 1923 | |||
| term_end4 = 10 November 1938 | |||
| predecessor4 = ''Office established'' | |||
| successor4 = İsmet İnönü | |||
| allegiance = {{ubli|{{flagdeco|Ottoman Empire}} ] {{nowrap|(1893–1919)}}|{{flagdeco|Ottoman Empire}} ] {{nowrap|(1921–1923)}}|{{flagdeco|Ottoman Empire}} ] (1923–1927)}} | |||
| branch = {{ubl|{{flagdeco|Ottoman Empire}} ]|{{flagdeco|Ottoman Empire}} ]|{{flagicon image|Flag of Turkish Land Forces Command.svg}} ]}} | |||
| rank = {{ubli|] {{nowrap|(Ottoman Army)}}|] (Turkish Army)}} | |||
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| footnotes = <div style="margin-left: 87px;">]</div> | |||
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'''Mustafa Kemal Atatürk''',{{efn|{{IPAc-en|ˈ|m|ʊ|s|t|ə|f|ə|_|k|ə|ˌ|m|ɑː|l|_|ˈ|æ|t|ə|t|ɜr|k|audio=En-us-Mustafa Kemal Ataturk from Turkey pronunciation (Voice of America).ogg}} {{respell|MUUSS|tə|fə|_|kə|MAHL|_|AT|ə|turk}}; {{IPA|tr|mʊs'tafɑ ce'mɑʎ̟ ɑtɑ'tyrc|lang}}.<br /> After the ], he ] appeared as '''Kemal Atatürk''' and ] as '''Kamâl Atatürk''' on his ]s. See ]}} also known as '''Mustafa Kemal Pasha'''{{efn|{{langx|ota|مصطفی كمال پاشا}}; {{langx|tr|Mustafa Kemal Paşa}}; in this ] style name, the given name is Mustafa Kemal, the title is ], and there is no family name.}} until 1921, and '''Ghazi Mustafa Kemal'''{{efn|{{langx|ota|غازی مصطفی كمال}}; {{langx|tr|Gazi Mustafa Kemal}}; in this Ottoman Turkish style name, the given name is Mustafa Kemal, the title is ], and there is no family name.}} from 1921 until the ]<ref>{{TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi|url=https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/mustafa-kemal-ataturk|title=II. ATATÜRK ve TÜRK DİLİ|author=Hasan Eren|quote=24 Kasım 1934’te Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi 2587 sayılı kanunla Gazi Mustafa Kemal’e Atatürk soyadını verdi.}}</ref> ({{circa}} 1881{{efn|His birthday is unknown. 19 May–the day he landed to Samsun in 1919 to start the nationalist resistance–is considered his symbolic birthday. It was also claimed that he was born in 1880. See ]}} – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish ], ] statesman, author, and a ] of the ], serving as its first ] from 1923 until ] in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive ], which modernized Turkey into a ], industrializing nation.<ref name="ÁgostonMasters20092">{{cite encyclopedia |year=2009 |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire |publisher=] |location=] |access-date=23 January 2021 |last=Cuthell Jr. |first=David Cameron |editor1-last=Ágoston |editor1-first=Gábor |pages=56–60 |isbn=978-0-8160-6259-1 |lccn=2008020716 |editor2-first=Bruce |editor2-last=Masters |chapter=Atatürk, Kemal (Mustafa Kemal) |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QjzYdCxumFcC&pg=PA56}}</ref><ref>{{Citation |title=Atatürk, Kemal |date=2014 |url=https://archive.org/details/worldencyclopedi00oxfo |encyclopedia=World Encyclopedia |publisher=Philip's |language=en |doi=10.1093/acref/9780199546091.001.0001 |isbn=9780199546091 |access-date=9 June 2019 |url-access=registration}}</ref><ref>{{Citation |last=Books |first=Market House Books Market House |title=Atatürk, Kemal |date=2003 |url=https://archive.org/details/whoswhointwentie00brig |work=Who's Who in the Twentieth Century |editor-last=Books |editor-first=Market House |publisher=Oxford University Press |language=en |doi=10.1093/acref/9780192800916.001.0001 |isbn=9780192800916 |access-date=9 June 2019}}</ref> Ideologically a ] and ], ] and socio-political theories became known as ] (Atatürkism).<ref name="ÁgostonMasters20092" /> | |||
'''Mustafa Kemal Atatürk''' (19 May 1881 – 10 November 1938) was an army officer, revolutionary ], and ] ] as well as its first President. | |||
Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the ] (1915) during ].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Zürcher |first=Erik Jan |url=https://psi424.cankaya.edu.tr/uploads/files/Zurcher,%20Turkey-A%20Mod%20Hist.PDF#page=395 |title=Turkey : a modern history |publisher=I.B. Tauris |year=1993 |isbn=9781850436140 |publication-place=London |page=384 |chapter=Biographical Notes |oclc=29416622 |access-date=4 October 2023 |archive-date=27 February 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230227062237/https://psi424.cankaya.edu.tr/uploads/files/Zurcher,%20Turkey-A%20Mod%20Hist.PDF#page=395 |url-status=live }}</ref> During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated ] against its ], ] and ]; while never involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath was the subject of discussion. Following the defeat of the ] after World War I, he led the ], which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious ]. Establishing a ] in the present-day Turkish capital ] (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the ]. He subsequently proceeded to ] in 1922 and ] in its place the following year. | |||
Mustafa Kemal established himself as an intelligent and extremely capable military commander while serving as a division commander at the ]. He later fought with distinction on the eastern Anatolian and Palestinian fronts, making a name for himself during ].<ref name=zurcher142>Zürcher, ''Turkey : a modern history'', 142</ref> Following the defeat of the ] at the hands of the ], and the subsequent plans for its partition, Mustafa Kemal led the ] in what would become the ]. Having established a provisional government in ], he defeated the forces sent by the ]. His successful military campaigns led to the liberation of the country and to the establishment of the ]. | |||
As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based ], replacing the old ]. Turkish women received ] during Atatürk's presidency.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Lowe |first=Norman |title=Mastering Modern World History |date=1988 |publisher=MacMillan Education |isbn= |edition=2nd |series=Macmillan Master Series |location=Basingstoke or London |oclc=19922607}} {{ISBN|978-0333485538|978-0333465769|978-0333465776}}.</ref> In particular, ] in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage.<ref name="tempo2">''Türkiye'nin 75 yılı'', Tempo Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 1998, pp. 48, 59, 250</ref> His government carried out a policy of ], trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all ] under the Turkish banner.<ref name="Tormented by history: nationalism in Greece and Turkey2">{{Cite book |last=Sofos |first=Umut Özkırımlı & Spyros A. |title=Tormented by history: nationalism in Greece and Turkey |publisher=Columbia University Press |year=2008 |isbn=9780231700528 |location=New York |page=167}}</ref><ref name="Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey2">{{Cite journal |last=Toktaş |first=Şule |year=2005 |title=Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey's Jewish Minority |url=https://www.academia.edu/761586 |journal=Journal of Historical Sociology |volume=18 |issue=4 |pages=394–429 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-6443.2005.00262.x |s2cid=59138386 |access-date=7 January 2013 |archive-date=3 May 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200503083439/https://www.academia.edu/761586/Citizenship_and_Minorities_A_Historical_Overview_of_Turkey_s_Jewish_Minority |url-status=live |issn = 0952-1909 }}</ref><ref name="Social relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870-19152">{{Cite book |title=Social relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870–1915 |date=3 August 2012 |publisher=Brill |isbn=978-90-04-22518-3 |editor-last=Jongerden |editor-first=Joost |location=Leiden |page=300 |editor-last2=Verheij |editor-first2=Jelle}}</ref> Under Atatürk, the ] were ordered to ] in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities;<ref name="Turkey beyond nationalism: towards post-nationalist identities2">{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VKVSHjjUT2UC |title=Turkey beyond nationalism: towards post-nationalist identities |publisher=Tauris |year=2006 |isbn=9781845111410 |editor-last=Kieser |editor-first=Hans-Lukas |edition= |location=London |page=45 |access-date=7 January 2013}}</ref> non-Turkish ] were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Öktem |first=Kerem |year=2008 |title=The Nation's Imprint: Demographic Engineering and the Change of Toponymes in Republican Turkey |url=http://ejts.revues.org/index2243.html |journal=European Journal of Turkish Studies |issue=7 |doi=10.4000/ejts.2243 |access-date=18 January 2013 |doi-access=free |archive-date=29 December 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121229074313/http://ejts.revues.org/index2243.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Aslan |first=Senem |date=29 December 2009 |title=Incoherent State: The Controversy over Kurdish Naming in Turkey |url=http://ejts.revues.org/index4142.html |journal=European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey |issue=10 |doi=10.4000/ejts.4142 |access-date=16 January 2013 |quote=the Surname Law was meant to foster a sense of Turkishness within society and prohibited surnames that were related to foreign ethnicities and nations |doi-access=free |archive-date=26 July 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120726111611/http://ejts.revues.org/index4142.html |url-status=live }}</ref> The ] granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'ün Nüfus Hüviyet Cüzdanı. (24.11.1934) |url=https://isteataturk.com/Kronolojik/Tarih/1934/11/24/Mustafa-Kemal-Ataturkun-Nufus-Huviyet-Cuzdani-24111934/1 |access-date=3 October 2023 |website=İşte Atatürk {{!}} Atatürk Hakkında Bilmek İstediğiniz Herşey |publisher=www.isteataturk.com |archive-date=5 October 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231005174851/https://isteataturk.com/Kronolojik/Tarih/1934/11/24/Mustafa-Kemal-Ataturkun-Nufus-Huviyet-Cuzdani-24111934/1 |url-status=live }}</ref> ] on 10 November 1938 at ] in ],<!--Use Istanbul here as since 1930 it was known by that name in English--> at the age of 57;<ref>{{Cite web |date=10 November 2016 |title=Turkey commemorates Atatürk on 78th anniversary of his passing |url=http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/turkey-commemorates-ataturk-on-78th-anniversary-of-his-passing-105951 |access-date=21 November 2017 |website=Hürriyet Daily News |place=Ankara |language=en |department=News > Türkiye > Local |archive-date=11 December 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211211010956/https://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/turkey-commemorates-ataturk-on-78th-anniversary-of-his-passing-105951 |url-status=live }}</ref> he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister ],<ref>{{Cite book |last=Jayapalan |first=N. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=twi8hGdcwoUC&q=mustafa+kemal+ataturk+succeeded+by+ismail+inonu&pg=PA133 |title=Modern Asia Since 1900 |year=1999 |publisher=Atlantic Publishers & Distributors (P) Ltd. |isbn=9788171567515 |publication-place=Vishal Enclave, New Delhi |page=133 |language=en}}</ref> and was honored with a ]. | |||
As the first President of Turkey, Atatürk embarked upon a major programme of political, economic and cultural ]. An admirer of the ], Atatürk sought to transform the ruins of the Ottoman Empire into a modern, ], ], ]. The principles of ] are often referred to as ] and continue to form the political foundation of the modern Turkish state. | |||
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the ] and ], which declared it ''The Atatürk Year in the World'' and adopted the ], describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against ] and ]" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction".<ref name="ATATURK: Creator of Modern Turkey2">{{Cite web |last1=Kandogan |first1=Eser |last2=Seferoglu |first2=Süleyman Sadi |date=12 January 1994 |editor-last= |editor-first= |title=Ataturk: Creator of Modern Turkey / Mustafa Kemal Atatürk |url=http://www.columbia.edu/~sss31/Turkiye/ata/hayati.html |access-date=22 November 2017 |website=Thousand Lakes Web Pages |publisher=New York: Columbia University |department=Türkiye On The Web: A Cultural Warehouse |archive-date=9 November 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151109083247/http://www.columbia.edu/~sss31/Turkiye/ata/hayati.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="Landau 19842">{{Cite book |last=Landau |first=Jacob M. |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8_n93Kq5PwMC&q=1981+declared+ataturk+year&pg=PR13 |title=Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey |publisher=Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, Inc. and Leiden, The Netherlands: E.J. Brill |year=1984 |isbn=978-9004070707 |series=A Westview Replica Edition |page=xiii |language=en |chapter=Atatürk's Achievement: Some Considerations |lccn=83-16872 |access-date=27 October 2020 |archive-date=1 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230801000322/https://books.google.com/books?id=8_n93Kq5PwMC&q=1981+declared+ataturk+year&pg=PR13 |url-status=live }}</ref> Atatürk was also credited for his ] oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the ] that resisted the expansionist aggressions of ] and ].<ref>" {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221005015819/https://www.sosyalarastirmalar.com/articles/balkan-pact-and-turkey.pdf |date=5 October 2022 }}" by Esra S. Değerli</ref> | |||
==Name== | |||
Atatürk was born ]. His second name ] (meaning "perfection" or "maturity" in ]) was given to him by his mathematics teacher, Captain Üsküplü Mustafa Efendi. According to ], his teacher gave this name "in admiration of capability and maturity."<ref>], ''Atatürk hakkında hâtıralar ve belgeler'', Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1959, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230408045133/https://books.google.com/books?id=EWwaAAAAIAAJ&q=%22Matematik+%C3%B6%C4%9Fretmeni+Mustafa+Efendi%22 |date=8 April 2023 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Mustafa Kemal Atatürk |url=http://www.turkishembassy.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=300&Itemid=317 |publisher=Turkish Embassy website |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070927211519/http://www.turkishembassy.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=300&Itemid=317 |archive-date=27 September 2007 |access-date=7 August 2007}}</ref> According to other sources, his teacher wanted to distinguish Atatürk from another student who was also named Mustafa.<ref>], ''Sınıf arkadaşım Atatürk: okul ve genç subaylık hâtıraları'', İnkılâp ve Aka Kitabevleri, 1967, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230408045105/https://books.google.com/books?id=-D4NAQAAIAAJ&q=%22Kemal+koyal%C4%B1m%22 |date=8 April 2023 }} ''Benim adım Mustafa. Senin adın da Mustafa. Arada bir fark olmalı, ne dersin, senin adının sonuna bir de Kemal koyalım.''</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Rustow|first=Dankwart A.|author-link=Dankwart Rustow|date=1968|title=Atatürk as Founder of a State|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/20023842|journal=Daedalus|volume=97|issue=3|pages=793–828|jstor=20023842|issn=0011-5266|access-date=26 May 2021|archive-date=3 April 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220403165154/https://www.jstor.org/stable/20023842|url-status=live}}</ref> ] suggests that he may have chosen the name himself as a tribute to the nationalist poet ].<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', p. 37.</ref> According to Alkan, Atatürk seems to have embraced the name Kemal during his army years.<ref name=enis>{{cite book|title=Atatürk on Screen: Documentary Film and the Making of a Leader|year=2020|author=Enis Dinç|page=180}}</ref> | |||
After receiving the ] Atatürk on his first ID card in 1934, his name appeared as Kemal Atatürk, while the ] Mustafa had disappeared altogether. In February 1935, Atatürk began to use the ]<ref>Murat Belge, Tanıl Bora, Murat Gültekingil. ''Milliyetçilik'' (2002), İletişim Yayınları, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120604114809/http://books.google.com.tr/books?ei=K4GtTd6-JsvEsgav_5nXDA&ct=result&id=YBI_AQAAIAAJ&dq=Atat%C3%BCrk+Kam%C3%A2l+isim+de%C4%9Fi%C5%9Ftirme&q=Kam%C3%A2l#search_anchor|date=4 June 2012}}</ref> name Kamâl. According to ''Tarama Dergisi'' (1934), ''kamal'' meant "fortification", "fortress", "army", and "shield".<ref>''Tarama Dergisi'' (1934), volume 2, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240416190117/https://books.google.com/books?id=8yU-AQAAIAAJ&q=tarama+dergisi+kamal&dq=tarama+dergisi+kamal&hl=nl&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjEnveRkd35AhWBr6QKHcybDBYQ6wF6BAgLEAE |date=16 April 2024 }}</ref> On 4 February 1935, the government's official news agency ] gave the following explanation:<ref>Niyazi Ahmet Banoğlu, ''Atatürk'ün İstanbul'daki Hayatı'', volume 2, Millî Eğitim Matbaası, 1974, p. 131. ''İstihbaratımıza nazaran, Atatürk'ün taşıdığı Kamâl adı Arapça bir kelime olmadığı gibi, Arapça Kemal kelimesinin delâlet ettiği manada da değildir. Atatürk'ün muhafaza edilen öz adı, Türkçe 'ordu ve kale' manasında olan Kamâl'dır. Son 'â' üstündeki tahfif işareti 'l'i yumuşattığı için, telâffuz hemen hemen Arapça 'Kemal' telâffuzuna yaklaşır.''</ref> | |||
{{blockquote|According to our intelligence, the name 'Kamâl' that Atatürk bears is not an Arabic word, nor does it have the meaning by the Arabic word kemal . Atatürk's given name, which is being retained, is 'Kamâl', the Turkish meaning of which is army and fortress. As the circumflex accent on the final 'â' softens the 'l' the pronunciation closely approximates that of the Arabic 'Kemal'.|author=Anadolu Agency}} | |||
However, Atatürk returned to the old spelling of Kemal from May 1937 and onwards. To make a soft transition, he avoided using the name as much as he could, either by not using it at all or by signing documents as 'K. Atatürk'. An official explanation was never given, but it is widely agreed that the issue with Atatürk's name was linked to the ].<ref name=enis /> | |||
==Early life== | ==Early life== | ||
{{Further|Personal life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk}}] city of ], now a ]]] | |||
{{Main|Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's personal life}} | |||
] village of ]]] | |||
Atatürk was born either in the Ahmet Subaşı neighbourhood or at a house (preserved as a museum) in Islahhane Street (now Apostolou Pavlou Street) in the Koca Kasım Pasha neighbourhood in ] ({{lang|tr|Selanik}}),<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Méropi Anastassiadou |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qSjAqaQTI7EC&pg=PA71 |title=Salonique, 1830–1912: une ville ottomane à l'âge des Réformes |last2=Méropi Anastassiadou-Dumont |publisher=Brill |year=1997 |isbn=978-90-04-10798-4 |page=71}}</ref> ]. His parents were ], a military officer originally from ] ({{lang|tr|Kocacık}}), title deed clerk and lumber trader, and ]. Only one of Mustafa's siblings, a sister named ] survived childhood; she died in 1956.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Cemal Çelebi Granda |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hFcwAQAAIAAJ |title=Cemal Granda anlatıyor |publisher=Pal Medya ve Organizasyon |year=2007 |isbn=978-9944-203-01-2 |access-date=27 June 2015 |archive-date=1 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230801000815/https://books.google.com/books?id=hFcwAQAAIAAJ |url-status=live }} {{page needed|date=January 2016}}</ref> | |||
Claims and theories about Atatürk's ancestry are strikingly varied and contrasting.<ref name="Zadrozna" /> According to Andrew Mango, his family was Muslim, ] and precariously middle-class.<ref>Andrew Mango ''Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey'', Overlook Press, 2002, {{ISBN|978-1-58567-334-6}}, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230423183734/https://books.google.com/books?id=nu68vd_AmuYC&q=Turkish+speaking+family+ |date=23 April 2023 }}, pp. 27ff. – "Feyzullah's family is said to have come from the country near Vodina (now Edhessa in western Greek Macedonia). The surname Sofuzade, meaning 'son of a pious man', suggests that the ancestors of Zübeyde and Ali Rıza had a similar background. Cemil Bozok, son of Salih Bozok, who was a distant cousin of Atatürk and, later, his ADC, claims to have been related to both Ali Rıza's and Zübeyde's families. This would mean that the families of Atatürk's parents were interrelated. Cemil Bozok also notes that his paternal grandfather, Safer Efendi, was of Albanian origin. This may have a bearing on the vexed question of Atatürk's ethnic origin. Atatürk's parents and relatives all used Turkish as their mother tongue. This suggests that some at least of their ancestors had originally come from Turkey, since local Muslims of Albanian and Slav origin who had no ethnic connection with Turkey spoke Albanian, Serbo-Croat or Bulgarian, at least so long as they remained in their native land.'' ''But in looks Atatürk resembled local Albanians and Slavs. But there is no evidence that either Ali Riza or Zübeyde was descended from such Turkish nomads." page 28; "It is much more likely that Atatürk inherited his looks from his Balkan ancestors. But Albanians and Slavs are likely to have figured among his ancestors."</ref> His father Ali Rıza is thought to have been of ] origin by some authors;<ref>Mango, Andrew, ''Atatürk: the biography of the founder of modern Turkey'', (Overlook TP, 2002), p. 27.</ref><ref name="books.google.com.tr">Jackh, Ernest, ''The Rising Crescent'', (Goemaere Press, 2007), {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230408045134/https://books.google.com/books?id=Pxs-DAIVxqYC&q=Turkish+mother |date=8 April 2023 }}</ref><ref name="p. 144">Isaac Frederick Marcosson, ''Turbulent Years'', Ayer Publishing, 1969, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230325103241/https://books.google.com/books?id=399LkTqBLdAC&q=Ali+Riza |date=25 March 2023 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |first=Yale |last=Richmond |title=From Da to Yes: Understanding the East Europeans |publisher=Intercultural Press Inc. |year=1995 |page=212}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |date=January 1939 |title=Ataturk |url=http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03068373908730899 |journal=Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society |language=en |volume=26 |issue=1 |pages=117–120 |doi=10.1080/03068373908730899 |issn=0035-8789}}</ref> however, according to ], ], ], Müjgân Cunbur, Numan Kartal and Hasan İzzettin Dinamo, Ali Rıza's ancestors were ], ultimately descending from ] in ] of ].<ref name="Çankaya17">Falih Rıfkı Atay, ''Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar'', İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 17. {{in lang|tr}}</ref><ref>Vamık D. Volkan & Norman Itzkowitz, ''Ölümsüz Atatürk'' (''Immortal Atatürk''), Bağlam Yayınları, 1998, {{ISBN|975-7696-97-8}}, p. 37, dipnote no. 6 (Atay, 1980, s. 17)</ref><ref>Cunbur, Müjgân. ''Türk dünyası edebiyatçıları ansiklopedisi, 2. cilt'' (2004), Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Başkanlığı: "Babası Ali Rıza Efendi (doğ. 1839), annesi Zübeyde Hanımdır, baba dedesi Hafız Ahmet Efendi, 14–15. yy.da Anadolu'dan göç ederek Makedonya'ya yerleşen Kocacık Yörüklerindendir."</ref><ref>Kartal, Numan. ''Atatürk ve Kocacık Türkleri'' (2002), T.C. Kültür Bakanlığı: "Aile Selânik'e Manastır ilinin Debrei Bâlâ sancağına bağlı Kocacık bucağından gelmişti. Ali Rıza Efendi'nin doğum yeri olan Kocacık bucağı halkı da Anadolu'dan gitme ve tamamıyla Türk, Müslüman Oğuzların Türkmen boylarındandırlar."</ref><ref>Dinamo, Hasan İzzettin. ''Kutsal İsyan: Millî Kurtuluş Savaşı'nın Gerçek Hikâyesi, 2. cilt'' (1986), Tekin Yayınevi.</ref><ref name="Macedonia Travel Blog 2013">{{Cite web |title=Mustafa Kemal Ataturk – memorial museum in village Kodzadzik (Коџаџик) in Municipality Centar Zupa (Центар Жупа) |url=https://whereismacedonia.org/mustafa-kemal-ataturk-memorial-museum-in-village-kodzadzik-in-municipality-centar-zupa/ |date=24 May 2013 |website=Macedonia Travel Blog |access-date=23 April 2018 |archive-date=4 November 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141104163319/http://whereismacedonia.org/en/where-to-go-in-macedonia/museums-in-macedonia/327-mustafa-kemal-ataturk-memorial-museum-in-village-kodzadzik-in-municipality-centar-zupa |url-status=dead }}</ref> His mother Zübeyde is thought to have been of ] origin,<ref name="books.google.com.tr" /><ref name="p. 144" /> and according to ], she was of ] ] ancestry.<ref>Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, ''Tek Adam: Mustafa Kemal'', Birinci Cilt (1st vol.): 1881–1919, 14th ed., Remzi Kitabevi, 1997, {{ISBN|975-14-0212-3}}, p. 31. {{in lang|tr}}</ref> According to some various claims, she descended from ],<ref>{{Cite book |last=Fodor |first=Marcel William |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BxiHAAAAMAAJ&q=His+mother,+Subeida,+was+the+daughter+of+a+small+tenant+of+a+farm+in+Southern+Albania.+According+to+such+reliable+evidence+as+I+was+able+to+collect,+this+blonde-haired,+blue-eyed,+robust+woman+was+an+Albanian+whose+mother,+in+turn,+was+a+Macedonian.+Mus-tapha+Kemal.+with+his+blue+eves+and+blond+hair.+resembled+his |title=South of Hitler |publisher=Houghton Mifflin |year=1939 |location=United States, University of Wisconsin – Madison |pages=73 |language=English |quote=His mother, Subeida, was the daughter of a small tenant of a farm in Southern Albania. According to such reliable evidence as I was able to collect, this blonde-haired, blue-eyed, robust woman was an Albanian whose mother, in turn, was a Macedonian. Mustapha Kemal with his blue eyes and blond hair resembled his... |access-date=9 March 2024 |archive-date=9 March 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240309052849/https://books.google.com/books?id=BxiHAAAAMAAJ&q=His+mother,+Subeida,+was+the+daughter+of+a+small+tenant+of+a+farm+in+Southern+Albania.+According+to+such+reliable+evidence+as+I+was+able+to+collect,+this+blonde-haired,+blue-eyed,+robust+woman+was+an+Albanian+whose+mother,+in+turn,+was+a+Macedonian.+Mus-tapha+Kemal.+with+his+blue+eves+and+blond+hair.+resembled+his |url-status=live }}</ref> ] ],<ref>{{Cite news |date=12 October 1953 |title=Turkey: The land a dictator turned into a democracy |work=Time Magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,860057-2,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100522203055/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,860057-2,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=22 May 2010 |access-date=28 December 2023}}</ref> or ].<ref name="Zadrozna">{{Cite journal|title=Reconstructing the past in a post-Ottoman village: Turkishness in a transnational context|first=Anna|last=Zadrożna|date=31 July 2017|journal=Nationalities Papers|volume=45|issue=4|pages=524–39|doi=10.1080/00905992.2017.1287690|s2cid=132176422 |doi-access=free}}</ref> Due to the large ] community of Salonica in the Ottoman period, many of his ] opponents who were disturbed by ] ] that Atatürk had Jewish ] ancestors.<ref>], "Doenmeh", ''Encyclopaedia Judaica'', 2nd ed.; Volume 5: Coh-Doz, Macmillan Reference US, Thomson Gale, 2007, {{ISBN|0-02-865933-3}}, p. 732.</ref> | |||
In his early years, his mother encouraged Atatürk to attend a religious school, something he did reluctantly and only briefly. Later, he attended the Şemsi Efendi School (a private school with a more secular curriculum) at the direction of his father. When he was seven years old, his father died.<ref>Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985</ref> His mother wanted him to learn a trade, but without consulting them, Atatürk took the entrance exam for the Salonica Military School (''Selanik Askeri Rüştiyesi'') in 1893. In 1896, he enrolled in the ] (in modern ], ]) where he excelled at mathematics.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Atatürk |first=Kemal |url= |title=Mustafa Kemal Ataturk |date=1998 |publisher=Akşit |pages=13 |language=en}}</ref> On 14 March 1899,<ref name="Genelkurmay1">T. C. Genelkurmay Harp Tarihi Başkanlığı Yayınları, ''Türk İstiklâl Harbine Katılan Tümen ve Daha Üst Kademelerdeki Komutanların Biyografileri'', Ankara: Genkurmay Başkanlığı Basımevi, 1972, p. 1. {{in lang|tr}}</ref> he enrolled at the ] in the neighbourhood of Pangaltı<ref name="Çankaya29">Falih Rıfkı Atay, ''Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar'', İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 29. {{in lang|tr}}</ref> within the ] district of the Ottoman capital city ] (modern ]) and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the ] in Constantinople on 11 January 1905.<ref name="Genelkurmay1" /> | |||
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was born in the ] city of ] ({{lang-tr|Selânik}}; modern-day Thessaloniki in ]) in the spring of 1881 to ], his father, and ], his mother. Born as ''Mustafa'', his second name ''Kemal'' (meaning ''Perfection'' or ''Maturity'') was given to him by his ] teacher in recognition of his academic excellence.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.turkishembassy.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=300&Itemid=317 |title=Mustafa Kemal Atatürk |publisher=Turkish Embassy website |accessdate=2007-08-07}}</ref> In his early years, his mother encouraged Mustafa to attend a religious school (the ''Şemsi Efendi Mektebi''), though a reluctant Mustafa completed only a brief stay there. Then he had a fight with one of his teachers and left home, to enroll into a military junior high school in Selânik (the ''Selânik Askerî Rüştiyesi'') in 1893. In 1896 he enrolled into a military high school (the ''Manastır Askerî İdadisi'') in the Ottoman city of Manastır (today's ], in the ].) In 1899 he enrolled into the War College (the ''Mekteb-i Harbiye-i Şahane'') in ] and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the War Academy (the ''Erkân-ı Harbiye Mektebi'') on 11 January 1905. | |||
==Military career== | ==Military career== | ||
{{Main|Mustafa Kemal Atatürk |
{{Main|Military career of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk}} | ||
===Early years=== | |||
After his graduation in 1905, he was assigned to ] as a ]. He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers called "]." In 1907, he was promoted to the rank of ] and assigned to Manastır. He joined the ] (CUP). However, in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, policies pursued by the CUP leadership. In 1908, the ] seized power from ]. He played a role in this revolution. In 1910, he took part in the Picardie army maneuvers in ]. In 1911, served at the Ministry of War for a short time. Later in 1911, he was posted to the Ottoman province of Trablusgarp (present-day ]) to oppose the ]. He returned to capital in October 1912 following the outbreak of the ]. During the ], he fought against the Bulgarian army at Gallipoli and Bolayır on the coast of ]. In 1913, he was appointed military attaché to ] and promoted to the rank of ] in 1914. | |||
{{See also|Vatan ve Hürriyet|Committee of Union and Progress|Young Turk Revolution}}] | |||
] with his soldiers, 1915]] | |||
Shortly after graduation, he was arrested by the police for his anti-monarchist activities. Following confinement for several months he was released only with the support of Rıza Pasha, his former school director.<ref name="Atay">Falih Rıfkı Atay: Çankaya, Pozitif Yayınları, İstanbul, 2004 {{ISBN|975-6461-05-5}}</ref> After his release, Atatürk was assigned to the ] based in ] as a ] ]<ref name="Genelkurmay1" /> in the company of ] (Cebesoy) and ] (Özdeş).<ref>Mango, ''ibid'', p. 37.</ref> He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers led by a merchant ] (Cantekin) called ] ("Motherland and Liberty"). On 20 June 1907, he was promoted to the rank of ] (''Kolağası'') and on 13 October 1907, was assigned to the headquarters of the ] in ].<ref name="Genelkurmay2">T.C. Genelkurmay Başkanlığı Yayınları, ''ibid'', p. 2.</ref> He joined the ], with membership number 322, although in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, the policies pursued by the CUP leadership. On 22 June 1908, he was appointed the Inspector of the Ottoman Railways in ] (''Doğu Rumeli Bölgesi Demiryolları Müfettişi'').<ref name="Genelkurmay2" /> In July 1908, he played a role in the ] which seized power from Sultan ] and restored the ]. | |||
The Ottoman Empire entered ] and engaged with the ] in the ]. Mustafa Kemal was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19<sup>th</sup> ] attached to the ] during the ]. The Gallipoli campaign became a disastrous defeat for the Allies. Mustafa Kemal became the outstanding front-line commander and gained much respect from his former enemies for his chivalry in victory. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal served in ] until the 14 January 1916. | |||
] army manoeuvres in France, 28 September 1910]] | |||
He was assigned to the command of the XVI<sup>th</sup> Corps of the ] and sent to the ]. The massive Russian offensive had reached the Anatolian key cities. On 7 August, Mustafa Kemal rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive.<ref name=lengyel68>Lengyel, ''They called him Atatürk'', 68</ref> Two of his divisions captured not only ] but the equally important town of ], greatly upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.<ref name=kinross100> Kinross, ''Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation'', 100</ref> On 7 March 1917, Mustafa Kemal was appointed from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the 2<sup>nd</sup> Army. The ] erupted and the Caucasus front of the ] disintegrated.<ref name=lengyel68/> Mustafa Kemal had already left the region as was assigned to the command of the 7<sup>th</sup> Army at the ]. | |||
He was proposing depoliticization in the army, a proposal which was disliked by the leaders of the CUP. As a result, he was sent away to ] (present ], then an Ottoman territory) under the pretext of suppressing a tribal rebellion towards the end of 1908.<ref name="Atay" /> According to Mikush however, he volunteered for this mission.<ref>D.V.Mikusch: Zwichen Europe und Asien (translation Esat Mermi Erendor), İkarus Yayınları, İstanbul, 1981 {{ISBN|978-605-5834-32-6}} p. 67</ref> He suppressed the revolt and returned to Constantinople in January 1909. | |||
He returned to ] on 28 August 1918, and resumed his command. ] had lost the ]. Nothing stood between General ]'s forces and Mustafa Kemal. Concluding that he didn't have enough men to engage the British forces, Mustafa Kemal retreated towards Jordan to establish a stronger defensive line. He was appointed to the command of Thunder Groups Command (]:''Yıldırım Orduları Gurubu''), replacing ]. Mustafa Kemal's position became the base line for the ]. | |||
In April 1909 in Constantinople, a group of soldiers began a counter-revolution (see ]). Atatürk was instrumental in suppressing the revolt.<ref>Patrick Kinross: ''Rebirth of a Nation'' (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p. 68</ref> | |||
Kemal's last active service to the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the troops that were left behind the south of his line. At the end of the war, he was 37 years old. Mustafa Kemal returned to an ] on 13 November 1918. Along the established lines of ], ], ], ] and ] forces began to occupy Anatolia. The ] along with the ] mobilized the ] and the ].<ref>Mustafa Kemal Pasha's speech on his arrival in Ankara in November 1919</ref> | |||
In 1910, he was called to the ].<ref>{{Cite web |title=1910, Albania broke a major uprising. Minister of War, Shefqet Mahmut Pasha, was personally involved in its printing. For this purpose decided to call his war headquarters Qemali Mustafa who was known as one of the generals prepared and laid him drafting the plan of operations. Mustafa at this time was in the Fifth Army Headquarters in Salonica. |url=http://albania.dyndns.org/Presse/2004/01102004.htm |publisher=Albania.dyndns.org |access-date=10 November 2012 |archive-date=26 July 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110726010303/http://albania.dyndns.org/Presse/2004/01102004.htm |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Mustafa Atatürk had assisted in the military operation in Albania in 1910 |url=http://www.zeriyt.com/mustafa-ataturku-krijuesi-i-turqise-moderne-t37510.0.html |publisher=Zeriyt.com |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110806013843/http://www.zeriyt.com/mustafa-ataturku-krijuesi-i-turqise-moderne-t37510.0.html |archive-date=6 August 2011 |access-date=10 November 2012}}</ref> At that time ] was leading Albanian uprisings in ], and there were ] as well.<ref>{{Cite web |title=1912 | Aubrey Herbert: A Meeting with Isa Boletini |url=http://www.albanianhistory.net/texts20_1/AH1912_3.html |publisher=Albanianhistory.net |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121022231544/http://www.albanianhistory.net/texts20_1/AH1912_3.html |archive-date=22 October 2012 |access-date=29 October 2012 }}</ref><ref>Enstehung und Ausbau der Königsdiktatur in Albanien, 1912–1939 Von Michael Schmidt-Neke</ref> In 1910, Atatürk met with ], the Albanian lord, politician, writer, and one of the delegates of the ].<ref>{{Cite web |title=I remember well the meeting very interesting, I had casually with Mustafa Qemali in 1910, at the time, still a mere lieutenant |url=http://www.albislam.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1137:prezantim-per-librin-kujtime-&catid=580:libri&Itemid=774 |publisher=Albislam.com |access-date=10 November 2012 |archive-date=26 February 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210226000429/http://www.albislam.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1137:prezantim-per-librin-kujtime-&catid=580:libri&Itemid=774 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>KUJTIME nga: Eqrem Bej Vlora. Ekrem Bey Vlora, Lebenserinnerungen – Teilband II: 1912–1925</ref> | |||
==Leadership during the War of Independence== | |||
{{main|Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's leadership of the independence war}} | |||
] | |||
Mustafa Kemal's active participation in the national resistance movement began with his assignment as a General Inspector to oversee the demobilisation of remaining Ottoman military units and nationalist organizations. On 19 May 1919, he departed from Istanbul to ]. The first goal in his mind was the ] against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he and his close friends issued the ], which stated that the independence of the country was in danger. The Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest, later condemning him to death. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July. | |||
Later, in the autumn of 1910, he was among the Ottoman military observers who attended the ] army manoeuvres in France,<ref name=AnaBritannica/> and in 1911, served at the Ministry of War (''Harbiye Nezareti'') in Constantinople for a short time. | |||
Mustafa Kemal called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament that would have its seat in ].<ref name=feroz50>Ahmad, ''The Making of Modern Turkey'', 50</ref> On 12 February 1920, the last Ottoman Parliament gathered in Istanbul. This parliament was dissolved by British forces after the declaration of the ] (]: ''Misak-ı Milli''). Mustafa Kemal used this opportunity to establish the "]" (GNA) gathered on 23 April 1920, with Mustafa Kemal as ]. On 10 August 1920 Grand Vizier ] signed the ], which finalized the plans for the ] including what Turkish nationals accepted as their heartland. Kemal Insisted on complete independence and the safeguarding of the interests of the Turkish majority on Turkish soil. He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The National Army faced the ] occupation forces and fought on three fronts: in the ], ] and ] wars. After a series of initial battles during ] war, the Greek army advanced as far as the ], just eighty kilometers west of the GNA. On 5 August 1921, Mustafa Kemal was promoted to ] of the forces.<ref name="AA">{{cite web |url=http://www.aa.com.tr/tarihce_en/ |title=A short history of AA |accessdate=2008-01-01|author=editorial staff |publisher=Anadolu Ajansı Genel Müdürlüğü |quote=''Ikdam'' newspaper dated 9 August 1921, reproducing the dispatches of AA dated 5 August and 6th, 1921, announced that Mustafa Kemal Pasha was promoted as ''Chief Commander''}}</ref> The ] from 23 August to 13 September 1921 ended with the defeat of the Greeks. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Ankara's successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Serves treaty as a peace settlement on Ankara. Kemal rejected their proposal. The final battle, the ], was fought during August and September of 1922. He launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at ]. | |||
===Italo-Turkish War (1911–12)=== | |||
The ] began on 21 November 1922. In accordance with the directives of Mustafa Kemal, ] refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty while discussing matters regarding the control of Turkish finances and justice, the ], the ] and the like.<ref>Shaw, ''History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey'', 365</ref> On 24 July 1923, the ] was signed. Ten weeks after agreement was reached the Allied forces left Istanbul.<ref>Kinross, Atatürk, The Rebirth of a Nation, 373.</ref> The final outcome of the independence war was the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923. | |||
{{Main|Italo-Turkish War}} | |||
{{See also|Battle of Tobruk (1911)}} | |||
], ], 1912]] | |||
In 1911, he volunteered to fight in the ]<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Landau |first=Jacob M. |title=Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey |publisher=Westview Press |year=1984 |isbn=0865319863 |location=Boulder, CO |page=17 |language=en}}</ref> in the Ottoman ] (present-day ]).<ref>Jacob M. Landau, (1984), p. 48</ref> He served mainly in the areas near ] and ].<ref name=":0" /> The invading Italian army had a strength of 150,000 men;<ref name="Italian-Turkish War page 96">William Henry Beehler, ''The History of the Italian-Turkish War'', page 96</ref> it was opposed by 20,000 Bedouins and 8,000 Turks.<ref name="Italian-Turkish War page 14">Beehler, p. 14</ref> A short time before ] declared war, many of the Ottoman troops in Libya were sent to the Ottoman province of ] to put down the rebellion there, so the Ottoman government was caught with inadequate resources to counter the Italians in Libya. Britain, which controlled the ], did not allow additional Ottoman troops to reach Libya through Egypt. Ottoman soldiers like Atatürk went to Libya either dressed as Arabs (risking imprisonment if noticed by the British authorities in Egypt) or by the very few available ferries (the Italians, who had superior naval forces, effectively controlled the sea routes to ]). However, despite all the hardships, Atatürk's forces in Libya managed to repel the Italians on a number of occasions, such as at the ] on 22 December 1911. | |||
==Presidency == | |||
:''For conceptual analysis, see ] and ]'' | |||
During the Battle of Derna on 16–17 January 1912, while Atatürk was assaulting the Italian-controlled fortress of Kasr-ı Harun, two Italian planes dropped bombs on the Ottoman forces; a ] splinter from a damaged building's rubble struck Atatürk's left eye, causing permanent tissue damage, but not total loss of sight. He received medical treatment for nearly a month; he attempted to leave the ]'s health facilities after only two weeks, but when his eye's situation worsened, he had to return and resume treatment. On 6 March 1912, Atatürk became the Commander of the Ottoman forces in Derna. He managed to defend and retain the city and its surrounding region until the end of the Italo-Turkish War on 18 October 1912. Atatürk, ], ], and the other Ottoman military commanders in Libya had to return to ] following the outbreak of the ] on 8 October 1912. Having lost the war, the Ottoman government had to surrender ], ], and ] (three provinces forming present-day Libya) to the ] in the ] signed ten days later, on 18 October 1912. Since 1923, historians have preferred to name this treaty as the "Treaty of Ouchy", after the ] in ] where it was signed, to distinguish it from the later ] signed between the ] and the ] in ] (at that time known as Angora).<ref>{{Cite book |last=Erik Goldstein |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KWWKAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA37 |title=Wars and Peace Treaties: 1816 to 1991 |publisher=] |year=2005 |isbn=9781134899128 |page=37 |access-date=15 May 2018 |archive-date=1 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230801001336/https://books.google.com/books?id=KWWKAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA37 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
] after the 10th year celebration meeting]] | |||
The ] ended the ] and recognized the new nation's independence. Mustafa Kemal was 42 years old when the ] was formed. However, efforts to modernise the country had just started; institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, or Switzerland were yet to be analyzed and adopted according to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Kemal's intentions, the public cheered: ''"We are returning to the days of the ]"''.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 394</ref> In order to establish ] Mustafa Kemal placed ], ] and ] in the important positions. Mustafa Kemal capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting wide-ranging and progressive political, economic, and social reforms, transforming Turkish society from perceiving itself as Muslim subjects of a vast Empire into citizens of a modern, ], and ] ]. | |||
===Balkan Wars (1912–13)=== | |||
{{Main|Balkan Wars}} | |||
{{See also|First Balkan War|Second Balkan War}} | |||
On 1 December 1912, Atatürk arrived at his new headquarters on the ] peninsula and, during the ], he took part in the amphibious landing at ] on the coast of ] under ] ], but this offensive was repulsed during the ] by ]'s 7th Rila Infantry Division<ref>Richard C. Hall, ''The Balkan Wars 1912–1913: Prelude to the First World War'', Routledge, 2002, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230423183855/https://books.google.com/books?id=2-zAeObDX_gC&dq=Georgi+Todorov+Bulair&pg=PA81 |date=23 April 2023 }}</ref> under the command of ]'s ].<ref>Edward J. Erickson, ''Defeat in Detail: The Ottoman Army in the Balkans, 1912–1913'', Praeger, 2003, {{ISBN|0-275-97888-5}}, p. 255.</ref> | |||
In June 1913, during the ], he took part in the Ottoman Army forces<ref>{{Cite encyclopedia |title=Kemal Atatürk |language=en |url=https://www.britannica.com/biography/Kemal-Ataturk |access-date=21 November 2017 |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia Britannica |archive-date=21 September 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220921175512/https://www.britannica.com/biography/Kemal-Ataturk |url-status=live }}</ref> commanded by ] ] that recovered ] and ] (Adrianople, the capital city of the ] between 1365 and 1453, thus of utmost historic importance for the Turks) together with most of eastern ] from the Bulgarians. | |||
In 1913, he was appointed the Ottoman military attaché to ] (his office was in ], Bulgaria) and promoted to the rank of ] (] / ]) on 1 March 1914.<ref name="Genelkurmay1" /> While in Bulgaria, he met with Dimitrina Kovacheva, the daughter of Bulgarian general ] (against whose forces he had fought during the ]), who had recently completed her education in ], during a ] ball in Sofia and fell in love with her.<ref name="DimitrinaKovacheva">{{Cite web |title=Atatürk'ün Bulgar aşkı belgesel oldu |url=https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/ataturkun-bulgar-aski-belgesel-oldu-4272436 |date=18 April 2006 |publisher=] |access-date=15 March 2020 |archive-date=10 July 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220710134141/https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/ataturkun-bulgar-aski-belgesel-oldu-4272436 |url-status=live }}</ref> The two danced at the ball and started to secretly date in the following days.<ref name=DimitrinaKovacheva/> Atatürk twice asked Dimitrina's parents for their permission to marry her (the second time was in 1915, during ]) and was twice refused, which left him with a lifelong sadness.<ref name=DimitrinaKovacheva/> | |||
===First World War (1914–18)=== | |||
{{Main|World War I}} | |||
{{See also|Gallipoli Campaign|Middle Eastern theatre of World War I}} | |||
] and Atatürk on the daily '']'' dated 29 October 1915]] | |||
In 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the ] and ] of World War I allied with the ]. Atatürk was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to the ] during the ]. He became the front-line commander after correctly anticipating where the Allies would attack, and held his position until they retreated. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Atatürk served in ] until 14 January 1916. He was then assigned to the command of the ] of the ] and sent to the ] after the massive Russian offensive had reached key Anatolian cities. On 7 August, he rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive.<ref name="lengyel68">Lengyel, ''They called him Atatürk'', 68</ref> Two of his divisions captured ] and ], upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.<ref name="kinross100">Patrick Kinross, ''Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation'', 100</ref> | |||
], Çanakkale, 1915]] | |||
Following this victory, the ] government in Constantinople proposed to establish a new army in ] (''Hicaz Kuvve-i Seferiyesi'') and appoint Atatürk to its command, but he refused the proposal and this army was never established.<ref name="AnaBritannica">Ana Britannica (1987) Vol. 2 (Ami – Avr): ''Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal''. p. 490.</ref> Instead, on 7 March 1917, Atatürk was promoted from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the Second Army, although the ] were soon withdrawn when the ] erupted.<ref name=AnaBritannica/><ref name=lengyel68/> | |||
In July 1917, he was appointed to the command of the ], replacing ] on 7 August 1917, who was under the command of the German general ]'s ] (after the British forces of General ] captured ] in December 1917, Erich von Falkenhayn was replaced by ] who became the new commander of the Yıldırım Army Group in early 1918.)<ref name=AnaBritannica/> Atatürk did not get along well with General von Falkenhayn and, together with ], wrote a report to ] ] regarding the grim situation and lack of adequate resources in the Palestinian front. However, Talaat Pasha ignored their observations and refused their suggestion to form a stronger defensive line to the north, in ] (in parts of the ], ], and ]), with Turks instead of Germans in command.<ref name="AnaBritannica" /> Following the rejection of his report, Atatürk resigned from the Seventh Army and returned to Constantinople.<ref name="AnaBritannica" /> There, he was assigned with the task of accompanying the crown prince (and future sultan) ] during his train trip to ] and Germany.<ref name="AnaBritannica" /> While in Germany, Atatürk visited the German lines on the ] and concluded that the ] would soon lose the war.<ref name="AnaBritannica" /> He did not hesitate to openly express this opinion to Kaiser ] and his high-ranking generals in person.<ref name="AnaBritannica" /> During the return trip, he briefly stayed in ] and ] for medical treatment between 30 May and 28 July 1918.<ref name=AnaBritannica/> | |||
] ] of the Sultan]] | |||
When ] became the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire in July 1918, he called Atatürk to Constantinople, and after several meetings in the months July and August 1918, reassigned him to the command of the Seventh Army in Palestine.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Jäschke|first=Gotthard|date=1975|title=Mustafa Kemal und England in Neuer Sicht|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/1569959|journal=Die Welt des Islams|volume=16|issue=1/4|page=169|doi=10.2307/1569959|jstor=1569959|issn=0043-2539|access-date=26 September 2021|archive-date=25 September 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210925074533/https://www.jstor.org/stable/1569959|url-status=live}}</ref> Atatürk arrived in ] on 26 August 1918, then continued south to his headquarters in ]. The Seventh Army was holding the central sector of the front lines. On 19 September, at the beginning of the ], the Eighth Army was holding the coastal flank but fell apart and Liman Pasha ordered the Seventh Army to withdraw to the north in order to prevent the British from conducting a short envelopment to the ]. The Seventh Army retired towards the Jordan River but was ] during its retreat from Nablus on 21 September 1918.<ref>{{Cite web |title=RAF History – Bomber Command 60th Anniversary |url=http://www.raf.mod.uk/bombercommand/h144.html |publisher=Raf.mod.uk |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121012161627/http://www.raf.mod.uk/bombercommand/h144.html |archive-date=12 October 2012 |access-date=29 October 2012 }}</ref> Nevertheless, Atatürk managed to form a defence line to the north of ]. According to ], Atatürk was the only Turkish general in the war who never suffered a defeat.<ref>Patrick Kinross, ''Rebirth of a Nation'' (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p. 210</ref> | |||
The war ended with the ] which was signed on 30 October 1918, and all German and Austro-Hungarian troops in the Ottoman Empire were granted ample time to withdraw. On 31 October, Atatürk was appointed to the command of the Yıldırım Army Group, replacing Liman von Sanders. Atatürk organized the distribution of weapons to the civilians in ] in case of a defensive conflict against the invading Allies.<ref name=AnaBritannica/> | |||
Atatürk's last active service in the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the Ottoman troops left behind to the south of the defensive line. In early November 1918, the Yıldırım Army Group was officially dissolved, and Atatürk returned to an ], the Ottoman capital, on 13 November 1918.<ref name=AnaBritannica/> For a period of time, he worked at the headquarters of the Ministry of War (''Harbiye Nezareti'') in Constantinople and continued his activities in this city until 16 May 1919.<ref name=AnaBritannica/> Along the established lines of the ], the ] (British, Italian, French and Greek forces) occupied ]. The occupation of Constantinople<!--Linked previously-->, followed by the ] (the two largest Ottoman cities at the time) sparked the establishment of the ] and the Turkish War of Independence.<ref>Mustafa Kemal Pasha's speech on his arrival in Angora (now Ankara) in November 1919{{where|date=June 2020}}<!--How does one read a copy?--></ref> | |||
=== Ottoman genocides (1913–1924) and Atatürk === | |||
At the time of the ] reportedly committed by the CUP and the declining Ottoman Empire, but now ], Atatürk was a member of the CUP, and to that extent, a ], but so had many ], ], ], and initially, ] and ], as it was then simply an anti-] movement.<ref>{{cite book |last=Worringer |first=Renée |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kjbFAgAAQBAJ |title=Ottomans Imagining Japan: East, Middle East, and Non-Western Modernity at the Turn of the Twentieth Century |date=2014 |publisher=Springer |isbn=9781137384607 |access-date=14 March 2022 |archive-date=1 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230801001821/https://books.google.com/books?id=kjbFAgAAQBAJ |url-status=live }}</ref> As for the actual occurrences of the genocides, Atatürk had since divested from the movement and was serving as a relatively junior Lieutenant Colonel fighting in ] and ] during the ]. Historical evidence{{what|date=December 2024}} shows that he was not involved with the killings, and that he later went on to condemn them.<ref name="wilsoncenter.org">{{Cite web |title="Facing History: Denial and Turkish National Security." {{!}} Wilson Center |url=https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/facing-history-denial-and-turkish-national-security |access-date=2022-03-14 |website=] |language=en |archive-date=2 April 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220402001546/https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/facing-history-denial-and-turkish-national-security |url-status=live }}</ref> One such explicit condemnation was in September 1919, when Atatürk met with the ] General ], the leader of the ] into the genocides, in ]. Harbord would later recall that Atatürk told him of his disapproval of the Armenian genocide, and that he had allegedly stated that "the massacre and deportation of Armenians was the work of a small committee who had seized power", rather than by the government in actuality.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Oeconomos |first=Lysimachos |url=http://archive.org/details/martyrdomofsmyrn00oecoiala |title=The martyrdom of Smyrna and eastern Christendom; a file of overwhelming evidence, denouncing the misdeeds of the Turks in Asia Minor and showing their responsibility for the horrors of Smyrna |date=1922 |publisher=London, G. Allen & Unwin |others=University of California Libraries}}</ref>{{Page needed|reason=Searching from parts of the quote being cited here doesn't yield any relevant results.|date=September 2024}} In 1920, before the Turkish Parliament, Atatürk called the genocides a "shameful act" but did not publicly deny them at that time.<ref name="wilsoncenter.org"/> | |||
Atatürk's relations with ], a key perpetrator of the genocides, has also been controversial but poorly understood. While the two men may have been close at times, Atatürk held a personal dislike of Enver Pasha; he once said to a confidant that Enver Pasha was a dangerous figure who might lead the country to ruin.<ref name="Zürcher1984">{{cite book |last=Zürcher |first=Erik Jan |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BUGIBa78aWwC&pg=PA59 |title=The Unionist Factor: The Rôle [sic] of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish National Movement, 1905–1926 |date=1 January 1984 |publisher=Brill |isbn=90-04-07262-4 |page=59 |author-link=Erik-Jan Zürcher |access-date=14 March 2022 |archive-date=1 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230801001824/https://books.google.com/books?id=BUGIBa78aWwC&pg=PA59 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
The primary concern towards Atatürk was the Turkish government's involvement with and reaction to the ] in 1922, which saw Muslim Turkish mobs and paramilitaries openly engaged in mass murder of Greeks and Armenians and destroy the city's Greek and Armenian quarters, killing an estimated 100,000 people. Whether these atrocities, including the fire, was part of the genocides of Asia Minor's Christian minorities that the Turkish army and government carried out during WWI is unclear, ] remains a contentious debate and it is unclear if the Turks entered the city with these intentions. Many Turkish apologists argue that the regular Turkish Army did not play a role in these events. At the time, Atatürk was commander of the Turkish armed forces, and sent a telegram to the Minister of Foreign Affairs ] that described the official version of events in the city. In the telegram, he alleged the Greek and Armenian minorities had "pre-arranged plans" to "destroy İzmir".<ref>Niki Karavasilis, ''The Whispering Voices of Smyrna'', Dorrance Publishing, 2010, {{ISBN|978-1-4349-6381-9}}, pp. 208–209.</ref> There are allegations{{by who|date=September 2023}} Atatürk chose to do little about the Greek and Armenian victims of the fires caused by Muslim rioters in order to rebuild the city as Turkish-dominated ].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Kırlı |first=Biray Kolluoḡlu |date=2005 |title=Forgetting the Smyrna Fire |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/25472814 |journal=History Workshop Journal |volume=60 |issue=60 |pages=25–44 |doi=10.1093/hwj/dbi005 |jstor=25472814 |issn=1363-3554 |access-date=14 March 2022 |archive-date=31 March 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220331103504/https://www.jstor.org/stable/25472814 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
Although Atatürk was critical of the Armenian genocide and Kemalists had pledged to prosecute those involved with the genocide, on March 31, 1923, a general amnesty was declared for those who had been convicted of court-martial and by the municipal courts after the defeat of the Ottoman forces. Turkey also refused to deliver those involved with the crimes to the Allies, arguing that it would violate Turkish sovereignty. Some of the war criminals were also invited to the government of the new Turkish republic.<ref> Dadrian, Vahakn N. and Taner Akçam. ''Judgement at Istanbul: the Armenian Genocide Trials''. ''Bergham Books'', 2011. pp. 104-105</ref> | |||
===Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923)=== | |||
{{Main|Turkish War of Independence}} | |||
{{See also|Military career of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk#War of Independence|Amasya Circular|Erzurum Congress|Sivas Congress|Amasya Protocol|Government of the Grand National Assembly|1st Parliament of Turkey}} | |||
] with ] (left)]] | |||
On 30 April 1919, Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari ("Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan") with the rank of ], Atatürk was assigned as the inspector of the ] to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security.<ref>Andrew Mango, ''Atatürk'', John Murray, 1999, {{ISBN|978-0-7195-6592-2}}, p. 214.</ref> On 19 May 1919, he reached ]. His first goal was the establishment of an organized ] against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he issued the ], declaring the independence of the country was in danger. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July, and the Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest. But ] and other military commanders active in Eastern Anatolia followed Atatürk's lead and acknowledged him as their leader.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Findley|first=Carter V.|title=Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity: A History, 1789-2007|date=2010-09-21|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0-300-15260-9|pages=222|language=en}}</ref> | |||
On 4 September 1919, he assembled a ] in ]. Those who opposed the Allies in various provinces in Turkey issued a declaration named '']'' ("National Pact"). Atatürk was appointed as the head of the executive committee of the Congress,<ref name=":1">] (1968). pp.794–795</ref> which gave him the legitimacy he needed for his future politics.<ref>]: ''Rebirth of a Nation'' (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p.293</ref><ref name=":1" /> | |||
The ] to the ] held in December 1919 gave a sweeping majority to candidates of the "Association for Defence of Rights for Anatolia and Roumelia" (''Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti''), headed by Atatürk, who himself remained in Angora<!--Pre-1923 name-->, now known as ]. The fourth (and last) term of the parliament opened in Constantinople on 12 January 1920. It was dissolved by British forces on 18 March 1920, shortly after it adopted the ''Misak-ı Millî'' ("National Pact"). Atatürk called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament seated in Angora.<ref name="feroz50">Ahmad, ''The Making of Modern Turkey'', 50</ref> – the "]" (GNA). On 23 April 1920, the GNA opened with Atatürk as ]; this act effectively created the situation of ] in the country.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Heper |first1=Metin |title=The Routledge Handbook of Modern Turkey |last2=Sayari |first2=Sabri |date=7 May 2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-136-30964-9 |pages=41 |language=en}}</ref> In May 1920, the power struggle between the two governments led to a death sentence in absentia for Atatürk by the ].<ref name=":02">{{Cite book|last1=Dadrian|first1=Vahakn N.|title=Judgment at Istanbul: The Armenian Genocide Trials|last2=Akçam|first2=Taner|date=2011|publisher=Berghahn Books|isbn=978-0-85745-251-1|pages=196, 199|language=en|author-link=Vahakn Dadrian|author-link2=Taner Akçam}}</ref> ] (Adıvar) and ] (Cebesoy) were also sentenced to death alongside Atatürk.<ref name=":22">{{Cite book|last=Macfie|first=A.L.|title=Atatürk|publisher=]|year=2014|isbn=978-1-138-83-647-1|pages=97|author-link=A. L. Macfie}}</ref> | |||
]'' based in ], U.S., called Atatürk "Turkey's ]" on 13 October 1922]] | |||
On 10 August 1920, the Ottoman ] ] signed the ], finalizing plans for the ], including the regions that Turkish nationals viewed as their heartland. Atatürk insisted on the country's complete independence and the safeguarding of interests of the Turkish majority on "Turkish soil". He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The GNA army faced the ] propped up by the Allied occupation forces and had the immediate task of fighting the ] in the ] and the ] advancing eastward from ] (today known as ]) that they ] in May 1919, on the ].<ref>''Documents on British Foreign Policy'', vol. vii, p. 303.</ref> | |||
The GNA military successes against the ] in the autumn of 1920 and later against the Greeks were made possible by a steady supply of gold and armaments to the Kemalists from the Russian ] government from the autumn of 1920 onwards.<ref>В. Шеремет. ''Босфор.'' Moscow, 1995, p. 241.</ref> | |||
] | |||
After a series of battles during the ], the Greek army advanced as far as the ], just eighty kilometers west of Ankara. On 5 August 1921, Atatürk was promoted to ] of the forces by the GNA.<ref name="AA">{{Cite web |title=A short history of AA |url=http://www.aa.com.tr/tarihce_en/ |publisher=Anadolu Ajansı Genel Müdürlüğü |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080109132901/http://www.aa.com.tr/tarihce_en/ |archive-date=9 January 2008 |access-date=1 January 2008 |quote=''Ikdam'' newspaper dated 9 August 1921, reproducing the dispatches of AA dated 5 August and 6th, 1921, announced that Atatürk was promoted to ''Chief Commander'' }}</ref> The ensuing ] was fought from 23 August–13 September 1921 and ended with the defeat of the Greeks. After this victory, Atatürk was given the rank of ] and the title of ] by the ] on 19 September 1921. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Atatürk's successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Treaty of Sèvres as a peace settlement on Angora, but the proposal was rejected. In August 1922, Atatürk launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at ] in the ], and Turkish forces regained control of İzmir on 9 September 1922.<ref>Greco-Turkish wars, Britannica CD 99</ref> On 10 September 1922, Atatürk sent a telegram to the ] stating that the Turkish population was so worked up that the ] would not be responsible for the ] ].<ref>James, Edwin L. " {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303214102/http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=980DEED81039EF3ABC4952DFBF668389639EDE |date=3 March 2016 }}," '']'', 11 September 1922.</ref> | |||
===Establishment of the Republic of Turkey=== | |||
{{See also|Treaty of Lausanne (1923)}} | |||
] | |||
The ] began on 21 November 1922. Turkey, represented by ] of the GNA, refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty,<ref>Shaw, ''History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey'', 365</ref> such as the control of Turkish finances, the ], the ] and other issues. Although the conference paused on 4 February, it continued after 23 April mainly focusing on the economic issues.<ref name="kinross100" /> On 24 July 1923, the ] was signed by the Powers with the GNA, thus recognising the latter as the government of Turkey. | |||
On 29 October 1923, the Republic of Turkey was ].<ref>{{Cite encyclopedia |title=Turkey – Declaration of the Turkish republic {{!}} history – geography |language=en |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Turkey/Declaration-of-the-Turkish-republic |access-date=21 November 2017 |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia Britannica |archive-date=14 September 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200914215229/https://www.britannica.com/place/Turkey/Declaration-of-the-Turkish-republic |url-status=live }}</ref> Since then, ] has been celebrated as a national holiday on that date.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Republic Day in Turkey |url=https://www.timeanddate.com/holidays/turkey/republic-day |website=www.timeanddate.com |language=en |access-date=21 November 2017 |archive-date=21 August 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220821012612/https://www.timeanddate.com/holidays/turkey/republic-day |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
==Presidency== | |||
{{For|conceptual analysis|Kemalism|Atatürk's reforms}} | |||
{{long|section|date=June 2024}} | |||
{{overly detailed|section|date=June 2024}} | |||
{{republicanism sidebar}} | |||
With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, efforts to modernise the country started. The new government analyzed the institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, and Switzerland and adapted them to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Atatürk's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of the ]."<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 394</ref> Atatürk placed ], ], and ] in political positions where they could institute his ]. He capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting political, economic, and social reforms. In doing so, he transformed Turkish society from perceiving itself as a Muslim part of a vast Empire into a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state. This had a positive influence on ] because from then on, what mattered at school was science and education; Islam was concentrated in mosques and religious places.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Baten, Jörg |title=A History of the Global Economy. From 1500 to the Present. |date=2016 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=9781107507180 |page=226}}</ref> | |||
===Domestic policies=== | ===Domestic policies=== | ||
]-] railroad (1928)]] | |||
A basic political principle for Kemal was the complete independence of the country; the total independence of the country was not negotiable for him.<ref name=mango367>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 367</ref> However, he was well aware that independence could not be maintained solely by the military force. His view of independence was expressed in a statement, saying that:''"...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence."''<ref>Gerd Nonneman, Analyzing Middle East foreign policies and the relationship with Europe, Published 2005 Routledge, p. 204 ISBN 0714684279</ref> Thus, as the backbone of the legislative, judicial, and economic structures were put in place, Atatürk led wide ranging reforms in the social, cultural, economical aspects of life in Turkey. | |||
Atatürk's driving goal was the complete independence of the country.<ref name="mango367">Mango, ''Atatürk'', 367</ref> He clarified his position:{{bquote|...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence.<ref>Gerd Nonneman, Analyzing Middle East foreign policies and the relationship with Europe, Published 2005 Routledge, p. 204 {{ISBN|0-7146-8427-9}}</ref>}} | |||
He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economic aspects, establishing the new Republic's backbone of legislative, judicial, and economic structures. Though he was later idealized by some as an originator of sweeping reforms, many of his reformist ideas were already common in Ottoman intellectual circles at the turn of the 20th century and were expressed more openly after the ].<ref name="Hanioglu2011p55">{{Cite book |last=M. Şükrü Hanioğlu |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dNFhZzug6tMC&pg=PA55 |title=Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography |date=9 May 2011 |publisher=Princeton University Press |isbn=978-1-4008-3817-2 |page=55 |access-date=4 June 2013 |archive-date=1 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230801001821/https://books.google.com/books?id=dNFhZzug6tMC&pg=PA55 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
The backbone structures of the state, such as nationalism, populism and etatism were defined in the early period under the name of "Six Arrows". The Six Arrows became a guide and banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new Republican rule. The fundamentals set by Kemal were not new, neither in the world politics nor among the elites of Turkey. What made the Six Arrows unique was that these fundamentals, which are interrelated to each other, were formulated specifically for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism. The Kemalist secular state significantly differed from the application of secularism in other states that were predominantly Christian. The ] ("Six Arrows"), based on Atatürk's conception of ] and ], has been the defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey.<ref>Webster, ''The Turkey of Atatürk: social process in the Turkish reformation'', 245</ref> | |||
Atatürk created a ] to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule. Each change was symbolized as an arrow in this banner. This defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey is referred to as the "Six Arrows", or ]. Kemalism is based on Atatürk's conception of ] and ].<ref>Webster, ''The Turkey of Atatürk: social process in the Turkish reformation'', 245</ref> The fundamentals of nationalism, populism, and ] were all defined under the Six Arrows. These fundamentals were not new in world politics or, indeed, among the elite of Turkey. What made them unique was that these interrelated fundamentals were explicitly formulated for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism; the Kemalist secular state significantly differed from predominantly Christian states. | |||
====Single-party state==== | |||
] of the ] depicting Mustafa Kemal, the leader of ], choosing the party candidates for the ]. In the ], the candidates had only one party's (RPP) list to join.]] | |||
In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Istanbul and its Ottoman heritage.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 391–392</ref> For instance, Ankara, then some provincial town deep in Anatolia which was turned into the center of the independence movement, became the country's new capital. Mustafa Kemal's private journals show that, even before the establishment of the republic in 1923, he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people, as opposed to the sovereignty of the absolute ], which was the case in the Ottoman Empire. He wanted a "direct government by the Assembly"<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 362</ref> and visualized a ] (a ]), where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 362</ref> However, in the following years, He took the position that the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in this environment. The revolutionaries regularly faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of relatively new ideologies such as ] and ]. Mustafa Kemal saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both,<ref>Landau, ''Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey'', 252</ref> preventing the spread of ] party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany and Italy.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 501</ref> Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition, others believed it was a necessary means to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing into the instability of new ideologies and competing factions. | |||
====Emergence of the state, 1923–1924==== | |||
The heart of the new republic, GNA, was established during the Turkish War of Independence upon the call of Mustafa Kemal.<ref name="single">Koçak, Cemil (2005) 'Parliament Membership during the Single-Party System in Turkey (1925-1945)', European Journal of Turkish Studies</ref> The role of deputies at the GNA were to be the voice of the Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. The elections were free, and the system was an egalitarian electoral system, based on general ballot.<ref name="single"/> The GNA had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. The GNA acted as a legislative power, controlled the executive and, if necessary, acted as an organ of scrutiny.<ref name="single" /> The ] set a loose ] between the ] and the ] organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the ] system was a strict one. The President, then Mustafa Kemal, occupied a powerful position in this political system. | |||
], before its institutional expression became illegal and their ] lodge was changed into the ]. The Mevlevi Order managed to transform itself into a non-political organization which still exists.]] | |||
Atatürk's private journal entries dated before the establishment of the republic in 1923 show that he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people. In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Constantinople and its Ottoman heritage.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 391–392</ref> For instance, they made ] (as Angora has been known in English since 1930<!--1930 date is seen in https://books.google.com/books?id=Aw3wBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA299 -->), the country's new capital and reformed the ]. Once a provincial town deep in Anatolia, the city was thus turned into the center of the independence movement. Atatürk wanted a "direct government by the Assembly"<ref name="Mango, Atatürk, 362">Mango, ''Atatürk'', 362</ref> and visualized a ], ], where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.<ref name="Mango, Atatürk, 362" /> | |||
The single-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the ''"Peoples Party"'' that was founded by Mustafa Kemal at the initial years of the independence war. Later it was renamed as the ] (Turkish "Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası") on 9 September 1923. | |||
In the following years, he altered his stance somewhat; the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in such an environment. The revolutionaries faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of newer ideologies such as ] and ]. Atatürk saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both.<ref>Landau, ''Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey'', 252</ref> He prevented the spread into Turkey of the ] party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany, and Italy.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 501</ref> Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition; others believed it was necessary to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing to the instability of new ideologies and competing factions.<ref>{{cite magazine|last=Bozkurt |first=Gülnihal |date=2003 |title=Atatürk Dönemi Türk Dış Politikası |magazine=Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi}}</ref> Under Atatürk, the arrest process known as the ] (''1927 Tevkifatı'') was launched, and a widespread arrest policy was put in place against the ] members. Communist political figures such as ], ], and Şefik Hüsnü were tried and sentenced to prison terms. Then, in 1937, a delegation headed by Atatürk decided to censor the writings of Kıvılcımlı as harmful communist propaganda.<ref>Demirci, Fatih ''Kadro Hareketi ve Kadrocular'', Dumlupınar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2006, sayı 15.</ref><ref>Ergüder, J. ''1927 Komünist Tevkifatı, "İstanbul Ağır Ceza Mahkemesindeki Duruşma"'', Birikim Yayınları, İstanbul, 1978</ref><ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160607200226/http://www.wikisosyalizm.org/images/5/5f/K%C4%B1v%C4%B1lc%C4%B1m_yasak.jpg |date=7 June 2016 }}. Erişim tarihi: 9 Şubat 2019. Ayrıca: .</ref> | |||
====Civic independence and the Caliphate==== | |||
]]] | |||
An important dimension in Mustafa Kemal's drive to reform the political system and to promote the national sovereignty was the abolition of the ]. The Caliphate is the core political concept of ] Islam, by the consensus of the Muslim majority in the early centuries.<ref> John O. Voll: Professor of Islamic history at Georgetown University http://www.nationalinterest.org/Article.aspx?id=13296</ref> Abolishing the ] was easier, as the survival of the Caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a two-headed system: The new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side. Atatürk and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph...<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 403</ref> " The Caliph ], who was seated after the abolishment of the sultanate (1922), had his own personal treasury which was not bound to the republican treasury. His personal service included guards (military personnel). Mustafa Kemal said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this, as Caliph Abdülmecid II appeared to be following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 401</ref> Mustafa Kemal wanted to integrate the powers of the ] into the powers of the GNA, and his initial activities began on 1 January 1924.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 401</ref> Mustafa Kemal acquired the consent of İnönü, Çakmak and Özalp before the abolition of the Caliphate. On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal said ''"the religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past."''<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 404</ref> The Caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.<ref name="Calipinternational"/> | |||
The heart of the new republic was the GNA, established during the Turkish War of Independence by Atatürk.<ref name="single">Koçak, Cemil (2005) "Parliament Membership during the Single-Party System in Turkey (1925–1945)", ''European Journal of Turkish Studies''</ref> The elections were free and used an egalitarian electoral system that was based on a general ballot.<ref name="single" /> Deputies at the GNA served as the voice of Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. It had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. Initially, it also acted as a legislative power, controlling the executive branch and, if necessary, served as an organ of scrutiny under the ].<ref name="single" /> The ] set a loose ] between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. Atatürk, then the President, occupied a dominant position in this political system. | |||
On 3 March 1924, the Caliphate was ] and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. The debate as to the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the Caliphate was taken up by other Muslim nations in order to decide whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new Caliph.<ref name="Calipinternational">Majid Khadduri (2006) War and peace in the law of Islam, The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd., ISBN 1584776951 page 290-291</ref> A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the Caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.<ref name="Calipinternational"/> Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.<ref name="Calipinternational"/> Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the Caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence; while Mustafa Kemal and the reformists continued their own way.<ref>{{cite news |first=Oktay |last=Eksi |title=Paralardaki resimler |url=http://hurarsiv.hurriyet.com.tr/goster/haber.aspx?id=8711441&yazarid=1 |work=] |quote=İsmet Paşa "kurumlaşma" ile neyi kastettiğini de şöyle anlattı:<br />Biz Cumhuriyeti kurduğumuz zaman onu yaşatıp yaşatamayacağımız en büyük sorun idi. Çünkü Saltanatın ve Hilafetin lağvına karşı olanların sayısı çoktu ve hedefleri de Cumhuriyetti. Cumhuriyetin 10 yaşına bastığını görmek o yüzden önemliydi. Nitekim büyük Atatürk'ün emriyle 10'uncu yıl kutlamaları çok büyük bir bayram oldu. Biz de Cumhuriyetin ve devletin kurumlaştığını göstermeye bundan sonra hep itina ettik... |date=2008-04-16 |accessdate=2008-04-24 }}</ref> | |||
The one-party regime was established ''de facto'' in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the "People's Party", founded by Atatürk on 9 September 1923. (But according to the party culture the foundation date was the opening day of Sivas Congress on 4 September 1919). On 10 November 1924, it was renamed ''Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası'' or ] (the word ''fırka'' was replaced by the word ''parti'' in 1935). | |||
The removal of the Caliphate was followed by the complete separation of the governmental and religious affairs. The education reform was one corner stone. Kemal linked the educational reform to the liberation of the nation from the ], which he believed was even more important than the ]. {{quote|Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."<ref>{{cite web |url = http://www.meb.gov.tr/Stats/apk2001ing/Section_0/AtaturksViewon.htm |title = Ataturk’s views on education |accessdate = 2007-11-20 |author = Republic Of Turkey Ministry Of National Education |publisher = T.C. Government |language = English }}</ref>|Mustafa Kemal}} | |||
====Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925==== | |||
Unlike any other "]" systems of today, there were three main horizontal institutions closed to each other in 1923. The first and most common one was local schools and medreses based on Arabic, Koran and memorizing. The second was reformist schools of Tanzimat called as idadî and sultanî and the third was schools educating in foreign language like colleges and minority schools. Under Kemal the old ] education was modernized.<ref name=dew/> Mustafa Kemal changed the classical Islamic education with a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions along the line of an enlightened pragmatism.<ref name=dew/> In the summer of 1924, Mustafa Kemal invited American educational reformer ] to advise him on ideas for reforms and recommendations aimed at modernizing the Turkish educational system.<ref name=dew>Wolf-Gazo, ''John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission, 15–42.</ref> Mustafa Kemal initiated his ] reforms to enhance public literacy and thus better prepare citizens for roles to public life. He wanted to institute compulsory ] for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the Republic. Mustafa Kemal pointed out that one of the main targets of "]" had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the public culture. Public culture aimed that state schools (public education) have a common ]. Common curriculum became known as the "unification of education." | |||
] celebrations on the second anniversary of the Turkish Republic, 29 October 1925]] | |||
The abolition of the ] and other cultural reforms were met with fierce opposition. The conservative elements were not appreciative, and they launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.<ref name="Calipinternational" /> This was an important dimension in Atatürk's drive to reform the political system and to promote national sovereignty. By the consensus of the Muslim majority in early centuries, the caliphate was the core political concept of ].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Review: Revivalism, Shi'a Style |url=http://www.nationalinterest.org/Article.aspx?id=13296 |date=3 January 2007 |publisher=The National Interest |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080213114848/http://www.nationalinterest.org/Article.aspx?id=13296 |archive-date=13 February 2008 |access-date=6 September 2013 }}</ref> Abolishing the sultanate was easier because the survival of the caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a split system with the new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side, and Atatürk and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph."<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 403</ref> Caliph ] was elected after the abolition of the sultanate (1922). | |||
The caliph had his own personal treasury and also had a personal service that included military personnel; Atatürk said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this. He believed that Caliph Abdülmecid II was following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting of and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.<ref name="Mango, Atatürk, 401">Mango, ''Atatürk'', 401</ref> He wanted to integrate the powers of the caliphate into the powers of the GNA. His initial activities began on 1 January 1924, when<ref name="Mango, Atatürk, 401" /> İnönü, Çakmak, and Özalp consented to the abolition of the caliphate. The caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.<ref name="Calipinternational" /> On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Atatürk said: | |||
Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the law of "National Education No: 430". Unification of education in its treatment of students was inclusive, organized and operated to be a deliberate model of the civil community. The schools submitted their curriculum to what was named as "]" which was a government agency modeled after other ]s of its time. Ministry of National Education draw a contemporary route to the traditional social structure; by causing or gaining contemporary citizen consciousness. | |||
{{bquote|The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 404</ref>}} | |||
The law of "National Education No: 430" passed on the same day as the abolishment of Caliphate and, concurrently, the Republic abolished the two ministries and subordinated the clergy to the ]. The change was one of the foundations of ]. The unification of education under one curriculum was the end of "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire" even if it was not the end of religious schools as they were moved to higher education until consequent governments pulled back to ] after Mustafa Kemal's death. | |||
On 3 March 1924, the caliphate was ] and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. Other Muslim nations debated the validity of Turkey's unilateral ] as they decided whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new caliph.<ref name="Calipinternational">Majid Khadduri (2006) War and peace in the law of Islam, The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd., {{ISBN|1-58477-695-1}}. pp. 290–91</ref> A "Caliphate Conference" was held in ] in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.<ref name="Calipinternational" /> | |||
]]] | |||
The Decree on dress targeted the religious insignia used outside times of worship. Kemal passed a series of laws beginning from 1923, especially the Hat Law of 1925 which introduced the use of Western style hats instead of the ], and the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934, which emphasized the need to wear modern suits instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban. The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees (public space controlled by state) was passed during his lifetime. Mustafa Kemal regarded the ] (in Turkish "fes", which Sultan ] had originally introduced to the Ottoman Empire's dress code in 1826) as a symbol of oriental backwardness and banned it. He encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire.<ref name=UNESCO>İğdemir, ''Atatürk'', 165–170</ref> He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by ].<ref name=UNESCO/> Mustafa Kemal first made the hat compulsory to the civil servants.<ref name=UNESCO/> After most of the relatively better educated civil servants adopted the hat with their own free will, in 1925 Mustafa Kemal wore his "]" during a public appearance in ], one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. | |||
Two other Islamic conferences were held in ] (1926) and ] (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.<ref name="Calipinternational" /> Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence. Meanwhile, Atatürk and the reformists continued their own way.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Eksi |first=Oktay |date=16 April 2008 |title=Paralardaki resimler |work=] |url=http://hurarsiv.hurriyet.com.tr/goster/haber.aspx?id=8711441&yazarid=1 |access-date=24 April 2008 |quote=İsmet Paşa "kurumlaşma" ile neyi kastettiğini de şöyle anlattı:<br />Biz Cumhuriyeti kurduğumuz zaman onu yaşatıp yaşatamayacağımız en büyük sorun idi. Çünkü Saltanatın ve Hilafetin lağvına karşı olanların sayısı çoktu ve hedefleri de Cumhuriyetti. Cumhuriyetin 10 yaşına bastığını görmek o yüzden önemliydi. Nitekim büyük Atatürk'ün emriyle 10'uncu yıl kutlamaları çok büyük bir bayram oldu. Biz de Cumhuriyetin ve devletin kurumlaştığını göstermeye bundan sonra hep itina ettik... |archive-date=21 November 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111121170457/http://hurarsiv.hurriyet.com.tr/goster/haber.aspx?id=8711441&yazarid=1 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
Even though he personally promoted modern dress on women, he never made specific reference to women’s clothing in the law. In the social conditions of the 1920s and 1930s, he believed that women would adapt to the new way with their own will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife ], who originally covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition, but then threw off the ] and urged Turkish women to do the same.<ref>{{cite web | url = http://www.turkishdailynews.com.tr/article.php?enewsid=52361 Article:| title = Atatürk, his wife and her biographer | accessdate = 2007-09-29 | date = 25 August 2006 | work = Emrah Güler| publisher = ] | language = English}}</ref>. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern clothes. But it was Atatürk's adopted daughters like ] and ] who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: ''"The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty ... This simple style is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."''<ref>Quoted in Atatürkism, Volume 1 (Istanbul: Office of the Chief of General Staff, 1982), 126.</ref> | |||
On 8 April 1924, ] courts were abolished with the law "Mehakim-i Şer'iyenin İlgasına ve Mehakim Teşkilatına Ait Ahkamı Muaddil Kanun".<ref name="Hanioglu2011p158">{{Cite book |last=M. Şükrü Hanioğlu |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dNFhZzug6tMC&pg=PA158 |title=Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography |date=2011 |publisher=Princeton University Press |isbn=978-1-4008-3817-2 |page=158 |access-date=5 June 2013 |archive-date=1 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230801001821/https://books.google.com/books?id=dNFhZzug6tMC&pg=PA158 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=1924 |url=http://www.kultur.gov.tr/TR,25259/1924.html |publisher=Ministry of Culture And Tourism |access-date=4 June 2013 |archive-date=3 March 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303221115/http://www.kultur.gov.tr/TR,25259/1924.html |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
During this period, the conservative elements were not satisfied and launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.<ref name="Calipinternational"/> | |||
==== |
====Educational reform==== | ||
The removal of the caliphate was followed by an extensive effort to establish the separation of governmental and religious affairs. Education was the cornerstone in this effort. In 1923, there were three main educational groups of institutions. The most common institutions were ]s based on Arabic, the Qur'an, and memorization. The second type of institution was idadî and sultanî, the reformist schools of the ] era. The last group included colleges and minority schools in foreign languages that used the latest teaching models in educating pupils. The old medrese education was modernized.<ref name=dew/> Atatürk changed the classical Islamic education for a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions.<ref name=dew/> He linked educational reform to the liberation of the nation from ], which he believed was more important than the Turkish War of Independence. He declared: | |||
] | |||
Cultural revolution, and especially the abolition of the Caliphate, faced fierce opposition. In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table, ] began to organize the ]. Sheikh Said Piran was the rich, Kurdish hereditary chieftain of the local ] order. Said Piran emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Said Piran stirred up his followers against the abolition of the ] and the policies of the Kemalist government, which he considered to be against Islam. Some members of the government saw the revolt as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. In the name of the restoration of the Holy Law using the Islamic green banner, Said Piran's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of ] and ].<ref>Patrick Kinross, Atatürk, ''The Rebirth of a Nation'', 397 </ref> | |||
{{bquote|Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."<ref>{{Cite web |title=Atatürk's views on education |url=http://www.meb.gov.tr/Stats/apk2001ing/Section_0/AtaturksViewon.htm |last=Republic of Turkey Ministry of National Education |publisher=T.C. Government |access-date=20 November 2007 |archive-date=28 October 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071028090833/http://www.meb.gov.tr/Stats/apk2001ing/Section_0/AtaturksViewon.htm |url-status=dead }}</ref>}} | |||
There were also members of the GNA who were not happy with the changes. At a private meeting of the CHP there were so many members who were denounced as opposition sympathizers that Mustafa Kemal expressed his fear that he would be among the minority in his own party.<ref name="PRP"> Mango, Ataturk, 418</ref> Mustafa Kemal decided not to purge this group.<ref name="PRP"/> A censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group. On 17 October 1924 Kazım Karabekir, along with his friends, established the break-away group and the first multi-party system began. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Mustafa Kemal. On 8 November the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.<ref name="PRP"/> Whatever the arguments, the majority of the CHP, which held all but one seat, chose him against his critics.<ref name="PRP"/> On 1 November 1924 Mustafa Kemal said "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress."<ref name="PRP"/> | |||
In the summer of 1924, Atatürk invited American educational reformer ] to Ankara to advise him on how to reform Turkish education.<ref name="dew">Wolf-Gazo, ''John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission'', 15–42.</ref> His ] reforms aimed to prepare citizens for roles in public life through increasing public literacy. He wanted to institute compulsory primary education for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the republic. He pointed out that one of the main targets of ] had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the "public culture". The state schools established a common curriculum which became known as the "unification of education". | |||
The breakaway group officially established the ] (PRP) on 17 November 1924, with 29 deputies. The PRP's economic program suggested ], in contrast to ], and its social program was based on ] in contrast to ]. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of ].<ref>Weiker, ''Book Review of Zürcher's "Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic: The Progressive Republican Party, 1924–1925"'', 297–298</ref> The RPR was not against Mustafa Kemal's main positions as declared in its program. The program supported the main mechanisms for establishing secularism in the country and the civic law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).<ref name="PRP"> Mango, Ataturk, 419</ref> The principles were set by the leaders at the onset, but the only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views. | |||
Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the Law on Unification of Education (No. 430). With the new law, education became inclusive, organized on a model of the civil community. In this new design, all schools submitted their curriculum to the "]", a government agency modeled after other countries' ministries of education. Concurrently, the republic abolished the two ministries and made clergy subordinate to the ], one of the foundations of ]. The unification of education under one curriculum ended "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire", but was not the end of religious schools in Turkey; they were moved to higher education until later governments restored them to their former position in secondary after Atatürk's death. | |||
On 4 March 1925, to deal with the Sheikh Said Rebellion, the "Maintenance of Public Order Law" was passed, which gave the government exceptional powers. The law, which was repealed on 4 March 1929, included all the tools and authority to shut down subversive groups. During 1926 a plot to assassinate Mustafa Kemal was uncovered in ]. It was found to originate with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate and had a personal grudge. Quickly the trail turned from inquiry of planners of this attempt to an investigation carried out ostensibly to uncover subversive activities and actually used to undermine those with differing views regarding the cultural revolution. The sweeping investigation brought before the tribunal a large number of political opponents, including Karabekir, the leader of PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the ], who were at best second-rank in the Turkish movement, including Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and Ismail Canbulat were found guilty of treason and hanged.<ref>Touraj Atabaki, Erik Jan Zürcher, 2004, Men of Order: authoritarian modernization under Ataturk and Reza Shah, I.B.Tauris, ISBN 1860644260, page 207</ref> During these investigations there was a link, a support, that was uncovered among the members of the PRP to the Sheikh Said Rebellion. The PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition, however, was broken. This action was the only broad political purge during Atatürk's presidency. Mustafa Kemal's saying "''my mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever''" was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.<ref>http://www.tsk.mil.tr/eng/Anitkabir/p24.html TSK Anitkabir sayfa 24</ref> | |||
====Western attire==== | |||
==== Modernization efforts, 1927-1930 ==== | |||
]]] | ] just after ] in 1925]] | ||
Beginning in the fall of 1925, Atatürk encouraged the Turks to wear ].<ref name="UNESCO">İğdemir, ''Atatürk'', 165–70</ref> He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by ].<ref name=UNESCO/> The ] was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of the Ottoman Empire's modernization effort. The ] introduced the use of Western-style hats instead of the fez. Atatürk first made the hat compulsory for civil servants.<ref name=UNESCO/> The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees were passed during his lifetime; many civil servants adopted the hat willingly. In 1925, Atatürk wore a ] during a public appearance in ], one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear modern Western suits with neckties as well as ] and Derby-style hats instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the ]. | |||
Mustafa Kemal said on one occasion that: ''"We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us."''<ref>Atillasoy, Atatürk : The First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic, 13.</ref> On March 1, 1926 a penal code modelled after the ] Penal Code was passed. On October 4, 1926, Islamic courts were closed and ] was replaced with a ] civil code modeled after the ]. Mustafa Kemal recognized the need of time to establish the structures of civic law. New judges had to be trained, new institutions had to be established. Under these conditions, the inclusion of the principle of ] in the constitution had to wait until 5 February 1937, just more than a year before his death. | |||
Even though he personally promoted modern dress for women, Atatürk never made specific reference to women's clothing in the law, as he believed that women would adapt to the new clothing styles of their own free will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife ], who covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern Western clothes. But it was Atatürk's adopted daughters, ] and ], who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: "The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty ... This simple style is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."<ref>Quoted in Atatürkism, Vol. 1 (Istanbul: Office of the Chief of General Staff, 1982), 126.</ref> | |||
] to become world's first female combat pilot]] | |||
One of Atatürk’s goals was to improve the status of women and integrate them thoroughly into the society. He saw secularism as an instrument and the civil code modeled after the Swiss Civil Code gave him the tools. It was evident from his personal journal that Mustafa Kemal began to develop the concepts of his social revolution very early. Atatürk constantly discussed with his staff on issues like abolishing the veiling of women and integration of females to social life, and developed conclusions. In November 1915, Mustafa Kemal wrote in his journal that ''"the social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection."''<ref name=mango164>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 164</ref> Mustafa Kemal did not consider the gender as a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with all its women and men together. It was scientifically impossible for him to achieve progress and to become civilized if the gender separation continued as in the Ottoman times.<ref>Tüfekçi, ''Universality of Atatürk's philosophy''</ref> During a meeting in the early days of the newly proclaimed republic, addressing to the women, he declaimed: {{Quote|To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.</br> To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.<ref>Kinross, Ataturk, The Rebirth of a Nation, p. 343</ref>|Mustafa Kemal}} | |||
====Religious insignia==== | |||
] magazine (issue of 13 October 1928), showing Atatürk as he introduces the new ] to the people of ]]] | |||
Atatürk wanted to solve the literacy problem. Literate citizens, who comprised as little as 10% of the population, used the ] written in ] with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary.<ref name=dew/> Dewey notes that roughly three years with rather strenuous methods were necessary to learn to read and write in Arabic script on the elementary level.<ref name=dew/> The creation of the new ] as a variant of the ] was undertaken by the ''Language Commission'' ({{lang-tr|Dil Encümeni}}) at the initiative of Atatürk.<ref name=dew/> The Turkish alphabet was decreed on 24 May 1928. The first ] was published with the use of the new alphabet on 15 December 1928. The fast adoption of the new alphabet was the result of the combined effect of opening the '']'' ({{lang-tr|Halk Evleri}}) beginning in 1932 throughout the country and the active encouragement of people by Kemal himself. Atatürk made many trips to the countryside in order to teach the new alphabet. The literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new ''Law on Copyrights'' and congresses for discussing the issues of copyright, public education and scientific publishing. | |||
On 30 August 1925, Atatürk's view on religious insignia used outside places of worship was introduced in his ]. This speech also had another position. He said: {{bquote|In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey's civilized community of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges and admit that their disciplines have grown up.<ref name="mango435">Mango, ''Atatürk'', 435</ref><ref>]</ref>}} | |||
Atatürk promoted the modern ]s in primary education in which Dewey took a place of honour.<ref name=dew/> Dewey's "Report and Recommendation" for the Turkish educational system was a paradigmatic recommendation for an educational policy of developing societies moving towards modernity at the time.<ref name=dew/> Besides general education, Atatürk was interested in forming a ] in the country through ]. His adult education ideas found its way in People's Houses. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making and household management, but also the tools which they could use to become part of general economy. He summarized the adult education as "''to equip the new generations at all education levels with knowledge that shall make them efficient and successful in practical and especially economic life.''" | |||
On 2 September, the government issued a decree closing down all ] orders, the ] and other religious ideological lodges. Atatürk ordered the ] lodges to be converted to museums, such as ] in Konya. The institutional expression of religious ideologies became illegal in Turkey; a politically neutral form of any religious ideology, functioning as social associations, was permitted to exist.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://arsiv.sabah.com.tr/2005/10/28/gun107.html|title=SABAH – 28/10/2005 – Mevlevi Alayı ile Atatürk'e destek oldular|website=arsiv.sabah.com.tr|access-date=10 February 2019|archive-date=21 December 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191221090908/http://arsiv.sabah.com.tr/2005/10/28/gun107.html|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
During the initial years Mustafa Kemal Atatürk constantly tried to generate mediums to propagate his ideas of modern education. Atatürk instigated official education meetings named "Science Boards" and "Education Summits." At "Science Boards" and "Education Summits" the quality of education, training issues and certain basic educational principles were discussed. Kemal said "Our schools should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve" and he personally engaged to the development of two ]s. The first one published in 1930 was "{{lang-tr|Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler}}" (Turkish ]). The "Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler" introduced the science of comparative government and explained about means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to state institutions. Atatürk's vision of education of the public while developing the functions and responsibilities of these institutions was an extraordinary vision and a brave move for his time and special context. The institutions in question were only a couple years old. Kemal's new "unified" educational system designated a responsible citizen as well as a useful and appreciated member of the society.<ref name=dew/> The second textbook he wrote was "Geometry" and published in 1937. Turkish education become a state supervised system which was designed to create a skill base for the "social" (integrative force to establish access to education, alleviation of ] and using ] program to enforce ]) and general "economic progress" of the country.<ref>Özelli, ''The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and Its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic'', 77–92</ref> | |||
==== |
====Opposition to Atatürk in 1924–1927==== | ||
] and Okyar's daughter in ] |
] (14 July 1927).]] | ||
On August 11, 1930, Mustafa Kemal decided to try a democratic movement once again. He assigned Ali Fethi Okyar to establish a new party. In Mustafa Kemal's letter to Ali Fethi Okyar, laicism was insisted on. At first, the brand-new Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. But once again the opposition party became too strong in its opposition to Atatürk's reforms, particularly in regard to the role of religion in public life. | |||
In 1924, while the "]" was on the table, ] began to organize the ]. Sheikh Said was a wealthy Kurdish ] of a local ] order in ]. He emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Sheikh stirred up his followers against the policies of the government, which he considered anti-Islamic. In an effort to restore Islamic law, Sheik's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of ] and ].<ref>Patrick Kinross, ''Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation'', 397</ref> Members of the government saw the Sheikh Said Rebellion as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. With the support of Atatürk, the acting prime minister ] was replaced with ], who on 3 March 1925 ordered the invocation of the "Law for the Maintenance of Order" in order to deal with the rebellion. It gave the government exceptional powers and included the authority to shut down subversive groups.<ref name=":022">{{Cite web|last=Üngör|first=Umut|title=Young Turk social engineering : mass violence and the nation state in eastern Turkey, 1913–1950|url=https://pure.uva.nl/ws/files/867135/65687_13.pdf|access-date=8 April 2020|website=University of Amsterdam|pages=235–36|archive-date=3 November 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201103062815/https://pure.uva.nl/ws/files/867135/65687_13.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> The law was repealed in March 1927.<ref name=":023">{{Cite web|last=Üngör|first=Umut|title=Young Turk social engineering : mass violence and the nation state in eastern Turkey, 1913–1950|url=https://pure.uva.nl/ws/files/867135/65687_13.pdf|access-date=8 April 2020|website=University of Amsterdam|pages=258|archive-date=3 November 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201103062815/https://pure.uva.nl/ws/files/867135/65687_13.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
] was a chain of incidents starting with the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in ], a small town in the Aegean region of Turkey, in 1930. | |||
There were also parliamentarians in the GNA who were not happy with these changes{{who|date=September 2015}}. So many members were denounced as opposition sympathizers at a private meeting of the ] (CHP) that Atatürk expressed his fear of being among the minority in his own party.<ref name="PRP">Mango, Atatürk, 418</ref> He decided not to purge this group.<ref name="PRP" /> After a ] gave the chance to have a breakaway group, ], along with his friends, established such a group on 17 October 1924. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Atatürk. On 8 November, the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.<ref name="PRP" /> The CHP held all but one seat in the parliament. After the majority of the CHP chose him,<ref name="PRP" /> Atatürk said, "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress".<ref name="PRP" /> | |||
Finally, seeing the rising fundamentalist threat and being a staunch supporter of Atatürk's reforms himself, Ali Fethi Okyar abolished his own party and Mustafa Kemal never succeeded in establishing a long lasting multi-party parliamentary system. He sometimes dealt sternly with the opposition in pursuing his main goal of democratizing and modernizing the country. There have been criticisms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, arguing that he did not promote democracy by dominating the country with his single party rule. In response to such criticisms, his biographer ] wrote that: ''"between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and better-educated societies. Atatürk's enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More could not have been expected in his lifetime."''<ref> Mango, ''Atatürk'', 536</ref> Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his actions, Atatürk always supported the idea of eventually building a democratic state. In one of his many speeches about the importance of democracy, Mustafa Kemal said in the year 1933: ''"Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year it should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes."''<ref>İnan, ''Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler'', 260)</ref> | |||
On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group established the ] (PRP) with 29 deputies and the first multi-party system began. Some of Atatürk's closest associates who had supported him in the early days of the War of Independence such as ] (later Rauf Orbay), ], and ] (later Ali Fuat Cebesoy) were among the members of the new party. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the ] of the CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the ] of the CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of ].<ref>Weiker, ''Book Review of Zürcher's "Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic: The Progressive Republican Party, 1924–1925"'', 297–98</ref> The PRP was not against Atatürk's main positions as declared in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civil law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).<ref name="Mango 419">Mango, Atatürk, 419</ref> These principles were set by the leaders at the onset. The only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views. | |||
==== Modernization efforts, 1931-1938 ==== | |||
]]] | |||
Another important part of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's emphasis was on establishing institutions to advance Turkish language and history. The establishment of the ] ({{lang-tr|Türk Dil Kurumu}}) was archived in 1931 for conducting research works on ]. The establishment of the ] ({{lang-tr|Türk Tarih Kurumu}}) was archived in 1932 for conducting research works on ]. Many teachers were employed in Turkish History and Language Institutions. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk declared that the advancement of education called for the endeavors of the private sector and he summoned society to take part in the effort.<ref name="TED">{{cite web |url=http://www.ted.org.tr/EN/BelgeGoster.aspx?17A16AE30572D313AAF6AA849816B2EF01E9BE68C047FEF5 |title=About Us |accessdate= 2008-02-01}}</ref> Kemal established the ] on 1 January 1928.<ref name="TED" /> Association become active in the field of education, supporting intelligent and hard-working children in financial need as well as making material and scientific contributions to the educational life. | |||
During 1926, a ] was uncovered in Smyrna (İzmir)<!--Names in English changed in 1930, and it was still 1926-->. It originated with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate. What originally was an inquiry into the planners shifted to a sweeping investigation. Ostensibly, its aims were to uncover subversive activities, but in truth, the investigation was used to undermine those disagreeing with Atatürk's cultural reforms. The investigation brought a number of political activists before the tribunal, including Karabekir, the leader of the PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the ], including ], Ahmed Şükrü, and İsmail Canbulat, were found guilty of treason and hanged.<ref>Touraj Atabaki, Erik Jan Zürcher, 2004, Men of Order: authoritarian modernization under Atatürk and Reza Shah, I.B. Tauris, {{ISBN|1-86064-426-0}}, page 207</ref> Because the investigation found a link between the members of the PRP and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, the PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition was broken; this action was to be the only broad political purge during Atatürk's presidency. Atatürk's statement, "My mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever," was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.<ref>. {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080505055349/http://www.tsk.mil.tr/eng/Anitkabir/p24.html |date=5 May 2008 }}</ref> | |||
] after its reorganization]] | |||
In 1933, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ordered the reorganization of the ] into a modern institution and later established the ] in the capital city to make sure that the principles that are the expressions of a modern society, such as science and enlightenment, are held dear and protected.<ref>Saikal, '''', 95</ref> | |||
====Modernization efforts, 1926–1930==== | |||
Atatürk personally engaged with the translation of scientific terminology.<ref name="Geoffrey">Geoffrey L. Lewis (1999), The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success, Oxford University Press ISBN 0198238568 page 66 </ref> Atatürk wanted the Turkish language reform based on a methodological base. The Turkish language has an integral structure and without modelling this structure any attempt to 'clean' the Turkish language from foreign influence was inherently wrong for him. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk personally engaged with the ] ({{lang-tr|Güneş Dil Teorisi}}), which was a ] theory proposing that all human ]s are descendants of one ] primal language. Atatürk's interest started with the works by the ] scientist Hilaire de Baranton entitled "''L'Origine des Langues, des Religions et des Peuples''", that all languages originated from ]s and ] used by ]<ref>{{citation |title=Turks Teach New Theories |date=] |year=1936 |newspaper=] |place=Istanbul}}</ref> and the paper of ]n linguist Dr. Hermann F. Kvergić of ] entitled "''La psychologie de quelques elements des langues Turques''" ]"].<ref>Laut (2002)</ref> Atatürk introduced the Sun Language Theory into Turkish political and educational circles in 1935, at the high point of attempts to 'cleanse' the Turkish language of foreign influences. After 1936, Atatürk saw the extremist aspects of the purification campaign and corrected them.<ref name="Geoffrey"/> | |||
]]] | |||
In the years following 1926, Atatürk introduced a radical departure from previous reformations established by the Ottoman Empire.<ref name="Daisy" /> For the first time in history, Islamic law was separated from secular law and restricted to matters of religion.<ref name="Daisy">Daisy Hilse Dwyer, (1990), "Law and Islam in the Middle East", p. 77, {{ISBN|978-0-89789-151-6}}</ref> He stated: | |||
] | |||
On 5 December 1934 moved for granting of full political rights to women, well before ]. The Swiss civil code which defined the rights of women in a marriage as equal to those of men was passed earlier.<ref>Ömür, ''''</ref> The place of women in Mustafa Kemal's cultural reforms was best expressed in the civic book which was prepared under his supervision.<ref>Atatürk, ''Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler''</ref> Mustafa Kemal said that {{quote|There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. ...Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that, because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform."<ref>İnan, ''Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk'ün el yazıları''</ref>|Mustafa Kemal}} However, the change was not easy. In the 1935 elections, which was the last election Atatürk had the chance to observe, there were only 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives. | |||
{{bquote|We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us.<ref>Atillasoy, Atatürk : The First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic, 13.</ref>}} | |||
] in ]]] | |||
Atatürk believed in the supreme importance of culture; which he expressed with the phrase ''"culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic."''<ref name=atillasoy15> Atillasoy, ''Atatürk : first president and founder of the Turkish Republic'', 15</ref> His view of culture included both his own nation's creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization, putting an emphasis on ] above all. He once described modern Turkey's ideological thrust as ''"a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal."'' | |||
] in Ankara, on 16 July 1929]] | |||
In 1934, upon Mustafa Kemal's order the first ever Turkish opera work "Özsoy" composed by ] and leaded by ] staged at the People's House in Ankara.<ref>{{cite news | first=Selda | last=Paydak | title=Interview with Semiha Berksoy | url=http://www.deltur.cec.eu.int/english/guncel/ghaber-jan00_18.html | publisher=Representation of the European Commission to Turkey | date= January 2000 | accessdate=2007-02-11|archiveurl= http://web.archive.org/web/20030418082022/http://www.deltur.cec.eu.int/english/guncel/ghaber-jan00_18.html |archivedate=2003-04-18 }}</ref> | |||
On 1 March 1926, the Turkish ], modelled after the Italian penal code, was passed. On 4 October 1926, ] were closed. Establishing the civic law needed time, so Atatürk delayed the inclusion of the principle of ] (the constitutional principle of secularism in France) until 5 February 1937. | |||
To assist in the creation of such a synthesis, Atatürk stressed the need to utilize the elements of the national heritage of the Turks and of ], including its ancient indigenous cultures as well as the arts and techniques of other world civilizations, both past and present. He emphasized the study of earlier civilizations, foremost of which being the ], after whom he established "Sümerbank", and the ], after whom he established "Etibank", as well as other ] such as the ] and ]. The pre-Islamic ] became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was laid upon the fact that, long before the ] and ] civilizations, the Turks have had a rich culture. Atatürk also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity. | |||
]<!--Use Istanbul here as the US State Department already began using Istanbul in place of Constantinople--> in 1930]] | |||
The ] and the ], whose developers had, on occasion, been arrested by some Ottoman officials claiming that the depiction of the human form was ], were now highly encouraged and supported by Atatürk, and these flourished in the new Turkish Republic. Many museums were opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and ], ], and ], as well as the ], also took greater hold. Several hundred "People's Houses" (Halk Evi) and "People's Rooms" (Halk Odası) across the country allowed greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other cultural events. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and the film industry began to grow. | |||
In keeping with the Islamic practice of ], Ottoman practice discouraged social interaction between men and women. Atatürk began developing social reforms to address this issue very early, as was evident in his personal journal. He and his staff discussed issues such as abolishing the ] and integrating women into the outside world. His plans to surmount the task were written in his journal in November 1915: | |||
In Mustafa Kemal's world there was no dualism. He enforced his ideas to the full extent. According to Mustafa Kemal, a progressive nation also was progressive in understanding its belief system. Mustafa Kemal commissioned the translation of the ] into Turkish and he had it read in front of the public in 1932.<ref name=cleveland178>Cleveland, ''A History of the Modern Middle East'', 181</ref> | |||
{{bquote|The social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection.<ref name="mango164">Mango, ''Atatürk'', 164</ref>}} | |||
Notwithstanding the Islamic prohibition against the consumption of ]ic beverages, he encouraged domestic production of alcohol and established a state-owned spirits industry. He was known to have an appreciation for the national beverage, ], and enjoyed it in vast quantities.<ref name=volkan221>Volkan, ''"Immortal" Atatürk—Narcissism and Creativity in a Revolutionary Leader'', 221–255</ref> | |||
] | |||
Atatürk needed a new civil code to establish his second major step of giving freedom to women. The first part was the education of girls, a feat established with the unification of education. On 4 October 1926, the new ], modelled after the ], was passed.<!--Possible contradiction: the Misplaced Pages page for the Turkish civil code states that the code was "enacted" in February, but this article states the code was not passed until October (clarification needed on this matter)--> Under the new code, women gained equality with men in such matters as inheritance and divorce, since Atatürk did not consider gender a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with men and women united. He believed that it was scientifically impossible for Turkey to achieve progress and become civilized if Ottoman gender separation persisted.<ref>Tüfekçi, ''Universality of Atatürk's philosophy''</ref> During a meeting he declaimed: | |||
{{bquote|''To the women'': Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.<br /> ''To the men'': If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.<ref>Kinross, ''Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation'', p. 343</ref>}} | |||
Additionally, the Kemalist ]'s labor participation rate was as high as 70%. The participation rate continued to decline after the democratization of Turkey due to the backlash of conservative norms in Turkish society.<ref>{{cite journal | url=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277539513000721 | doi=10.1016/j.wsif.2013.04.006 | title=Female labor force participation in Turkey: The role of conservatism | year=2013 | last1=Göksel | first1=İdil | journal=Women's Studies International Forum | volume=41 | pages=45–54 | url-access=subscription }}</ref> | |||
In 1927, the ] (''Ankara Resim ve Heykel Müzesi'') opened its doors. The museum highlighted ], which was rarely practised in Turkey due to the Islamic tradition of avoiding idolatry. Atatürk believed that "culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic,"<ref name="atillasoy15">Atillasoy, ''Atatürk : first president and founder of the Turkish Republic'', 15</ref> and described modern Turkey's ideological thrust as "a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal." He included both his own nation's creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization.<!--Clarification needed, included in what?--> The pre-Islamic ] became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was placed on the widespread Turkish culture before the ] and ] civilizations. He instigated study of ] – ], ], ], and ]. To attract public attention to past cultures, he personally named the banks "]" (1932) after the Sumerians and "]" (1935) after the Hittites. He also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity. | |||
At the time, the republic used the ] written in the ] with Arabic and ] loan vocabulary.<ref name=dew/> However, as little as 10% of the population was literate. Furthermore, the American reformer ], invited by Atatürk to assist in educational reform, found that learning how to read and write Turkish in the traditional Arabic script took roughly three years.<ref name=dew/> In the spring of 1928, Atatürk met in Ankara with several linguists and professors from all over Turkey to unveil his plan to implement a new alphabet for the written ], based on a modified ]. The new ] would serve as a replacement for the old Arabic script and a solution to the literacy problem, since the new alphabet did not retain the complexities of the Arabic script and could be learned within a few months.<ref name="ATATURK: Creator of Modern Turkey2"/> When Atatürk asked the language experts how long it would take to implement the new alphabet into the Turkish language, most of the professors and linguists said between three and five years. Atatürk was said to have scoffed and openly stated, "We shall do it in three to five months".<ref>Falih Rıfkı Atay (1969). ''Çankaya''. Istanbul. p. 440</ref> | |||
] to the people of ] on 20 September 1928]] | |||
Over the next several months, Atatürk pressed for the introduction of the new Turkish alphabet and made public announcements of the upcoming overhaul. The creation of the alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (''Dil Encümeni'') with the initiative of Atatürk.<ref name=dew/> On 1 November 1928, he introduced the new Turkish alphabet and abolished the use of the Arabic script. The first ] using the new alphabet was published on 15 December 1928. Atatürk himself travelled the countryside in order to teach citizens the new alphabet. After vigorous campaigns, the literacy rate more than doubled from 10.6% in 1927 to 22.4% in 1940.<ref>Landau, ''Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey'', 190</ref> To supplement the literacy reform, a number of congresses were organized on scientific issues, education, history, economics, arts and language.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Kayadibi |first=Fahri |date=2006 |title=Atatürk Döneminde Eğitim ve Bilim Alanında Gelişmeler |journal=Istanbul University Journal of the Faculty of Theology |language=tr |issue=13 |pages=1–21}}</ref> Libraries were systematically developed, and mobile libraries and book transport systems were set up to serve remote districts.<ref>{{Cite book |title=Encyclopedia of Library History |date=1994 |publisher=Routledge |editor-last=Wiegand |editor-first=Wayne A. |page=462 |editor-last2=Davis |editor-first2=Donald G.}}</ref> Literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new law on copyrights. | |||
Atatürk promoted modern ]s at the primary education level, and Dewey proved integral to the effort.<ref name=dew/> Dewey presented a paradigmatic set of recommendations designed for developing societies moving towards modernity in his "Report and Recommendation for the Turkish educational system".<ref name=dew/> He was interested in ] with the goal of forming a ] in the country. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making, and household management but also skills necessary for joining the economy outside the home. Atatürk's unified education program became a state-supervised system, which was designed to create a skill base for the social and economic progress of the country by educating responsible citizens as well as useful and appreciated members of society.<ref>Özelli, ''The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and Its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic'', 77–92</ref><ref name=dew/> In addition, Turkish education became an integrative system, aimed to alleviate poverty and used ] to establish ]. Atatürk himself put special emphasis on the education of girls and supported ], introducing it at university level in 1923–24 and establishing it as the norm throughout the educational system by 1927.<ref>Landau, ''Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey'', 191</ref> Atatürk's reforms on education made it significantly more accessible: between 1923 and 1938, the number of students attending primary schools increased by 224% (from 342,000 to 765,000), the number of students attending middle schools increased by 12.5 times (from around 6,000 to 74,000), and the number of students attending high schools increased by almost 17 times (from 1,200 to 21,000).<ref>{{Citation |last=Kapluhan |first=Erol |title=Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Atatürk Dönemi Eğitim Politikaları (1923–1938) ve Coğrafya Eğitimi |pages=203–5 |year=2011 |type=PhD thesis |publisher=] |language=tr}}</ref> | |||
] after the 7th-year celebration meeting]] | |||
Atatürk generated media attention to propagate modern education during this period. He instigated official education meetings called "Science Boards" and "Education Summits" to discuss the quality of education, training issues, and certain basic educational principles. He said, "our should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve." He was personally engaged with the development of two textbooks. The first one, ''Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler'' (Civic knowledge for the citizens, 1930), introduced the science of comparative government and explained the means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to the new state institutions.<ref>{{Citation |last=Gürses |first=Fatma |title=Kemalizm'in Model Ders Kitabı: Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler |url=http://dergipark.gov.tr/download/article-file/73971 |work=Akademik Bakış |volume=4 |issue=7 |pages=233–49 |year=2010 |access-date=29 May 2020 |archive-date=9 April 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170409111102/http://dergipark.gov.tr/download/article-file/73971 |url-status=dead }}</ref> The second, ''Geometri'' (Geometry, 1937), was a text for high schools and introduced many of the terms currently used in Turkey to describe ].<ref>Landau, ''Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey'', 204–05</ref> | |||
====Opposition to Atatürk in 1930–1931==== | |||
On 11 August 1930, Atatürk decided to try a multiparty movement once again and asked ] to establish a new party. Atatürk insisted on the protection of secular reforms. The brand-new ] succeeded all around the country. However, without the establishment of a real political spectrum, the party became the center to opposition of Atatürk's reforms, particularly in regard to the role of religion in public life. On 23 December 1930, a chain of violent incidents occurred, instigated by the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in ], a small town in the ]. The ] came to be considered a serious threat against secular reforms. | |||
] leader ] and his daughter in ], on 13 August 1930]] | |||
In November 1930, Ali Fethi Okyar dissolved his own party. A more lasting ] began in 1945. In 1950, the CHP ceded the majority position to the ]. This came amidst arguments that Atatürk's single-party rule did not promote ]. The reason experiments with ] failed during this period was that not all groups in the country had agreed to a minimal consensus regarding shared values (mainly secularism) and shared rules for conflict resolution. In response to such criticisms, Atatürk's biographer ] writes: "between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and better-educated societies. Atatürk's enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More could not have been expected in his lifetime."<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 536</ref> Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his actions, Atatürk always supported the idea of building a ]: a system of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions as opposed to the force-backed structures of the state. In one of his many speeches about the importance of democracy, Atatürk said in 1933: | |||
{{bquote|Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year. It should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes.<ref>İnan, ''Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler'', 260</ref>}} | |||
====Modernization efforts, 1931–1938==== | |||
]. Atatürk is standing with ] (on his left) and ] (first from the left).]] | |||
] on 3 May 1935]] | |||
In 1931, Atatürk established the ] (''Türk Dil Kurumu'') for conducting research works in the ]. The ] (''Türk Tarih Kurumu'') was established in 1931, and began maintaining archives in 1932 for conducting research works on the ].<ref name="TED">{{Cite web |title=About Us |url=http://www.ted.org.tr/EN/BelgeGoster.aspx?17A16AE30572D313AAF6AA849816B2EF01E9BE68C047FEF5 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071117232115/http://www.ted.org.tr/EN/BelgeGoster.aspx?17A16AE30572D313AAF6AA849816B2EF01E9BE68C047FEF5 |archive-date=17 November 2007 |access-date=1 February 2008}}</ref> On 1 January 1928, he established the ],<ref name="TED" /> which supported intelligent and hard-working children in financial need, as well as material and scientific contributions to the educational life. In 1933,<!--Now use Istanbul and Ankara as the Western practice changed by then--> Atatürk ordered the reorganization of ] into a modern institution and later established ] in the capital city.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Saikal |first1=Amin |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7oLorPxb3GEC&q=Ankara |title=Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges |last2=Schnabel |first2=Albrecht |date=2003 |publisher=United Nations University Press |isbn=978-92-808-1085-1 |page=95 |language=en |lccn=2002155283 |orig-date=Digitized 13 July 2023 |access-date=4 October 2023 |archive-date=5 October 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231005174847/https://books.google.com/books?id=7oLorPxb3GEC&q=Ankara |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
Atatürk dealt with the translation of scientific ] into Turkish.<ref name="Geoffrey">Geoffrey L. Lewis (1999), The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success, ] {{ISBN|0-19-823856-8}}. p. 66</ref> He wanted the Turkish language reform to be methodologically based. Any attempt to "cleanse" the Turkish language of foreign influence without modelling the integral structure of the language was inherently wrong to him. He personally oversaw the development of the ] (''Güneş Dil Teorisi''), which was a ] theory which proposed that all human languages were descendants of one ] primal language. His ideas could be traced to the work by the French scientist ] titled ''L'Origine des Langues, des Religions et des Peuples'', which postulates that all languages originated from ]s and ] used by Sumerians,<ref>{{Cite news |date=9 February 1936 |title=Turks Teach New Theories |work=] |location=Istanbul}}</ref> and the paper by Austrian linguist ] of ] titled "La psychologie de quelques éléments des langues Turques" ("the psychology of some elements of the ]").<ref>Laut (2002)</ref> Atatürk formally introduced the Sun Language Theory into Turkish political and educational circles in 1935, although he did later correct the more extremist practices.<ref name="Geoffrey" /> | |||
], a politician who was the head of the ], said "''Ulu Önderimiz Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal''" ("Our Great Leader Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal") in the opening speech of the 2nd Language Day on 26 September 1934. Later, the surname "''Atatürk''" ("father of the Turks") was accepted as the surname of Mustafa Kemal after the adoption of the ] in 1934.<ref>. ''Habertürk''. Retrieved 18 December 2017.</ref> | |||
Beginning in 1932, several hundred "]" (''Halkevleri'') and "]s" (''Halkodaları'') across the country allowed greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other cultural events. Atatürk supported and encouraged the visual and the ], which had been suppressed by Ottoman leaders, who regarded depiction of the human form as ]. Many museums opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and ], opera, ballet, and theatre took greater hold in the country. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and the film industry began to grow. | |||
Almost all Qur'ans in Turkey before the 1930s were printed in Old Arabic. However, in 1924, three Turkish translations of the Qur'an were published in Istanbul, and several renderings of the ] were read in front of the public, creating significant controversy.<ref name="cleveland178">Cleveland, ''A History of the Modern Middle East'', 181</ref> These Turkish Qur'ans were fiercely opposed by members of the religious community, and the incident impelled many leading Muslim modernists to call upon the Turkish Parliament to sponsor a Qur'an translation of suitable quality.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Wilson |first=M. Brett |year=2009 |title=The First Translations of the Qur'an in Modern Turkey (1924–1938) |journal=International Journal of Middle East Studies |volume=41 |issue=3 |pages=419–35 |doi=10.1017/s0020743809091132|s2cid=73683493 }}</ref> With the support of Atatürk, the Parliament approved the project and the Directorate of Religious Affairs appointed Mehmet Akif (Ersoy) to compose a ], and the Islamic scholar ] to author a Turkish language Qur'anic commentary (]) titled '']'' (The Qur'an: the Tongue of the Religion of Truth).<ref>Ünal, ''The Qur'an with Annotated Interpretation in Modern English'', xxxix</ref> However, it was only in 1935 that the version of Yazır's work read in public found its way to print.<ref>Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır, (1935), "Hak dini Kur'an dili: Yeni mealli Türkçe tefsir" 9 volumes, printed in Istanbul<!--Now use Istanbul as the Western practice changed by then--></ref> In 1932, Atatürk justified the translation of the Qur'an by stating how he wanted to "teach religion in Turkish to Turkish people who had been practising Islam without understanding it for centuries." Atatürk believed that the understanding of religion and its texts was too important to be left to a small group of people. Thus, his objective was to make the Qur'an accessible to a broader demographic by translating it into modern languages.<ref name="Radu">Michael Radu, (2003), "Dangerous Neighborhood: Contemporary Issues in Turkey's Foreign Relations", p. 125, {{ISBN|978-0-7658-0166-1}}</ref> | |||
In 1934, Atatürk commissioned the first Turkish operatic work, '']''. The opera, staged at the People's House in Ankara,<!--Now use Ankara as the Western practice changed by then--> was composed by ] and performed by soprano ].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Paydak |first=Selda |date=January 2000 |title=Interview with Semiha Berksoy |publisher=Representation of the European Commission to Turkey |url=http://www.deltur.cec.eu.int/english/guncel/ghaber-jan00_18.html |access-date=11 February 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030418082022/http://www.deltur.cec.eu.int/english/guncel/ghaber-jan00_18.html |archive-date=18 April 2003}}</ref> | |||
] | |||
On 5 December 1934, Turkey moved to grant full political rights to women. The equal rights of women in marriage had already been established in the earlier Turkish civil code.<ref>Omur, '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071007232154/http://www.theturkishtimes.com/archive/02/12_01/c_women.html |date=7 October 2007 }}''</ref> The role of women in Atatürk's cultural reforms was expressed in the civic book prepared under his supervision.<ref>Atatürk, ''Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler''</ref> In it, he stated: | |||
{{bquote|There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. ...Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that, because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform.<ref>İnan, ''Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk'ün el yazıları''</ref>}} | |||
The ] yielded 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives, compared to nine out of 615 members in the ] and six out of 435 in the ] inaugurated that year.<ref name="commonslibraryblog.com 2013">{{Cite web |title=commonslibraryblog.com |url=http://commonslibraryblog.com/2013/11/18/the-history-and-geography-of-women-mps-since-1918-in-numbers |date=18 November 2013 |website=commonslibraryblog.com |language=sl |access-date=23 April 2018 |archive-date=23 April 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180423232505/http://commonslibraryblog.com/2013/11/18/the-history-and-geography-of-women-mps-since-1918-in-numbers |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
====Unification and nationalisation efforts==== | |||
] | |||
When the modern ] was founded in 1923, nationalism and secularism were two of the founding principles.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Findley |first=Carter Vaughn |title=Turkey, Islam, nationalism, and modernity : a history, 1789–2007 |publisher=Yale University Press |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-300-15260-9 |location=New Haven, CT}}{{page needed|date=January 2014}}</ref> Atatürk aimed to create a nation state (''ulus devlet'') from the Turkish remnants of the Ottoman Empire. Kemalism defines the "Turkish People" as "those who protect and promote the moral, spiritual, cultural and humanistic values of the Turkish Nation."<ref name="TurkishNational">{{Cite web |title=Turkish National Education System |url=http://www.meb.gov.tr/Stats/apk2001ing/Section_1/1Generalprincipals.htm |last=Republic Of Turkey Ministry Of National Education |publisher=T.C. Government |access-date=19 January 2018 |archive-date=7 February 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080207000723/http://www.meb.gov.tr/Stats/apk2001ing/Section_1/1Generalprincipals.htm |url-status=dead }}</ref> One of the goals of the establishment of the new Turkish state was to ensure "the domination of Turkish national identity in every aspect of social life from the language that people speak in the streets to the language to be taught at schools, from the education to the industrial life, from the trade to the cadres of state officials, from the civil law to the settlement of citizens to particular regions."<ref>Ayhan Aktar, "Cumhuriyet'in İlk Yıllarında Uygulanan 'Türkleştirme' Politikaları," in Varlık Vergisi, ve 'Türkleştirme' Politikaları, 2nd ed. (Istanbul: İletişim, 2000), 101.</ref> The process of unification through ] continued and was fostered under Atatürk's government with such policies as ] (''Vatandaş Türkçe konuş!''), an initiative created in the 1930s by law students but sponsored by the government. This campaign aimed to put pressure on non-Turkish speakers to speak Turkish in public.<ref name="Turkey beyond nationalism: towards post-nationalist identities2"/><ref name="Grammatology and literary modernity in Turkey">{{Cite book |last=Ertürk |first=Nergis |title=Grammatology and literary modernity in Turkey |date= 2011 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-974668-2 |location=Oxford, UK}}</ref><ref name="Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey2"/><ref name="Tormented by history: nationalism in Greece and Turkey2"/><ref>{{Cite book |editor1=Sibel Bozdoǧan|editor2=Gülru Necipoğlu|editor3=Julia Bailey|title=Muqarnas : an annual on the visual culture of the Islamic world. |publisher=Brill |year=2007 |isbn=9789004163201 |location=Leiden}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Aslan |first=Senem |date=April 2007 |title="Citizen, Speak Turkish!": A Nation in the Making |journal=Nationalism and Ethnic Politics |volume=13 |issue=2 |pages=245–72 |doi=10.1080/13537110701293500|s2cid=144367148 }}</ref><ref name="Suny">{{Cite book |title=A question of genocide : Armenians and Turks at the end of the Ottoman Empire |date=23 February 2011 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-539374-3 |editor-last=Suny |editor-first=Ronald Grigor |location=Oxford |editor-last2=Göçek |editor-first2=Fatma Müge |editor-last3=Naimark |editor-first3=Norman M.}}</ref> However, the campaign went beyond the measures of a mere policy of speaking Turkish to an outright prevention of any other language.<ref name="Turkey beyond nationalism: towards post-nationalist identities2"/><ref name="Grammatology and literary modernity in Turkey" /><ref>{{Cite book |last=Bali |first=Rifat N. |title=Cumhuriyet yıllarında Türkiye Yahudileri bir türkleştirme serüveni; (1923–1945) |publisher=İletişim |year=1999 |isbn=9789754707632 |edition=7 |location=İstanbul |pages=137–47 |language=tr}}</ref><ref name="Citizenship">{{Cite book |last=İnce |first=Başak |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ydpiawe35DwC |title=Citizenship and identity in Turkey : from Atatürk's republic to the present day |date=2012 |publisher=I.B. Tauris |isbn=9781780760261 |location=London |page=61 |access-date=19 January 2018 |archive-date=7 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231207090520/https://books.google.com/books?id=Ydpiawe35DwC |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>Vryonis, Speros (2005). The Mechanism of Catastrophe: The Turkish Pogrom of 6–7 September 1955, and the Destruction of the Greek Community of Istanbul. New York: Greekworks.com, Inc. {{ISBN|0-9747660-3-8}}.</ref> | |||
Another example of nationalisation was the ], which obligated the Turkish people to adopt fixed, hereditary surnames and forbade names that contained connotations of foreign cultures, nations, tribes, and religions.<ref name="Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey2"/><ref name="Suny" /><ref>{{Cite journal |title=The Social Life of the State's Fantasy: Memories and Documents on Turkey's Surname Law of 1934 |url=http://repository.upenn.edu/dissertations/AAI3125908/ |last=Turkoz |first=Meltem |date=2004 |website=ScholarlyCommons |pages=1–226 |publisher=] |access-date=28 May 2020 |archive-date=8 June 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200608051637/https://repository.upenn.edu/dissertations/AAI3125908/ |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="Basak">{{Cite book |last=İnce |first=Başak |title=Citizenship and identity in Turkey : from Atatürk's republic to the present day |date=15 June 2012 |publisher=I.B. Tauris |isbn=978-1-78076-026-1 |location=London}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Aslan |first=Senem |date=29 December 2009 |title=Incoherent State: The Controversy over Kurdish Naming in Turkey |url=http://ejts.revues.org/index4142.html |journal=European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey |issue=10 |doi=10.4000/ejts.4142 |quote=the Surname Law was meant to foster a sense of Turkishness within society and prohibited surnames that were related to foreign ethnicities and nations |doi-access=free |access-date=22 July 2017 |archive-date=26 July 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120726111611/http://ejts.revues.org/index4142.html |url-status=live }}</ref> As a result, many ethnic Armenians, Greeks, and Kurds changed their surnames.<ref name=Basak /> Non-Turkish surnames ending with "yan, of, ef, viç, is, dis, poulos, aki, zade, shvili, madumu, veled, bin" could not be registered and were replaced by "-oğlu".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Ekmekcioglu |first=Lerna |title=Improvising Turkishness: Being Armenian in post-Ottoman Istanbul (1918–1933) |year=2010 |isbn=978-1-124-04442-2 |location=Ann Arbor |publisher=New York University |page=169}}</ref> Furthermore, the ] initiative by the Turkish government replaced non-Turkish geographical and topographic names within the ] with ] names.<ref name="Adını unutan ülke : Türkiye">{{Cite book |last=Nişanyan |first=Sevan |title=Adını unutan ülke: Türkiye'de adı değiştirilen yerler sözlüğü |publisher=Everest Yayınları |year=2010 |isbn=978-975-289-730-4 |edition=1. basım. |location=İstanbul |language=tr}}</ref><ref name="Norşin">{{Cite news |last=Halis |first=Mujgan |date=30 July 2011 |title=Norşin'den Potamya'ya hayali coğrafyalarımız |language=tr |work=Sabah |url=http://www.sabah.com.tr/Cumartesi/2011/07/30/norsinden-potamyaya-hayali-cografyalarimiz |access-date=19 January 2018 |archive-date=6 January 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140106040226/http://www.sabah.com.tr/Cumartesi/2011/07/30/norsinden-potamyaya-hayali-cografyalarimiz |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="Social relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870-19152" /><ref name="Turkification of the Toponyms">{{Cite book |last=Sahakyan |first=Lusine |url=http://www.ararat-center.org/upload/files/Toponym_Lusine.pdf |title=Turkification of the Toponyms in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey |publisher=Arod Books |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-9699879-7-0 |location=Montreal |access-date=19 January 2018 |archive-date=26 May 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130526060554/http://www.ararat-center.org/upload/files/Toponym_Lusine.pdf |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="The Hemshin: history, society and identity in the highlands of northeast Turkey">{{Cite book |last=Simonian |first=Hovann H. |url=http://hemshin.org/books/TheHemshin-Full.pdf |title=The Hemshin: history, society and identity in the highlands of northeast Turkey |publisher=Routledge |year=2007 |isbn=978-0-7007-0656-3 |edition=Repr. |location=London |page=161 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130503043711/http://hemshin.org/books/TheHemshin-Full.pdf |archive-date=3 May 2013 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref name="The settlement issue in Turkey and the Kurds">{{Cite book |last=Jongerden |first=Joost |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ME5oLvCd088C |title=The settlement issue in Turkey and the Kurds : an analysis of spatial policies, modernity and war |publisher=Brill |year=2007 |isbn=978-90-04-15557-2 |edition=. |location=Leiden, the Netherlands |page=354}}</ref> The main proponent of the initiative had been a Turkish homogenization social-engineering campaign which aimed to assimilate geographical or topographical names that were deemed foreign and divisive against Turkish unity. The names that were considered foreign were usually of Armenian, Greek, ], Bulgarian, Kurdish, Assyrian, or Arabic origin.<ref name="Adını unutan ülke : Türkiye" /><ref name="Social relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870-19152" /><ref name="The Hemshin: history, society and identity in the highlands of northeast Turkey" /><ref name="The settlement issue in Turkey and the Kurds" /><ref name="Names of 12,211 Villages Were Changed in Turkey">{{Cite news |last=Korkut |first=Tolga |date=14 May 2009 |title=Names of 12,211 Villages Were Changed in Turkey |work=Bianet |url=http://www.bianet.org/english/minorities/114491-names-of-12-211-villages-were-changed-in-turkey |access-date=19 January 2018 |archive-date=20 July 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090720005719/http://bianet.org/english/minorities/114491-names-of-12-211-villages-were-changed-in-turkey |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
The ] was a policy adopted by the Turkish government which set forth the basic principles of immigration.<ref>Çağatay, Soner 2002 'Kemalist dönemde göç ve iskan politikaları: Türk kimliği üzerine bir çalışma' (Policies of migration and settlement in the Kemalist era: a study on Turkish identity), Toplum ve Bilim, no. 93, pp. 218–41.</ref> The law, however, is regarded by some as a policy of assimilation of non-Turkish minorities through a forced and collective resettlement.<ref name="Joost">{{Cite book |last=Jongerden |first=Joost |title=The settlement issue in Turkey and the Kurds : an analysis of spatial policies, modernity and war |publisher=Brill |year=2007 |isbn=9789004155572 |edition=. |location=Leiden, the Netherlands}}{{page needed|date=January 2014}}</ref> | |||
====Social policy reforms and economic progress==== | |||
Atatürk was also credited for his transformational change in Turkish agriculture and ecological development. The Kemalist government planted four million trees, modernized the Turkish agricultural mechanism, implemented flood controls, opened schools in rural areas with rural institutions such as agricultural banks, and implemented land reform that removed heavy taxes on peasants of the Ottoman era. He was described as the "Father of Turkish Agriculture".<ref>{{cite web |url=https://globalmediajournaltr.yeditepe.edu.tr/sites/default/files/10_derya_nil_budak.pdf |title=Atatürk, The National Agricultural Leader, Father of Modern Turkish Agriculture and The National Development: A Review From the Perspective of Agricultural Communications and Leadership |last=Budak |first=Derya Nil |access-date=9 October 2022 |archive-date=4 August 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210804051122/https://globalmediajournaltr.yeditepe.edu.tr/sites/default/files/10_derya_nil_budak.pdf |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://businessturkeytoday.com/factories-established-by-great-ataturk-founder-of-turkey-in-first-15-years-of-republic.html | title=Factories established by Atatürk, the founder of Turkey, in first 15 years of Republic | date=23 November 2020 | access-date=9 October 2022 | archive-date=15 December 2021 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211215172234/https://businessturkeytoday.com/factories-established-by-great-ataturk-founder-of-turkey-in-first-15-years-of-republic.html | url-status=live }}</ref> Atatürk also massively boomed the Turkish economy with heavy industrial production increased by 150% and GDP per capita rose from 800 USD to around 2000 USD by late 1930s, on par with Japan.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Turkish-GDP-per-capita-and-GDP-growth-1923-1990-Source-Compiled-and-drawn-based-on_fig1_256014311 |title=Turkish GDP per capita and GDP growth, 1923–1990 |via=] |access-date=9 October 2022 |archive-date=2 September 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220902213702/https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Turkish-GDP-per-capita-and-GDP-growth-1923-1990-Source-Compiled-and-drawn-based-on_fig1_256014311 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
Atatürk's regime also passed the 1936 Labor Law, which gave substantial wage increases and improved the working conditions of workers in Turkish enterprises.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Singer |first1=Morris |title=Atatürk's Economic Legacy |journal=Middle Eastern Studies |date=July 1983 |volume=19 |issue=3 |pages=301–11 |doi=10.1080/00263208308700552 |jstor=4282948 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4282948 |access-date=12 September 2023 |archive-date=18 September 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230918070458/https://www.jstor.org/stable/4282948 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
===Foreign policies=== | ===Foreign policies=== | ||
] ] of ] in ], 1928. King Amānullāh attempted to emulate many of Atatürk's reforms in Afghanistan, but was overthrown.]] | |||
Atatürk's foreign policy was aligned with his motto “peace at home and peace in the world.” Atatürk's perception of peace was not simply the absence of war but linked to his project of civilization and modernization.<ref>{{cite web | |||
|url=http://www.atam.gov.tr/index.php?Page=DergiIcerik&IcerikNo=72 | |||
Atatürk's foreign policy followed his motto "]",<ref name=mango526/> a perception of peace linked to his project of civilization and modernization.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Peace at home and peace in the world |url=http://www.atam.gov.tr/index.php?Page=DergiIcerik&IcerikNo=72 |last=Hamza Eroğlu |language=tr |access-date=1 January 2008 |quote='Yurtta Sulh' herşeyden önce ülkede, o insanın, insanca yaşamasını, insanlık tıynetinin gereğinin tanınmasını ifade eder. |archive-date=30 January 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080130162240/http://www.atam.gov.tr/index.php?Page=DergiIcerik&IcerikNo=72 |url-status=live }}</ref> The outcomes of Atatürk's policies depended on the power of the parliamentary sovereignty established by the Republic.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Enver Ziya Karal |title=Atatürk'ten Düşünceler |page=123 |language=tr |quote=Haricî siyaset bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkülü dahilisi ile sıkı surette alâkadardır. Çünkü teşekkül-ü dahiliyeye istinat etmeyen haricî siyasetler daima mahkûm kalırlar. Bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkül-ü dahilisi ne kadar kuvvetli olursa, siyaset-i hariciyesi de o nisbette kavi ve rasin olur.}}</ref> The Turkish War of Independence was the last time Atatürk used his military might in dealing with other countries. Foreign issues were resolved by peaceful methods during his presidency. | |||
|title= Peace at home and peace in the world | |||
|accessdate= 2008-01-01 |author= Prof. Dr. Hamza Eroğlu |language= Turkish |quote= “Yurtta Sulh” herşeyden önce ülkede, o insanın, insanca yaşamasını, insanlık tıynetinin gereğinin tanınmasını ifade eder".}}</ref> The base and the expected outcome(s) of Kemal's policies depended on the power of the parliamentary sovereignty (justice, moral superiority, and social structure of the nation) that was established by the Republic.<ref>{{cite book |title= Atatürk’ten Düşünceler |author= Enver Ziya Karal |language= Turkish |page=123 |quote= “Haricî siyaset bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkülü dahilisi ile sıkı surette alâkadardır. Çünkü teşekkül-ü dahiliyeye istinat etmeyen haricî siyasetler daima mahkûm kalırlar. Bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkül-ü dahilisi ne kadar kuvvetli olursa, siyaset-i hariciyesi de o nisbette kavi ve rasin olur.”}}</ref> The Turkish War of Independence was the last time Atatürk used his military might in dealing with other countries. The foreign issues were resolved by peaceful methods during his presidency. | |||
====Issue of Mosul==== | ====Issue of Mosul==== | ||
{{See also|Mosul Question}} | |||
]]] | |||
The |
The Issue of Mosul, a dispute with the United Kingdom over control of ], was one of the first foreign affairs-related controversies of the new Republic. During the ], ] ] followed the British War Office's instruction that "every effort was to be made to score as heavily as possible on the Tigris before the whistle blew", capturing Mosul three days after the signature of the ] (30 October 1918).<ref name="britainsoil">Peter Sluglett, "The Primacy of Oil in Britain's Iraq Policy", in the book "Britain in Iraq: 1914–1932" London: Ithaca Press, 1976, pp. 103–16</ref> In 1920, the '']'', which consolidated the "Turkish lands", declared that Mosul Vilayet was a part of the historic Turkish heartland. The British were in a precarious situation with the Issue of Mosul and were adopting almost equally desperate measures to protect their interests. For example, the ] was suppressed by the ] during the summer of 1920. From the British perspective, if Atatürk stabilized Turkey, he would then turn his attention to Mosul and penetrate Mesopotamia, where the native population would likely join his cause. Such an event would result in an insurgent and hostile Muslim nation in close proximity to British territory in India. | ||
] | |||
While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee was sent to the region to oversee the situation in 1924, the ], beginning in 1924 and escalating until 1927, broke out to establish a new government positioned to cut Turkey's link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebellion and British support was questioned. The British assistance was sought realizing that the rebellion, or its expected outcome, could not stand by itself.<ref>Olson, Robert W. (1989) The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880-1925, p.45</ref> | |||
In 1923, Atatürk tried to persuade the GNA that accepting the arbitration of the ] at the ] did not signify relinquishing Mosul, but rather waiting for a time when Turkey might be stronger. Nevertheless, the artificially drawn border had an unsettling effect on the population on both sides. Later, it was claimed that Turkey began where the oil ends, as the border was drawn by the British geophysicists based on locations of oil reserves. Atatürk did not want this separation.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Atatürk yaşasaydı |url=http://www.candundar.com.tr/index.php?Did=766 |last=Can Dündar |language=tr |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071120110906/http://www.candundar.com.tr/index.php?Did=766 |archive-date=20 November 2007 |access-date=1 January 2008 |quote=... Ata'nın öncelikli dış politika sorununun Musul olduğunu söylüyor. Musul'u bırakmama konusunda aktif bir politika izlenmesinden yana olduğunu belirtiyor... }}</ref> To address Atatürk's concerns, the ] ] attempted to disclaim the existence of oil in the Mosul area. On 23 January 1923, Curzon argued that the existence of oil was no more than hypothetical.<ref name="britainsoil" /> However, according to the biographer ], "England wanted Mosul and its oil. The Kurds were the key to Mosul and the oil of Irak."{{sfn|Armstrong|1972|p=225}} | |||
In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the Northern frontier , the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold the ]. By the end of March 1925, the necessary troop movements were completed, and the whole area of the Sheikh Said rebellion was encircled.<ref> Kinross, 401</ref> The revolt was put down. Britain, Iraq and Kemal made a treaty on 5 June 1926, which mostly followed the decisions of the League Council. In 1926, Kemal faced growing opposition to his reform policies, a continuing precarious economic situation, and a defeat in the Mosul issue. A big section of the Kurdish population along with the ]s were left at the other side of the border. The Sheikh Said Rebellion hastened both the imposition of the Republican Party and the speed of Atatürk's reforms. In 1925, the population was largely illiterate and disparate, Turkey was in ruins, reconstruction was difficult, poverty was everywhere and people were in pain, which easily fed separatist violence.<ref>ASD: Speeches and statements by Ataturk, volume I pages 361-363 published by Atatuk Culture, language and history Higher Institude, Ankara 1989</ref> Mustafa Kemal attributed the rebellion to certain notables rather than a section of the population, who had been found guilty by the courts (kanunen mucrim olan bazi muteneffizan) and who used the mask of religion to conceal the interests of landlords, feudal tribal leaders and other 'reactionaries' on 7 March 1925.<ref name=mangokurds20>Andrew Mango, ''Atatürk and the Kurds'', Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.35, No.4, 1999, 20</ref> | |||
While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee were sent to the region to oversee the situation in 1924, the ] (1924–1927) set out to establish a new government positioned to cut Turkey's link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebels and Britain was investigated. In fact, British assistance was sought after the rebels decided that the rebellion could not stand by itself.<ref>Olson, Robert W. (1989) The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880–1925, p. 45</ref> | |||
====Relations with Soviet Union ==== | |||
] Embassy in Ankara, on 7 November 1927]] | |||
Mustafa Kemal wanted positive relations with its northern neighbor. Relations extended to the period neither the Republic of Turkey, nor the ] was established. He signed the ] with the ]. The relations were cordial but had a distinct character of the common interests. The basic character of the relations during ] established on the fact that they were fighting against a common Enemy: England and the West.<ref name="Yılmaz"/> He cooperate with Soviets during ] in order to reach the independence and establish the new state. | |||
In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the northern frontier (present-day northern Iraq), the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold the ]. By the end of March 1925, the necessary troop movements were completed, and the whole area of the Sheikh Said rebellion was encircled.<ref>Kinross, 401</ref> As a result of these manoeuvres, the revolt was put down. Britain, Iraq, and Atatürk made a treaty on 5 June 1926, which mostly followed the decisions of the League Council. The agreement left a large section of the Kurdish population and the ] on the non-Turkish side of the border.<ref>ASD: Speeches and statements by Atatürk, volume I pages 361–63 published by Atatürk Culture, language and history Higher Institute, Ankara 1989</ref><ref name="mangokurds20">Andrew Mango, ''Atatürk and the Kurds'', Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 35, No. 4, 1999, 20</ref> | |||
“Friendship with Russia” said Mustafa Kemal, is not to adopt their ideology communism for Turkey<ref name="Yılmaz">Yılmaz Altuğ, Foreign Policy Of Atatürk, Ataturk arastirma merkezi dergisi, Vol VI, No 16, November 1989</ref>. He declared: “Communism is a social issue. Social conditions religion and national traditions of our country confirm the opinion that Russian Communism is not applicable in Turkey.<ref>Yılmaz Altuğ, Türk Devrim Tarihi Dersim, 1919-1938, 1980 s. p. 136.</ref>” On November 1 1924 in a speech “Our amicable relations with our old friend the Soviet Russian Republic are developing and progressing every day. As in past our Republican Government regards genuine and extensive good relations with Soviet Russia as the Keynote of our foreign policy. <ref name="Yılmaz"/>” | |||
====Relations with the Russian SFSR/Soviet Union==== | |||
The cordial relations were tested during the "Issue of Mosule." Curzon insisted that Mosul belonged to Iraq, and Iraq would be under ] during Lozan conference (1923). In 1923, Kemal refused to accept this position, and on the same day signed a Pact of Non-Aggression and Security with Soviet Russia in Paris. This conceived the postponing the Issue of Mosule to the League of Nations (1925). The Non-Aggression and Security with Soviet Russia remained in effect until unilaterally abrogated by the Soviet Union in 1945. | |||
{{See also|Russia–Turkey relations#Turkey and the Soviet Union}} | |||
] Embassy in Ankara, on 7 November 1927]] | |||
], a vision of Atatürk's which was never achieved]] | |||
In his 26 April 1920 message to ], the Bolshevik leader and head of the ]'s government Atatürk promised to coordinate his military operations with the Bolsheviks' "fight against ] governments" and requested 5 million ] in gold as well as armaments "as first aid" to his forces.<ref name="LetterLenin">''Международная жизнь'' (the Soviet ]'s magazine). Moscow, 1963, № 11, pp. 147–48. The first publication of Atatürk's letter to Lenin in excerpts, in Russian.</ref> In 1920 alone, the Lenin government supplied the Kemalists with 6,000 ]s, over 5 million ]s, 17,600 projectiles as well as 200.6 kg of gold ]. In the subsequent two years, the amount of aid increased.<ref name="AidInfo">''Международная жизнь''. Moscow, 1963, № 11, p. 148.</ref> | |||
During the second half of the 1930s Mustafa Kemal tried to get close to the West and mainly England. ] quoted the Foreign Affairs Minister of the Soviet Union, Litvinov. "Litvinov told me that the most valuable and interesting leader in the world does not live in Europe but beyond the Straits in Ankara and that he was the President of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal. <ref></ref>" | |||
In March 1921, the GNA representatives in Moscow signed the ] with Soviet Russia, which was a major diplomatic breakthrough for the Kemalists. The Treaty of Moscow, followed by the identical ] in October the same year, gave Turkey a favourable settlement of its north-eastern frontier at the expense of the ], then nominally an independent state. | |||
==== Turkish-Greek alliance ==== | |||
] (at left) on October 1932]] | |||
Mustafa Kemal did not believe in concepts of permanent friendship or holding a grudge. The postwar leader of Greece ] was also determined to establish normal relations between the two states. The war had devastated the lands of ], and the financial burden of ] from Greece brought obstacles to the rapprochement. Venizelos moved forward with the agreement despite the accusations of making many concessions on the issues of the naval armaments, and of the properties of the Ottoman Greeks from Turkey according to the ].<ref>Karamanlis, 1995, p. 95-97</ref> Similarly, Kemal resisted the pressures of historic emnities or atrocity-mongering between the societies. In spite of Turkish animosity against the Greeks, Kemal showed acute sensitivity to even the slightest allusion to these tensions. Kemal at one instance ordered immediate removal of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet to a Greek soldier by stating "What a revolting scene!".<ref> Sosyal, Ismail, 1983, "Turkey's Diplomatic treaties", TTK, Ankara page 29</ref> | |||
Relations between the two countries were friendly but were based on the fact that they were against a common enemy: Britain and the West.<ref name="Yılmaz" /> In 1920, Atatürk toyed with the idea of using a state-controlled ] to forestall the perceived spread of communist ideas in the country and gain access to the ]'s financing. | |||
Ultimately, many Greeks consider the reconciliation with Turkey among the greatest foreign policy achievements of Venizelos' final term as Prime Minister. Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory. The two sides concluded an agreement on 30 April 1930; on 25 October, Venizelos visited Turkey, and signed a treaty of friendship.<ref>{{cite book | |||
|last= Clogg | |||
|first=Richard | |||
|authorlink= | |||
|coauthors= | |||
|title=A Concise History of Greece | |||
|publisher=Cambridge University Press | |||
|year= 2002 | |||
|isbn=0521004799}} p. 107</ref> Even after his fall from power, Greco-Turkish relations remained cordial. Indeed, Venizelos' successor ] came to visit Atatürk in September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement, called the ]. Entente Cordiale become a stepping stone for the ]. | |||
Despite his relations with the Soviet Union, Atatürk was not willing to commit Turkey to communism. "Friendship with Russia," he said, "is not to adopt their ideology of communism for Turkey."<ref name="Yılmaz">Yılmaz Altuğ, Foreign Policy of Atatürk, Atatürk arastirma merkezi dergisi, Vol. VI, No. 16, November 1989</ref> Moreover, Atatürk declared, "Communism is a social issue. Social conditions, religion, and national traditions of our country confirm the opinion that Russian Communism is not applicable in Turkey."<ref>Yılmaz Altuğ, Türk Devrim Tarihi Dersim, 1919–1938, 1980 s. p. 136.</ref> And in a speech on 1 November 1924, he said, "Our amicable relations with our old friend the Soviet Russian Republic are developing and progressing every day. As in past our Republican Government regards genuine and extensive good relations with Soviet Russia as the keystone of our foreign policy."<ref name="Yılmaz" /> | |||
Greek Premier ] said of Atatürk and the Turkish-Greek alliance, that "...Greece, which has the highest estimation of the renowned leader, heroic soldier, and enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and peaceful cooperation. He developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the noble Turkish nation." | |||
After the Turks withdrew their delegation from ] on 16 December 1925, they left the League of Nations Council to grant a mandate for the Mosul region to Britain without their consent. Atatürk countered<ref>Patrick Kinross. ''Atatürk: a biography of Mustafa Kemal, father of modern Turkey''. New York, 1965, p. 464.</ref> by concluding a ] with the USSR on 17 December.<ref>], 1st edition, Moscow, Vol. 55, 1947, column 374.</ref> In 1935, the pact was prolonged for another 10 years.<ref>], 1st edition, Moscow, Vol. 55, 1947, column 377.</ref> | |||
==== Treaty of Saadabad ==== | |||
] in 1931]] | |||
One of the main goals of the Mustafa Kemal was to establish security and peace on the eastern border of the new republic. The states at the eastern border had high stakes in preserving their common frontiers, and consulting together in all matters of common interest rather than keeping the channels closed. ] became the highest point in this goal. | |||
In 1933, the ] ] visited Turkey and attended the tenth year celebrations of the Republic.<ref name="BalkanFed">{{Cite news |date=6 November 1933 |title=Oh, What Happiness! |pages=37–39 |work=Time Magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,746241-1,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081113142927/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,746241-1,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=13 November 2008 |access-date=7 August 2007}}</ref> Atatürk explained his position regarding the realization of his plan for a ] economically uniting Turkey, Greece, Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.<ref name="BalkanFed" /> | |||
Mustafa Kemal, who was implementing ], found a cooperative Afghanistan. Afghanistan was in the midst of a reformation period with the ] as part of ]. Afghan Foreign Minister ], using Kemal Atatürk's domestic policy, encouraged the ]'s interest in social and political reform but urged that it be gradually built upon the basis of a strong government. However, during the late 1920s Anglo-Afghan relations soured over British fears of an Afghan-Soviet friendship. Anglo-Afghan politics gained a positive perspective on 20 May 1928, when Amanullah Khan and the Queen were accepted by Mustafa Kemal in Istanbul. This meeting was followed by a Turkey-Afghanistan Friendship and Cooperation pact on 22 May 1928. Mustafa Kemal supported Afghanistan's integration into international organizations. Afghanistan joined the League of Nations in 1934 and its relations with the international community gained a huge boost.<ref>{{cite book |title=The American Journal of International Law |last=Jentleson |first=Bruce W. |coauthors=Paterson, Thomas G. |year=1997 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=0195110552 |pages=24 }}</ref> In 1937, King ] became a signatory of the Treaty of Saadabad. Mahmud Tarzi received Mustafa Kemal's personal support until he died on 22 November 1933 in Istanbul. | |||
During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to establish a closer relationship with Britain and other major Western powers, which caused displeasure on the part of the Soviets. The second edition of the ] (Volume 20, 1953) was unequivocally critical of Atatürk's policies in the last years of his rule, calling his domestic policies "anti-popular" and his foreign course as aimed at ] with the "imperialist powers".<ref>], 2nd edition, Moscow, Vol. 20, 1953, p. 504.</ref> | |||
Mustafa Kemal and ] had a common approach to international politics, especially regarding British imperialism and its influence in the region. This climate created a slow but continuous rapprochement between Ankara and Tehran. During the Turkish war of independence, both governments sent diplomatic missions and messages of friendship to each other.<ref>NARLI, Nilüfer (1993): “Turco-Iranian Relations from the Islamic Revolution to Gulf War and Beyond: Co-operation or Competition in the Muslim World”. CEMOTI. (15): 265-295</ref> The policy of the Ankara government in this period was to give moral support in order to assure Iranian independence and territorial integrity.<ref name="iran"> Gokhan Cetinsaya Essential friends and natural enemies: the historical roots of Turkish-Iranian relations. Middle East Review of International Affairs Volume 7, No. 3 - September 2003</ref> The relations were strained after the abolishment of Caliphate, because the Iran's ] did not accept Kemal's position. The Iranian religious power centers perceived the real motive behind Atatürk's reforms was to undermine the power of the clergy.<ref name="iran" /> An admirer of Mustafa Kemal and close student of his reforms, Reza Shah followed same type of modernization efforts. By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah's efforts had caused intense dissatisfaction to the ] throughout Iran, thus widening the gap between religion and government.<ref>Rajaee, Farhang, '''' (PDF), University Press of America. ISBN 0-8191-3578-X</ref> Mustafa Kemal feared the occupation and dismemberment of Iran as a multi-ethnic society by Russia or Great Britain.<ref name="iran" /> Reza Shah wanted to secure Iran's borders, so Kemal. Reza Shah visited Mustafa Kemal in 1934. In 1935 the draft of what will be known as Saadabad Pact was paragraphed in Geneva but the signing of it was delayed because of border dispute between Iran and Iraq. | |||
====Turkish-Greek alliance==== | |||
On 8 July 1937 ] was signed at ] by Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan. The signatories undertook to preserve their common frontiers, to consult together in all matters of common interest and to commit no aggression against one another’s territory. Treaty united common points between the Afghan King’s call for greater Oriental-Middle Eastern Cooperation, Reza Shah's goal in securing the relations with the Turkey (a third force) that would help Iran free herself from Soviet and British influence, and Mustafa Kemal's foreign policy based on common interest to secure the stability in the region. The immediate outcome was to deter Mussolini from adventures in the region for Mustafa Kemal.<ref> Mango, Ataturk, page 510</ref> The pact did not survive too long. The pact died only four years after Kemal's death. | |||
The post-war leader of Greece, ], was also determined to establish normal relations between his country and Turkey. The war had devastated ], and the financial burden of ] from Greece blocked rapprochement. Venizelos moved forward with an agreement with Turkey, despite accusations of conceding too much on the issues of naval armaments and the properties of Ottoman Greeks from Turkey.<ref>Karamanlis, 1995, pp. 95–97</ref> In spite of Turkish animosity against the Greeks, Atatürk resisted the pressures of historic enmities and was sensitive towards past tensions; at one point, he ordered the removal of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet into a Greek soldier by stating, "What a revolting scene!"<ref>Soysal, İsmail, 1983, "Turkey's Diplomatic treaties", TTK, Ankara p. 29</ref> | |||
Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory, and the two sides concluded an agreement on 30 April 1930. On 25 October, Venizelos visited Turkey and signed a treaty of friendship.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Clogg |first=Richard |url=https://archive.org/details/concisehistoryof00clog_0 |title=A Concise History of Greece |publisher=] |year=2002 |isbn=978-0-521-00479-4 |url-access=registration}} p. 107</ref> Venizelos even forwarded Atatürk's name for the 1934 ].<ref name="nobel">Nobel Foundation. ''The Nomination Database for the ], 1901–1955''.</ref> Even after Venizelos' fall from power, Greco-Turkish relations remained cordial. Indeed, Venizelos' successor ] came to visit Atatürk in September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement called the ''Entente Cordiale'' between Greece and Turkey, which was a stepping stone for the ]. | |||
Greek Premier ] once stated, with regard to Atatürk, that "...Greece, which has the highest estimation of the renowned leader, heroic soldier, and enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and peaceful cooperation. He developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the noble Turkish nation."<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200602080231/https://neoskosmos.com/en/29861/ataturk-on-a-gallipoli-pedestal/ |date=2 June 2020 }}. ''Neos Kosmos''. 27 April 2015. Retrieved 29 May 2020.</ref> | |||
====Neighbours to the east==== | |||
] ] (left) of ], during the ]'s visit to Turkey]] | |||
From 1919, Afghanistan was in the midst of a ] under ]. Afghan Foreign Minister ] was a follower of Atatürk's domestic policy. Tarzi encouraged Amanullah Khan in social and political reform but urged that reforms should built on a strong government. During the late 1920s, Anglo-Afghan relations soured over British fears of an Afghan-Soviet friendship. On 20 May 1928, Anglo-Afghan politics gained a positive perspective, when Amanullah Khan and his wife, Queen ], were received by Atatürk in Istanbul.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Meanwhile: Dressing to rule in Afghanistan |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2002/06/18/opinion/IHT-meanwhile-dressing-to-rule-in-afghanistan.html |last=Datta-Ray |first=Sunanda |date=18 June 2002 |website=] |access-date=29 May 2020 |archive-date=4 February 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210204010653/https://www.nytimes.com/2002/06/18/opinion/IHT-meanwhile-dressing-to-rule-in-afghanistan.html |url-status=live }}</ref> This meeting was followed by a Turkey-Afghanistan Friendship and Cooperation pact on 22 May 1928. Atatürk supported Afghanistan's integration into international organizations. In 1934, Afghanistan's relations with the international community improved significantly when it joined the League of Nations.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Jentleson |first1=Bruce W. |title=The American Journal of International Law |last2=Paterson, Thomas G. |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1997 |isbn=978-0-19-511055-5 |page=24}}</ref> Mahmud Tarzi received Atatürk's personal support until he died on 22 November 1933 in Istanbul. | |||
Atatürk and ], leader of Iran, had a common approach regarding ] and its influence in their countries, resulting in a slow but continuous rapprochement between Ankara and Tehran. Both governments sent diplomatic missions and messages of friendship to each other during the Turkish War of Independence.<ref>Narlı, Nilüfer (1993): "Turco-Iranian Relations from the Islamic Revolution to Gulf War and Beyond: Co-operation or Competition in the Muslim World". CEMOTI. (15): 265–95</ref> The policy of the Ankara government in this period was to give moral support in order to reassure Iranian independence and territorial integrity.<ref name="iran">Gokhan Cetinsaya "Essential friends and natural enemies: the historical roots of Turkish-Iranian relations." ''Middle East Review of International Affairs'' Vol. 7, No. 3 – September 2003</ref> The relations between the two countries were strained after the abolishment of the Caliphate. Iran's ] did not accept Atatürk's stance, and Iranian religious power centres perceived the real motive behind Atatürk's reforms was to undermine the power of the clergy.<ref name="iran" /> By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah's efforts had upset the clergy throughout Iran, thus widening the gap between religion and government.<ref>Rajaee, Farhang, '' {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090326213807/http://webstorage1.mcpa.virginia.edu/library/mc/forums/published/americanvalues13.pdf |date= 2009 }}'' (PDF), University Press of America. {{ISBN|0-8191-3578-X}}</ref> As Russia and Great Britain strengthened their holds in the Middle East, Atatürk feared the occupation and dismemberment of Iran as a multi-ethnic society by these European powers.<ref name="iran" /> Like Atatürk, Reza Shah wanted to secure Iran's borders, and in 1934, the Shah visited Atatürk. | |||
In 1935, the draft of what would become the ] was paragraphed in Geneva, but its signing was delayed due to the ]. On 8 July 1937, Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan signed the ] at ]. The signatories agreed to preserve their common frontiers, to consult together in all matters of common interest, and to commit no aggression against one another's territory. The treaty united the Afghan King ]'s call for greater Oriental-Middle Eastern cooperation, Reza Shah's goal in securing relations with Turkey that would help free Iran from Soviet and British influence, and Atatürk's foreign policy of ensuring stability in the region. The treaty's immediate outcome, however, was deterring Italian leader ] from interfering in the Middle East.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 510</ref> | |||
====Turkish Straits==== | ====Turkish Straits==== | ||
] | |||
]]] | |||
The Turkish Straits governed by the "Lausanne Straits Agreement." Lausanne Straits Agreement (24 July 1923) was a supplement to the ]. The straits were made open to commercial vessels, were demilitarized and seizure of foreign war vessels entering the Black Sea in peacetime was subjected to certain limitations, though not in war time. The fundamental principles of the Lausanne Straits Agreement was based on demilitarization of the straits zone and establishment of a straits commission. The demilitarized zone heavily restricted Turkey's domination and sovereignty over the straits, which was linked to defense of Istanbul. | |||
On 24 July 1923, the ] included the Lausanne Straits Agreement. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the ] should remain open to all commercial vessels: seizure of foreign military vessels was subject to certain limitations during peacetime, and, even as a neutral state, Turkey could not limit any military passage during wartime. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the waterway was to be demilitarised and its management left to the Straits Commission. The demilitarised zone heavily restricted Turkey's domination and sovereignty over the Straits, and the defence of ] was impossible without sovereignty over the water that passed through it. | |||
Hitler's reoccupation of the Rhineland in March 1936 gave Kemal the opportunity to resume full control over the straits. "The situation in Europe", Atatürk declared "is highly appropriate for such a move. We shall certainly achieve it"<ref> Sosyal, Ismail, 1983, "Turkey's Diplomatic treaties", TTK, Ankara page 493</ref>. The foreign minister of the time was ]. Aras initiated a move to revise the straits regime. The sides did not favor the unlimited military passage clause and all agreed to join to conference. Aras claimed that his initiation was directed by President, rather than Prime Minister (Ismet Inonu) of the government he belonged to. Inonu was worried on harming the relations between Britain, France, and Balkan neighbors. Atatürk gathered the best minds of the foreign office including the ] who was the secretary-general of the Turkish delegation that took part in the Montreux Straits Conference of 22 June - 20 July 1936. Atatürk demanded that the solution should leave the full protection of Istanbul, which can not be achieved without the full control over water ways, left to the Turkey. The ] become the primary instrument, a legal cornerstone, that governs passage of the commercial and war vessels through the strait. | |||
In March 1936, Hitler's ] gave Atatürk the opportunity to resume full control over the Straits. "The situation in Europe", Atatürk declared "is highly appropriate for such a move. We shall certainly achieve it".<ref>Soysal, İsmail, 1983, "Turkey's Diplomatic treaties", TTK, Ankara p. 493</ref> ], Turkey's foreign minister, initiated a move to revise the Straits' regime. Aras claimed that he was directed by Atatürk, rather than the Prime Minister, İsmet İnönü. İnönü was worried about harming relations with Britain, France, and Balkan neighbors over the Straits. However, the signatories of the Treaty of Lausanne agreed to join the conference, since unlimited military passage had become unfavourable to Turkey with the changes in world politics. Atatürk demanded that the members of the Turkish Foreign Office devise a solution that would transfer full control of the waterway to Turkey. | |||
The ], signed with the participation of Bulgaria, Great Britain, Australia, France, Japan, Romania, the Soviet Union, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Greece on 20 July 1936, was ratified by the Turkish Parliament on 31 July 1936 and entered into force Nov. 9, 1936. The Montreux agreement is one of the multilateral treaties that has kept its importance and validity since its entrance into force. | |||
On 20 July 1936, the ] was signed by Bulgaria, Great Britain, Australia, France, Japan, Romania, the Soviet Union, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Greece. It became the primary instrument governing the passage of commercial and war vessels through the Dardanelles Strait. The agreement was ratified by the ] on 31 July 1936 and went into effect on 9 November 1936.<ref>''League of Nations Treaty Series'', vol. 173, pp. 214–41.</ref> | |||
====Balkan Pact==== | ====Balkan Pact==== | ||
{{more citations needed|section|date=November 2020}} | |||
] in 1931]] | |||
] in 1931]] | |||
Aligned with Mustafa Kemal's worldview; until the early 1930s, Turkey followed a modern neutral foreign policy with the west through developing joint friendship and neutrality agreements. By the end of 1925 there were joint agreements with fifteen western states. The neutrality pact signed with the Soviet Union remained in effect until unilaterally abrogated by the Soviet Union in 1945. | |||
Until the early 1930s, Turkey followed a neutral foreign policy with the West by developing joint friendship and neutrality agreements. These bilateral agreements aligned with Atatürk's worldview. By the end of 1925, Turkey had signed fifteen joint agreements with Western states. | |||
From the early 1930s the changes and developments in the world required Turkey to make multilateral agreements to improve its security. Mustafa Kemal strongly believed that Balkan states could established a power which would have an important effect over European politics. If close cooperation based on the principle of equality could have been established. These states were ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries, they formed a powerful force. The ] was negotiated with Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia. While the origins of signing a type of Balkan agreement may go as far back as 1925, the Balkan Pact came to being in the mid-1930s. Several important developments both in the Balkan Peninsula and in Europe helped the original idea to materialize. In inter-Balkan relations, improvements in the "Turkish-Greek alliance" and the rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia are worth mentioning. This mutual-defence agreement intended to guarantee the signatories' territorial integrity and political independence against attack by another Balkan state such as Bulgaria or Albania. It countered the increasingly aggressive foreign policy of fascist Italy and the effect of a potential Bulgarian alignment with Nazi Germany. Atatürk thought of the Balkan Pact as a medium of balance in his relations with the European countries.<ref>Yilmaz Altuð, "Atatürk'ün Dis Politikasý," B.Ü. Uluslararasi Atatürk Konferansý Tebligleri, 10-11 November 1980, Vol. II, Istanbul 1981, p. 486.</ref> All of Atatürk’s hopes, desires and struggles were aimed at establishing a region of security and alliances in the west of Turkey and in the Balkan Europe, which would extend as far as Dobruja <ref>Þevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam, Vol. 3, Ýstanbul 1988, p. 331. </ref> | |||
In the early 1930s, changes and developments in world politics required Turkey to make multilateral agreements to improve its security. Atatürk strongly believed that close cooperation between the Balkan states based on the principle of equality would have an important effect on European politics. These states had been ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries and had proved to be a powerful force. While the origins of the Balkan agreement may date as far back as 1925, the Balkan Pact came into being in the mid-1930s. Several important developments in Europe helped the original idea materialise, such as improvements in the Turkish-Greek alliance and the rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The most important factor in driving Turkish foreign policy from the mid-1930s onwards was the fear of Italy. ] had frequently proclaimed his intention to place the entire ]. Both the Turks and the various Balkan states felt threatened by Italian ambitions. | |||
The Balkan Pact provided for regular military and diplomatic consultations. It was regarded as a big step forward in consolidating the free world's position in southeast Europe, although contained no specific military commitments. The importance of the agreement was best displayed on the message which Atatürk sent to the Greek Premier ]: "The borders of the allies in the Balkan Pact are a single border. Those who covet this border will encounter the burning beams of the sun. I recommend avoiding this. The forces that defend our borders are a single and inseparable force.<ref> Atatürk'ün Milli Dýþ Politikasý, Vol. 2, p. 355</ref>” It was signed by GNA on Feb 28 and a few days after the Greek and Yugoslav Parliaments ratified the agreement. The unanimously ratified Balkan pact become a reality on 18 May 1935, and lasted until 1940. | |||
The ] was negotiated by Atatürk with Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia. This mutual-defence agreement intended to guarantee the signatories' territorial integrity and political independence against attack from another Balkan state such as Bulgaria or Albania. It countered the increasingly aggressive foreign policy of fascist Italy and the effect of a potential Bulgarian alignment with Nazi Germany. Atatürk thought of the Balkan Pact as a medium of balance in Turkey's relations with the European countries.<ref>Yilmaz Altuð, "Atatürk'ün Dis Politikasý," B.Ü. Uluslararasi Atatürk Konferansý Tebligleri, 10–11 November 1980, Vol. II, Istanbul 1981, p. 486.</ref> He was particularly anxious to establish a region of security and alliances to the west of Turkey in Europe, which the Balkan Pact helped achieve.<ref>Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam, Vol. 3, Ýstanbul 1988, p. 331.</ref> | |||
The Balkan Pact turned to be an ineffective organization for reasons that were beyond Atatürk’s control. He died on 1938. What he wanted to prevent with the Balkan Pact was realized by Bulgaria’s attempt to put the Dobruja issue into the agenda after a series of international events ended with ] of ]. These ], which sometimes represented as long series of conflicts of ], ending with ]. The goal of Atatürk, to protect southeast Europe, failed with the dissolution of the pact. Only state which arose intact after the war was Atatürk's Republic of Turkey. | |||
The Balkan Pact provided for regular military and diplomatic consultations. The importance of the agreement is best seen in a message Atatürk sent to the Greek Premier ]: | |||
{{bquote|The borders of the allies in the Balkan Pact are a single border. Those who covet this border will encounter the burning beams of the sun. I recommend avoiding this. The forces that defend our borders are a single and inseparable force.<ref>Atatürk'ün Milli Dış Politikası, Vol. 2, p. 355</ref>}} | |||
The Balkan Pact was signed by the GNA on 28 February. The Greek and Yugoslav Parliaments ratified the agreement a few days later. The unanimously ratified Balkan pact was formally adopted on 18 May 1935 and lasted until 1940.{{Citation needed|date=May 2020}}<!--These dates are very similar to those for the Balkan Pact of 1953, which is not what this article section is about. Dates need to be changed in order to accurately describe the signing of the Balkan Pact of 1930--> | |||
The Balkan Pact turned out to be ineffective for reasons that were beyond Atatürk's control. The pact failed when Bulgaria attempted to raise the ] issue, only to end with the ] on 7 April 1939. These ] spread rapidly, eventually triggering World War II. The goal of Atatürk to protect southeast Europe failed with the dissolution of the pact. In 1938, the ] at peacetime strength consisted of 174,000 soldiers and 20,000 ] forming 11 ], 23 ]s, one armoured ], 3 ] brigades, and 7 frontier commands.<ref>Douglas Arthur Howard: {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230408045135/https://books.google.com/books?id=Ay-IkMqrTp4C&q=%22at+that+time,+the+turkish+army+at+peacetime%22 |date=8 April 2023 }}, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001, {{ISBN|0313307083}}, page 111.</ref><ref>Selim Deringil: {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230408045134/https://books.google.com/books?id=XEMaQZjfAOoC&q=%22primarily+equipped+with+world+war%22 |date=8 April 2023 }}, Cambridge University Press, 2004, {{ISBN|9780521523295}}, p. 33.</ref> | |||
====Issue of Hatay==== | ====Issue of Hatay==== | ||
]'s flag]] | ]'s flag]] | ||
Inonu was very conscious of the foreign policy issues. During the second half of the 1930s Atatürk tried to get close to the England. The given risks of this policy change put these man on two different sides, only the Hatay issue and the Lyon agreement were two important developments in foreign policy that played an important role in the severing of relations between Atatürk and Ismet. | |||
During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to form a closer relationship with Britain. The risks of this policy change put the two men at odds. The Hatay issue and the Lyon agreement were two important developments in foreign policy that played a significant role in severing relations between Atatürk and İnönü. | |||
In 1936 Atatürk raised the "Issue of Hatay" at the League of Nations. Hatay was based on the old administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire named the ]. On behalf of the League of Nations, the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium and Turkey prepared a constitution for Hatay, which established it as an autonomous sanjak within Syria. Despite some inter-ethnic violence, in the midst of 1938 an election was conducted by the local legislative assembly and it was convoked. The cities of ] (Antioch) and ] (Alexandretta) joined Turkey in 1939. | |||
In 1936, Atatürk raised the "Issue of Hatay" at the League of Nations. ] was based on the old administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire called the ]. On behalf of the League of Nations, the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Turkey prepared a constitution for Hatay, which established it as an autonomous ] within Syria. Despite some inter-ethnic violence, an election was conducted in 1938 by the local legislative assembly. The cities of ] (Antioch) and ] (Alexandretta) joined Turkey in 1939.<ref name="hatay"> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190825114919/http://www.avrasyad.com/Makaleler/1074150981_122.pdf |date=25 August 2019 }}. AVRASYA Uluslararası Araştırmalar Dergisi, Volume: IV, Issue: 7, July 2015. {{in lang|tr}}</ref> <!--The Lyon agreement has yet to be elaborated on--> | |||
===Economic policies=== | |||
:''For the conceptual analysis see ]'' | |||
===Economic policies=== | |||
Mustafa Kemal instigated economic policies not just to develop small and large scale businesses, but also to create social strata (industrial bourgeoisie along the ] of Anatolia) that were virtually non-existent during the Ottoman Empire. The primary problem faced by the politics of his period was the lag in the development of political institutions and social classes which would steer such social and economic changes.<ref>Huntington, ''Political Order in Changing Societies'', 347–357</ref> Mustafa Kemal's vision regarding early Turkish economic policy was apparent during the ] of 1923 which was established before the signing of the ]. | |||
{{For|conceptual analysis|Atatürk's reforms#Economic reforms}} | |||
Atatürk instigated economic policies to develop small and large scale businesses, but also to create social strata (i.e. industrial bourgeoisie coexisting with the peasantry of Anatolia) that were virtually non-existent during the Ottoman Empire. The primary problem faced by the politics of his period was the lag in the development of political institutions and social classes which would steer such social and economic changes.<ref>Huntington, ''Political Order in Changing Societies'', 347–57</ref> Atatürk's vision regarding early Turkish economic policy was apparent during the ] of 1923. The initial choices of Atatürk's economic policies reflected the realities of his time. After World War I, due to the lack of any real potential investors to fund private sector industry, Atatürk established many state-owned factories for agriculture, machinery, and textile industries. | |||
====State intervention, 1923–1929==== | ====State intervention, 1923–1929==== | ||
] visiting the Sümerbank Nazilli Cotton Factory, which was established as a part of the cotton-related industry]] | |||
The initial choices of Mustafa Kemal's economic policies were a reflection of the realities of his period. After ], due to the lack of any real potential investors to open private sector factories and develop industrial production, Kemal's activities regarding the economy included the establishment of many state-owned factories for agriculture, machinery, and textile industries. Mustafa Kemal and ] had a national vision in their pursuit of the state controlled economical polices. Kemal and İsmet wanted to knit the country together, eliminate the foreign control of the economy, and improve communications. Istanbul, a trading port with international foreign enterprises, was deliberately abandoned and resources were channeled to other, relatively less developed cities, in order to establish a more balanced development throughout the country.<ref name=mango470>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 470</ref> | |||
Atatürk and ]'s pursuit of state-controlled economic policies was guided by a national vision; their goal was to knit the country together, eliminate foreign control of the economy, and improve communications within Turkey. Resources were channeled away from Istanbul, a trading port with international foreign enterprises, in favor of other, less developed cities in order to achieve a more balanced economic development throughout the country.<ref name="mango470">Mango, ''Atatürk'', 470</ref> | |||
For Mustafa Kemal, as for his supporters, tobacco remained wedded to his policy in the pursuit of the economic independence. ] was an important industrial crop, where its cultivation and manufacture were French monopolies under ]. The tobacco and cigarette trade was controlled by two French companies the "Regie Compagnie interessee des tabacs de l'empire Ottoman", and "Narquileh tobacco."<ref>Shaw, ''History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey'', 232–233.</ref> Ottoman Empire gave the tobacco monopoly to the ] as a limited company under "]". Reigie, as part of Council of the Public Debt, had the control over production, storing, distribution (including export) with an unchallenged price control and Turkish farmers were depended on the company for their livelihood.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.bianet.org/2003/01/30/16340.htm|title=Tütün, İçki ve Tekel|language=Turkish |date=] |accessdate=2007-10-10 |last=Aysu |first=Abdullah|publisher=BİA Haber Merkezi}}</ref> In 1925, this company was taken over by the state and named as "]." The second biggest industrial crop was cotton. Cotton planting during this period was promoted to furnish raw material for the new factory settlements in Turkey.<ref>Webster, ''The Turkey of Atatürk: Social Process in the Turkish Reformation'', 260</ref> One of these factory settlements was in ]. Nazilli beginning with the establishment of ]s and then followed by the first Turkish cotton print factory "Nazilli ] print factory (1935)" become a major center.<ref>Doğan, ''Formation of factory settlements within Turkish industrialization and modernization in 1930s: Nazilli printing factory''</ref><ref>{{cite web |url = http://www.kultur.gov.tr/EN/BelgeGoster.aspx?17A16AE30572D313679A66406202CCB09837F9A3538A2623 |title = Aydın—Historical Ruins |accessdate = 2007 |author = Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture and Tourism |publisher = T.C. Government |quote = Nazilli cotton print factory was established over an area of 65.000 m2 on the Nazilli Bozdoğan highway. It is the "first Turkish cotton print factory" the foundation of which was laid on 25 August 1935 and which was opened by Atatürk with great ceremony.}}</ref> The control of tobacco was the biggest achievement of the Kemalist political machinery's "]" of the economy for a country that did not produce oil. They accompanied this achievement with the development of cotton related industry. | |||
For Atatürk and his supporters, tobacco remained wedded to his pursuit of economic independence. ] was an important industrial crop, but its cultivation and manufacture had been under French monopolies granted by ]. The tobacco and cigarette trade was controlled by two French companies: the ] and Narquileh Tobacco.<ref>Shaw, ''History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey'', 232–33.</ref> The Ottoman Empire had given the tobacco monopoly to the ] as a limited company under the ]. Regie, as part of the council, had control over tobacco production, storage, and distribution (including export) with unchallenged price control. Consequently, Turkish farmers were dependent on the company for their livelihoods.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Aysu |first=Abdullah |date=29 January 2003 |title=Tütün, İçki ve Tekel |language=tr |publisher=BİA Haber Merkezi |url=http://www.bianet.org/2003/01/30/16340.htm |url-status=dead |access-date=10 October 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071015212242/http://bianet.org/2003/01/30/16340.htm |archive-date=15 October 2007 }}</ref> In 1925, Regie was taken over by the state and named ]. Government control of tobacco was one of the greatest achievements of the Kemalist political machinery's "]" of the economy for a country that did not produce ]. Kemalists accompanied this achievement with the development of the country's cotton industry, which peaked during the early 1930s.{{Cn|date=January 2024}} Cotton was the second most important industrial crop in Turkey at the time. | |||
], which would connect the country from one side to the other. 3,208 km of rail lines were constructed during Kemal's lifetime, which was named as the "Railway period"]] Atatürk considered the development of a national ] as another important step for industrialization, and this was addressed by the foundation of the ] in 1927, setting up an extensive railway network in a very short time. The road network was 13,885 km ruined surface roads, and 4.450 km stabilized roads, and 94 bridges. This stayed the same until 1935. In 1927 Kemal ordered the integration of road construction goals into development plans. In 1935 a new entity was established under the government named "Sose ve Kopruler Reisligi" which will be the driving force of the new roads after the World War II. However, in 1937 total roads inside the boarders were 22,000 km which were mainly a system to aid the railways. | |||
In 1924, with the initiative of Atatürk, the first Turkish bank ] was established, with Atatürk as the bank's first member. The bank's creation was a response to the growing need for a truly national establishment and a banking system which was capable of backing up economic activities, managing funds accumulated through policies of savings incentives, and offering resources where necessary to trigger industrial impetus.<ref>Cemal Kutay, "Celal Bayar", Volume I, Istanbul, 1939, p. 25; Cemal Kutay, "Celal Bayar: Bir Türk'ün Biyografisi", Istanbul, Onan Matbaası, t.y., p. 82</ref> | |||
There was a growing and deeply rooted sentiment signaling the need for a truly national establishment and the birth of a banking system which was capable of the financing means to back up economic activities, managing funds accumulated as a result of policies providing savings incentives and where necessary extending resources which could trigger industrial impetus, as a result with the initiative of Kemal the first Turkish bank ] established in 1924. Kemal was the first member of İş Bankası. The ]'s role during the initial years as a central bank remained, however it was extended on a temporary basis due to the Kemals's intention to establish ], which was realized in 1931. Along the İş Bankası, banks like ] (specialized in industrial agriculture products) and ] (specialized in mineral and related industries) were also founded during this period. | |||
In 1927, ] was established. Because Atatürk considered the development of a national ] as another important step in industrialisation, railways were given high priority. The Turkish State Railway developed an extensive railway network in a very short time{{Weasel inline|date=January 2024}}.{{Cn|date=January 2024}} | |||
The national group who had Kemal as the leader developed many projects within the first decade of the republic, but the Turkish economy was based on agriculture, with primitive tools and methods; roads and transportation facilities were far from sufficient; and the management of the economy was inefficient. The Great Depression brought many changes to this picture. | |||
The Turkish government under Atatürk developed many economic and infrastructure projects within the first decade of the republic. However, the Turkish economy was still largely agrarian, with primitive tools and methods. Roads and transportation facilities were still far from sufficient, and management of the economy was inefficient.{{Citation needed|date=May 2020}} The ] brought many changes to this picture. | |||
====The Great Depression, 1929–1931==== | |||
], increasingly after the ]]] | |||
====Great Depression, 1929–1931==== | |||
The young republic like the rest of the world, found itself in a deep economic crisis during the ]: the country could not finance essential imports; its currency was shunned; and zealous revenue officials seized the meager possessions of peasants who could not pay their taxes.<ref name=mango470/> Mustafa Kemal had to face the same problems which all the countries faced: political upheaval. | |||
], increasingly after the ].]] | |||
The young republic, like the rest of the world, found itself in a deep economic crisis during the ]. Atatürk reacted to conditions of this period by moving toward integrated economic policies and establishing a central bank to control exchange rates. However, Turkey could not finance essential imports; its currency was shunned, and zealous revenue officials seized the meagre possessions of peasants who could not pay their taxes.<ref name=mango470/> | |||
In 1929, Atatürk signed a treaty that resulted in the ] with the ]. At the time, Atatürk not only had to deal with the payment of the ] but also the turbulent economic issues of the Great Depression. For example, until the early 1930s, Turkish private business could not acquire exchange credits. It was impossible to integrate the Turkish economy without a solution to these problems.{{Cn|date=January 2024}} | |||
The establishment of a new party with a different economic perspective was needed and Mustafa Kemal asked ] to fulfill this need. The ] came out with a liberal program and proposed that state monopolies should be ended, foreign capital should be attracted, and that state investment should be curtailed. Mustafa Kemal supported İnönü's point of view that ''"it is impossible to attract foreign capital for essential development."'' However, the effect of free republicans was felt strongly and state intervention was replaced with moderate state intervention, which was not close to capitalism; but a form of ]. One of Mustafa Kemal's radical left-wing supporters, ] (from the ] (The Cadre) movement), claimed that Mustafa Kemal found a third way between ] and ] in his Marxist journal.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 478</ref> | |||
In 1931, the ] was established.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Our History |url=https://www.tcmb.gov.tr/wps/wcm/connect/EN/TCMB+EN/Main+Menu/About+The+Bank/History/ |website=] |access-date=29 May 2020 |archive-date=4 June 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200604150218/https://www.tcmb.gov.tr/wps/wcm/connect/EN/TCMB+EN/Main+Menu/About+The+Bank/History/ |url-status=live }}</ref> The bank's primary purpose was to control the exchange rate and ]'s role during its initial years as a central bank was phased out.{{Cn|date=January 2024}} Later specialized banks such as the ] (1932) and the ] (1935) were founded. | |||
From the ] perspective, Atatürk faced the problem of political upheaval. The establishment of a new party with a different economic perspective was necessary; he asked Ali Fethi Okyar to meet this end. The ] (August 1930) was founded with a liberal program and proposed that state monopolies should be ended, foreign capital should be attracted, and state investment should be curtailed. Nevertheless, Atatürk maintained the view that "it is impossible to attract foreign capital for essential development," and state capitalism became the dominant agenda during the depression era. In 1931, Atatürk proclaimed: "In the economic area ...the programme of the party is statism."<ref>İbrahim Kaya, Social Theory and Later Modernities, p. 90</ref> However, the effect of free republicans was felt strongly and state intervention became more moderate and more akin to a form of ]. One of Atatürk's radical left-wing supporters, ] from the ] (The Cadre) movement, claimed that Atatürk found a third way between capitalism and socialism.<ref>Mango, ''Atatürk'', 478</ref> | |||
<!--Some parts of this section are very similar to Stavros Boinodiris' book here: https://books.google.com/books?id=4-IjiIeCImkC; can somebody look into this, especially on page 250 of the book, because I'm not sure if editors were copying from Boinodiris or vice versa?--> | |||
====Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939==== | ====Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939==== | ||
] at Nazilli Cotton Factory (1937)]] | |||
], built by the ]. His famous quote, "the future lies in the skies", is embossed today on the airport's facade]] | |||
The first |
The first (1929–1933) and second five-year economic plans were enacted under the supervision of Atatürk. The first five-year economic plan promoted consumer substitution industries. However, these economic plans changed drastically with the death of Atatürk and the rise of World War II. Subsequent governments took measures that harmed the economic productivity of Turkey in various ways.<ref name="etatism">Barlas, ''Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939''</ref> The achievements of the 1930s were credited to early 1920s implementations of the economic system based on Atatürk's national policies.<ref>Emrence, ''Turkey in economic crisis (1927–1930): a panoramic vision. Journal Middle Eastern Studies''</ref> | ||
In 1931, Atatürk watched the development of the first national aircraft, MMV-1. He realised the important role of aviation and stated, "the future lies in the skies".<ref>{{Cite web |title=Skylife |url=http://www.thy.com/en-INT/skylife/archive/en/2000_1/konu10.htm#1 |access-date=26 November 2007 |archive-date=24 August 2006 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060824210219/http://www.thy.com/en-INT/skylife/archive/en/2000_1/konu10.htm#1 |url-status=live }}</ref> The ] was founded on 16 February 1925 by his directive.<ref>{{Cite web |title=History of Turkish Aeronautical Association |url=http://www.thk.org.tr/yeni/tarihce/tarihceeng.htm |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071219112235/http://www.thk.org.tr/yeni/tarihce/tarihceeng.htm |archive-date=19 December 2007 |access-date=26 November 2007 }}</ref> He also ordered the establishment of the Turkish Aircraft Association Lottery. Instead of the traditional raffle prizes, this new lottery paid money prizes. Most of the lottery income was used to establish a new factory and fund aviation projects.{{Cn|date=January 2024}} However, Atatürk did not live to see the flight of the first Turkish military aircraft built at that factory. Operational American ] fighters were being produced in Turkey soon after his death and before the onset of World War II.{{Cn|date=January 2024}} | |||
Mustafa Kemal had to deal with the turbulent economic issues with a "high debt" which was known as ]. Turkish private business can not acquire-exchange credits and it was impossible to integrate Turkish economy without a solution. Atatürk pursued a treaty signed in 1929 with the Ottoman Debt Council. While paying the Ottoman debt, Kemal's economic policies got recognition by the very first foreign borrowing credited from a private USA company amounting to 10 million dollars in 1930. This slowly followed with the replacement of previously isolated-economic policies to the integrated economic policies. At Atatürk's request, ] became Minister of Economy and served from 1932 to 1937.<ref>Dilek Barlas, Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies p. 61</ref> Celal Bayar was a liberal economist who was raised from small a business practice who became a major industrialized player of his time. During this period of mixed economy with private initiative, textile, sugar, paper and steel factories as well as many industrial establishments, power plants, banks , and insurance companies were established. On 25 October 1937 Mustafa Kemal appointed ] as the prime minister of the 9th government. Integrated economic policies reached its peak with the signing of the 1939 Treaty with Britain and France which signaled another turning point in the Turkish history.<ref name=etatism/> It was the first step towards an alliance with the "West".<ref name=etatism/> Celal Bayar continued to serve as prime minister when Atatürk died and İnönü became president in 1938. The differences of opinion with Inönü without the protection of Mustafa Kemal led Celal Bayar to lay down his office on 25 January 1939. | |||
] | |||
In 1932, liberal economist ] became the Minister of Economy at Atatürk's request and served until 1937.<ref>Dilek Barlas, Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies p. 61</ref> During this period, the country moved toward a mixed economy with its first private initiatives. Textile, sugar, paper, and steel factories (financed by a loan from Britain) were the private sectors of the period. Besides these businesses, government-owned power plants, banks, and insurance companies were established. In this period, Atatürk promoted public-private sector cooperation and the expansion of private businesses with private shareholders firms allowed to purchase shares in state-owned enterprises. | |||
The success of the 1930s due to early implementation of the economic system was an achievement credited to the national policies of the Mustafa Kemal and his team.<ref>Emrence, ''Turkey in economic crisis (1927–1930): a panaromic vision. Journal Middle Eastern Studies''</ref> Atatürk supported the development of automobile industry that had not existed before. He did not just want to initiate an industry but an industry that would be a center to its region. The motto of the ], as supplied by Atatürk, is, "The Turkish driver is a man of the most exquisite sensitivities."<ref>Stone, Norman “Talking Turkey”. National Interest, Fall2000, Issue 61.</ref> Atatürk realized the important role of aviation, summing it up in the words, "the future lies in the skies".<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2007-11-26|url=http://www.thy.com/en-INT/skylife/archive/en/2000_1/konu10.htm#1|title=Skylife}}</ref> ] was founded by the directive of Mustafa Kemal, in 1925.<ref>{{cite web|accessdate=2007-11-26|url=http://www.thk.org.tr/yeni/tarihce/tarihceeng.htm|title=History of Turkish Aeronautical Association}}</ref> Mustafa Kemal also ordered the establishment of Turkish Aircraft Association Lottery to found the projects. Instead of the traditional raffle prizes, this new lottery paid money prizes but the major part of its income transferred to establishment of a new factory. Kemal watched the first national aircraft (MMV-1) in 1932. Mustafa Kemal did not see the flight of the first Turkish military aircraft build at the factory but soon after his death before the onset of ], American Curtiss Hawk fighters were operational. | |||
In 1935, the first Turkish cotton print factory "Nazilli ] print factory" opened. As part of the industrialization process, cotton planting was promoted to furnish raw material for future factory settlements.<ref>Webster, ''The Turkey of Atatürk: Social Process in the Turkish Reformation'', 260</ref> By 1935, ] became a major industrial center beginning with the establishment of ]s followed by a calico print factory.<ref>Doğan, ''Formation of factory settlements within Turkish industrialization and modernization in 1930s: Nazilli printing factory''</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Aydın – Historical Ruins |url=http://www.kultur.gov.tr/EN/BelgeGoster.aspx?17A16AE30572D313679A66406202CCB09837F9A3538A2623 |last=Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture and Tourism |publisher=T.C. Government |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070907003309/http://www.kultur.gov.tr/EN/BelgeGoster.aspx?17A16AE30572D313679A66406202CCB09837F9A3538A2623 |archive-date=7 September 2007 |quote=Nazilli cotton print factory was established over an area of 65.000 m2 on the Nazilli Bozdoğan highway. It is the "first Turkish cotton print factory" the foundation of which was laid on 25 August 1935 and which was opened by Atatürk with great ceremony. }}</ref> | |||
During 1935, Turkey was coming up as an industrial society on the Western European model with the guides set out by Atatürk.<ref name=5year>Eastham, ''The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years'', 132–136</ref> In his death, most regions of Turkey had viable micro-economic stability and macro economic stability was in a viable state. The sign of sound economic policies were marked by the first-ever emergence of the local banks. However, the gap between Mustafa Kemal’s goals in his speeches and the achievements of the socio-political structure of the country was not aligned.<ref name=5year/> | |||
] built by the ] in Istanbul]] | |||
In 1936, Turkish industrialist ] established the first Turkish aircraft factory in the ] district of ].<ref name="Demirag">{{Cite web |title=Nuri Demirağ Aircraft Factory |url=http://www.nuridemirag.com/fotograf.asp |publisher=Nuridemirag.com |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120721214917/http://www.nuridemirag.com/fotograf.asp |archive-date=21 July 2012 |access-date=10 November 2012 }}</ref> The first Turkish airplanes, ] and ], were produced in this factory.<ref name=Demirag/> | |||
On 25 October 1937, Atatürk appointed ] as the prime minister of the 9th government. Integrated economic policies reached their peak with the signing of the 1939 Treaty with Britain and France.<ref name=etatism/> The treaty signaled a turning point in Turkish history since it was the first step towards an alliance with the West.<ref name=etatism/> After İsmet İnönü became president in 1938, the differences between İnönü (who promoted state control) and Bayar (who was liberal) came to the forefront. On 25 January 1939, Prime Minister Bayar resigned.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.ismetinonu.org.tr/tarihte-bugun-25-ocak/ |title=Tarihte Bugün – 25 Ocak |publisher=İnönü Vakfı |quote=Refik Saydam başbakan oldu – İstifa eden Celal Bayar’ın yerine Refik Saydam, 25 Ocak 1939’da Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin 11. hükümetini kurdu.}}</ref> | |||
Atatürk also supported the establishment of the automobile industry. The ] was founded in 1923,<ref>{{Cite web |title=History |url=https://www.turing.org.tr/tarihce/ |website=] |language=tr |access-date=29 May 2020 |archive-date=31 March 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160331092346/https://www.turing.org.tr/tarihce/ |url-status=live }}</ref> and its motto was: "The Turkish driver is a man of the most exquisite sensitivities."<ref>Stone, Norman "Talking Turkey". National Interest, Fall2000, Issue 61.</ref> | |||
In 1935, Turkey was becoming an industrial society based on the Western European model set by Atatürk.<ref name="5year">Eastham, ''The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years'', 132–36</ref> However, the gap between Atatürk's goals and the achievements of the socio-political structure of the country had not yet been closed.<ref name=5year/> | |||
==Personal life== | ==Personal life== | ||
{{Main| |
{{Main article|Personal life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk}} | ||
] during a trip to ], 1924]] | |||
Atatürk's name is associated with four women: ], ], Dimitrina Kovacheva,<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230407172744/https://books.google.com/books?id=ZSUDaIwQ0UQC&dq=Dimitrina%20Kovaceva%20Ataturk&pg=PA327 |date=7 April 2023 }}, {{ISBN|3406619789}}, p. 80, (Ger.)</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-02-23 |title=Love story of Atatürk and Bulgarian girl to be on big screen - Türkiye News |url=https://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/love-story-of-ataturk-and-bulgarian-girl-to-be-on-big-screen-171715 |access-date=2024-11-10 |website=Hürriyet Daily News |language=en}}</ref> and ]. After the Turkish army entered İzmir in 1922, Atatürk met Latife while staying at the house of her father, the shipping magnate Muammer Uşakizade (later Uşaklı). Latife fell in love with Atatürk; again the extent to which this was reciprocated is unknown, but Atatürk was impressed by Latife's intellect: she was a graduate of the ] and was studying English in London when the war broke out. On 29 January 1923, they were married. Latife was jealous of Fikriye and demanded that she leave the house in Çankaya; Fikriye was devastated and immediately left in a carriage. According to official accounts, she shot herself with a pistol Atatürk had given her as a present.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Atatürk'ün Özel Hayatı |url=http://atam.webnode.com/anasayfa/biografi/ataturk%E2%80%99un%20ozel%20hayat%C4%B1%20/ |year=2008 |website=Atatürk |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121231222800/http://atam.webnode.com/anasayfa/biografi/ataturk%E2%80%99un%20ozel%20hayat%C4%B1%20/ |archive-date=31 December 2012 |access-date=12 November 2012 }}</ref> | |||
Mustafa Kemal married ]. They divorced after 3 years of marriage. Atatürk adopted seven daughters and a son. In his leisure time, he enjoyed reading, horseback riding, chess and swimming. He was also an avid dancer and enjoyed both the waltz and traditional Zeybek folk dances. Atatürk published many books and kept a personal journal. The "]," a thirty-six hour speech written and given by Mustafa Kemal to the Grand National Assembly over the course of six days that describes events leading to the formation of the Republic of Turkey, was first published in 1927 and then has been re-published several times. | |||
The triangle of Atatürk, Fikriye, and Latife became the subject of a manuscript by Atatürk's close friend, Salih Bozok, though the work remained unpublished until 2005.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Bozdağ |first=İsmet |title=Latife ve Fikriye İki Aşk Arasında Atatürk |publisher=Truva Yayınları |year=2005 |location=Istanbul}}</ref> Latife was briefly and literally the face of the new Turkish woman, appearing in public in Western clothing with her husband.<ref name="latife1">{{Cite news |last=Turgut |first=Pelin |date=1 July 2006 |title=Turkey in the 21st century: The Legacy Of Mrs Ataturk |work=The Independent |location=UK |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/turkey-in-the-21st-century-the-legacy-of-mrs-ataturk-6096702.html |access-date=29 September 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060718072149/http://news.independent.co.uk/europe/article1152032.ece |archive-date=18 July 2006}}</ref> However, their marriage was not happy; after frequent arguments, the two were divorced on 5 August 1925.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Akhtar |first=Salman |title=The Crescent and the Couch: Cross-Currents Between Islam and Psychoanalysis |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |year=2008 |isbn=978-0-7657-0574-7 |page=68}}</ref> | |||
During 1937, indications of Atatürk's worsening health started to appear. In the early 1938, while he was on a trip to ], he suffered from a serious illness. He was recommended to go to İstanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with ] of the liver.<ref name=nndb>{{cite web |url=http://www.nndb.com/people/449/000092173/ |title=Kemal Atatürk |publisher=] |accessdate=2007-08-07}}</ref> During his stay in İstanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle for a while. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57. Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and seventeen countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed with armed detachments to the ].<ref name=mango526>Mango, ''Atatürk'' 526</ref> On November 1953, Mustafa Kemal's remains were taken from the ].<ref name=burial>{{cite news | title=The Burial of Atatürk| url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,860125,00.html | work=Time Magazine | pages= 37–39 | date= 23 November 1953 | accessdate=2007-08-07}}</ref> Atatürk finally came to rest at his mausoleum, the ]. In his ], he donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, bound to the condition that, through the yearly interest of his funds, his sister Makbule and his adopted children will be looked after, the higher education of the children of İsmet İnönü will be funded, and the ] and ] will be given the rest. | |||
During his lifetime, Atatürk adopted thirteen children: a boy and twelve girls. Of these, the most famous is ], Turkey's first female pilot and the world's first female fighter pilot.<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180309090908/http://www.ctie.monash.edu.au/hargrave/gokcen.html |date=9 March 2018 }}, Hargrave Pioneers of Aviation</ref> | |||
==Legacy== | |||
===Peace at home, peace in the world=== | |||
Atatürk's religious beliefs became a subject of debate.<ref>''Political Islam in Turkey: Running West, Heading East?'' G. Jenkins, Publisher Springer, 2008, {{ISBN|0230612458}}, p. 84.</ref> Some researchers have emphasized that his discourses about religion are periodic and that his positive views related to this subject are limited in the early 1920s.<ref>Düzel, Neşe (6 February 2012). ""</ref> Some Turkish sources claim he was a devout ].<ref>Prof. Utkan Kocatürk, ''Atatürk'ün Fikir ve Düşünceleri'' (Atatürk ve Din Eğitimi, A. Gürtaş, p. 26), Atatürk Research Center, 2007; {{ISBN|9789751611741}}</ref><ref>Prof. Ethem Ruhi Fığlalı, "Atatürk'ün Din ve Laiklik Anlayışı", Atatürk Research Center, 2012; {{ISBN|978-975-16-2490-1}}, p. 86</ref><ref>Atatürk'ün Söylev ve Demeçleri, Ankara 1959, 2. Baskı, II, 66–67; s. 90. III, 70</ref> However, according to other sources, Atatürk himself was an agnostic, i.e. non-doctrinaire ],<ref>Reşat Kasaba, "Atatürk", ''The Cambridge history of Turkey: Volume 4: Turkey in the Modern World'', Cambridge University Press, 2008; {{ISBN|978-0-521-62096-3}} . Retrieved 27 March 2015.</ref><ref>; {{ISBN|0230612458}}</ref> or even an ],<ref> {{ISBN|1402768826}}<span>, p. 106.</span></ref><ref> {{ISBN|0313338566}}<span>, p. 19.</span></ref><ref>...Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, founder of the secular Turkish Republic. He said: ''"I have no religion, and at times I wish all religions at the bottom of the sea..."'' {{ISBN|0739167936}}<span>, p. 146.</span></ref> who was antireligious and anti-Islamic in general.<ref>Phil Zuckerman, John R. ''Shook'', The Oxford Handbook of Secularism, Oxford University Press, 2017, {{ISBN|0199988455}}, p. 167.</ref><ref>Tariq Ramadan, Islam and the Arab Awakening, Oxford University Press, 2012, {{ISBN|0199933731}}, p. 76.</ref> | |||
Mustafa Kemal said; ''"What particularly interests foreign policy is the internal organization of the state. It is necessary that foreign policy should agree with the internal organization."'' He eternalized this view with his famous motto ''"peace at home, peace in the world."'' He worked to establish his vision, which was evident in his funeral.<ref name=mango526/> His foreign policy choices were not a random. The quest for peace in the region was an extension of the domestic needs of the newly established state; as the internal organization and stability of the young Turkish Republic depended on the application of this foreign policy. | |||
==Illness and death== | |||
Mustafa Kemal participated in forging close ties with the former enemy, ], culminating in a visit to Ankara by the Greek premier ], in 1932. Venizelos even forwarded Atatürk's name for the 1934 ],<ref name=nobel>Nobel Foundation. ''The Nomination Database for the ], 1901–1955''.</ref> highlighting the mutual respect between the two leaders. He was visited in 1931 by General ] of the ], during which the two exchanged their views on the state of affairs in Europe which would eventually lead to the outbreak of ]. MacArthur expressed his admiration of Atatürk on many occasions and stated that he ''"takes great pride in being one of Atatürk's loyal friends."''<ref name=macarthur>Handnote by General ] on display at Anıtkabir</ref> | |||
{{See also|Death and state funeral of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk}} | |||
] | |||
Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of ] a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of ]s.<ref>Aydıntaşbaş, Aslı (7 December 2008). '']''. Retrieved 25 April 2020.</ref><ref>Kenyon, Peter (7 June 2013). {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210430121816/https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2013/06/07/187334924/not-everyone-cheers-turkeys-move-to-tighten-alcohol-rules |date=30 April 2021 }} '']''. Retrieved 26 April 2020.</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Macfie |first=Alexander Lyon |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8wKtAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA6 |title=Ataturk |publisher=] |year=2014 |isbn=9781317897354 |page=6 |access-date=31 December 2018}}</ref> During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to ], he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with ]. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the ].<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190401000157/http://www.turizm.gov.tr/TR/Genel/BelgeGoster.aspx%3FF6E10F8892433CFFAAF6AA849816B2EF62979E318A6960C3 |date=1 April 2019 }} (Atatürk's Life). ] {{in lang|tr}}.</ref> | |||
Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the ].<ref name="mango526">Mango, ''Atatürk'', 526</ref> Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the ], but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton ] to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, ].<ref>{{Cite magazine|date=23 November 1953|title=The Burial of Ataturk|language=en-US|magazine=Time|publisher=]|url=https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,860125,00.html|access-date=2021-05-26|issn=0040-781X|archive-date=26 May 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210526211704/http://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,860125,00.html|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
Since its inception by Mustafa Kemal, "Peace at Home, Peace in the World" is the ] of "Republic of Turkey" | |||
In his ], Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds<ref>{{Cite web|title=Atatürk's Last Will|url=https://www.ktb.gov.tr/EN-104075/ataturks-last-will.html|access-date=2021-05-26|website=www.ktb.gov.tr|archive-date=26 May 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210526211707/https://www.ktb.gov.tr/EN-104075/ataturks-last-will.html|url-status=live}}</ref> would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children.<ref name=":2">{{Cite book|last=Macfie|first=A.L.|title=Atatürk|publisher=]|year=2014|isbn=978-1-138-83-647-1|page=182|author-link=A. L. Macfie}}</ref> The remainder was willed to the ] and the ].<ref>], ''Sarı Zeybek'', '']'', 1994, p. 103</ref><ref name=":2" /> | |||
==Legacy== | |||
===Turkey=== | ===Turkey=== | ||
{{further|Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's cult of personality}} | |||
], the mausoleum of Kemal Atatürk, in ], ]]] | |||
], the mausoleum of Atatürk in ], is visited by large crowds every year during national holidays such as Republic Day on October 29.]] | |||
His successor, İsmet İnönü, fostered a posthumous Atatürk ] which has survived to this day, even after Atatürk's own Republican People's Party lost power following democratic elections in 1950. Atatürk's face and name are seen and heard everywhere in Turkey: his portrait can be seen in all public buildings, in schools, in all kinds of school books, on all ], and in the homes of most Turkish families. Even after so many years, on 10 November, at 09:05 a.m. (the exact time of his death), almost all vehicles and people in the country's streets will pause for one minute in remembrance of Atatürk's memory. | |||
Kemal Atatürk is commemorated by many memorials throughout Turkey, such as the ] in Istanbul, the ] over the ] (Haliç), the ], and ]. Atatürk statues have been erected in all Turkish cities by the Turkish Government, and most towns have their own memorial to him. His face and name are seen and heard everywhere in Turkey; his portrait can be seen in public buildings, in schools, on all ] banknotes, and in the homes of many Turkish families.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Navaro-Yashin |first=Yael |title=Faces of the State: Secularism and Public Life in Turkey |publisher=] |year=2002 |isbn=978-0-691-08845-7 |pages=196–99}}</ref> At 9:05 am on every 10 November, at the exact time of Atatürk's death, most vehicles and people in the country's streets pause for one minute in remembrance.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Morrison |first1=Terry |url=https://archive.org/details/kissboworshakeha00morr/page/392 |title=Kiss, Bow, Or Shake Hands: How to Do Business in Sixty Countries |last2=Conaway, Wayne A. |publisher=Adams Media |year=1994 |isbn=978-1-55850-444-8 |page=}}</ref> | |||
In 1951, the ]-controlled Turkish parliament led by Prime Minister ] (despite being the conservative opposition to Atatürk's own ]) issued ] outlawing ] (''hatırasına alenen hakaret'') and ] representing him.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Yonah |first=Alexander |title=Turkey: Terrorism, Civil Rights, and the European Union |publisher=] |year=2007 |isbn=978-0-415-44163-6 |page=137}}</ref> The demarcation between a criticism and an insult was defined as a political argument, and the ] (a political position) was ] to execute the law rather than the ]. A government website was created to denounce websites that violate this law.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Turkish Telecommunications Presidency: Internet Hotline |url=http://www.ihbarweb.org.tr/eng/ihbar_en.php?subject=8 |publisher=Ihbarweb.org.tr |access-date=10 November 2012 |archive-date=5 October 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111005151726/http://www.ihbarweb.org.tr/eng/ihbar_en.php?subject=8 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
In 2010, the French-based NGO ] objected to the Turkish laws protecting the memory of Atatürk, arguing that they contradict the current ] standards of ] in news media.<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120319004632/http://en.rsf.org/turkey-time-to-break-out-of-legislative-01-12-2010,38933.html |date=19 March 2012 }}, '']'', 1 December 2010</ref> | |||
===Worldwide=== | ===Worldwide=== | ||
{{listen | |||
] | |||
| filename = JFKennedy November1963.ogg | |||
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, the memory of Atatürk was honored by the ] and ], which declared it ''The Atatürk Year in the World'' and adopted the ]. | |||
| title = John F. Kennedy's speech concerning Atatürk | |||
. The Atatürk Memorial in ], ] (which also serves as a memorial to the ANZAC troops who died at Gallipoli); the ] in ], ]; the Atatürk Forest in ]; and the Atatürk Square in ], ], are only a few examples. He has roads named after him in several countries, like the Kemal Atatürk Marg in ], ], Kemal Atatürk Avenue in ], ], the Atatürk Avenue in the heart of ] in ], and Mustafá Kemal Atatürk street in the central and upscale Naco district of ], ]. His statues have been erected in numerous parks, streets and squares of many different countries in the world. The famous ] in ] has a wax statue of Atatürk. The entrance to Princess Royal Harbour in ] is named Atatürk Channel. | |||
| description = November 1963 | |||
| format = ] | |||
}} | |||
] news article about the admiration of women from different parts of the world for Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, ''the handsome leader'' of the Turkish Republic]] | |||
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the ] and ], which declared it ''The Atatürk Year in the World'' and adopted the ].<ref name="ATATURK: Creator of Modern Turkey2"/><ref name="Landau 19842"/> The ] on ]; the ], ]; the Atatürk Monument in ], ]; the Atatürk Memorial in ], ] (which also serves as a memorial to the ANZAC troops who died at Gallipoli); the ] in ], ]; and squares called the Plaza Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in ], ] and the Largo Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in ], ] are a few examples of Atatürk memorials outside Turkey. He has roads named after him in several countries, such as the Kemal Atatürk Marg in ], ]; the Kemal Atatürk Avenues in ] and ] in ]; the Atatürk Avenue in the heart of ], ]; the Atatürk Road in the southern city of ] in ], Pakistan; Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Street in ], ]<!--نهج مصطفى كمال أتاتورك-->; Mustafá Kemal Atatürk Street in the Naco district of ], ]; and ] in the ] borough of ], ]. In addition, the entrance to Princess Royal Harbour in ] is named ]. There are many statues and streets named after Atatürk in ]. | |||
==See also== | |||
{{Seealsosection | |||
Despite his radical secular reforms, Atatürk remained broadly popular in the Muslim world.<ref name="Hanioglu2011p128">{{Cite book |last=M. Şükrü Hanioğlu |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dNFhZzug6tMC&pg=PA128 |title=Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography |date=2011 |publisher=Princeton University Press |isbn=978-1-4008-3817-2 |page=128 |access-date=5 June 2013 |archive-date=6 November 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231106045111/https://books.google.com/books?id=dNFhZzug6tMC&pg=PA128#v=onepage&q&f=false |url-status=live }}</ref> He is remembered for being the creator of a new, fully independent Muslim country at a time of encroachment by Christian powers, and for having prevailed in a struggle against Western imperialism.<ref name="Hanioglu2011p128" /> When he died, the ] eulogised him as a "truly great personality in the Islamic world, a great general, and a great statesman", declaring that his memory would "inspire Muslims all over the world with courage, perseverance, and manliness".<ref name="Hanioglu2011p128" /> | |||
|commons = Mustafa Kemal Atatürk | |||
|commonscat = Mustafa Kemal Atatürk | |||
] in ]]] | |||
|quote = Mustafa Kemal Atatürk | |||
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The range of Atatürk's admirers extends from the British Prime Minister ], his opponent in ], to the German ] leader and dictator ],<ref>{{Cite web |title=Hitler's Infatuation with Atatürk Revisited |url=https://www.turkeyanalyst.org/publications/turkey-analyst-articles/item/367-hitler%E2%80%99s-infatuation-with-atat%C3%BCrk-revisited.html |publisher=Turkey Analyst |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210123204528/https://www.turkeyanalyst.org/publications/turkey-analyst-articles/item/367-hitler%E2%80%99s-infatuation-with-atat%C3%BCrk-revisited.html |archive-date=23 January 2021 |access-date=19 April 2021}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |title=The 20th-Century Dictator Most Idolized by Hitler |url=https://www.thedailybeast.com/the-20th-century-dictator-most-idolized-by-hitler |newspaper=The Daily Beast |date=24 November 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210204085856/https://www.thedailybeast.com/the-20th-century-dictator-most-idolized-by-hitler |archive-date=4 February 2021 |access-date=19 April 2021|last1=O'Connor |first1=William }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Ihrig |first=Stefan |title=Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination |page=116 |year=2014 |isbn=978-0-674-36837-8 |publisher=Harvard University Press |location=Cambridge, Massachusetts |quote=For example, in 1938, on his birthday, in a meeting with a delegation of Turkish politicians and journalists, he reaffirmed the primal and original role Atatürk had played for him and in doing so also pinpointed what was the essence of most far-right and Nazi interpretations of Atatürk in interwar Germany: “Atatürk was the first to show that it is possible to mobilize and regenerate the resources that a country has lost. In this respect Atatürk was a teacher; Mussolini was his first and I his second student.”}}</ref><ref>In his ], ] said: {{cquote|"Turkey had been our ally in the ]. Its unfortunate result was as heavy a burden for Turkey as it was for us. The great and ingenious reconstructor of the new Turkey gave his Allies, beaten by fate, the first example of resurrection. While Turkey, thanks to the realistic attitude of her State leadership, preserved her independent attitude Yugoslavia fell a victim to British intrigues."}}</ref> who called Atatürk a "star in the darkness".<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674368378 |title=Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination – Stefan Ihrig |publisher=] |date=2014 |isbn=9780674368378 |access-date=2019-06-30 |archive-date=12 July 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140712124647/http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674368378 |url-status=live }}</ref> Some presidents of the United States, including ] and ], also respected Atatürk. President Kennedy paid tribute to Atatürk in 1963 on the 25th anniversary of his death.<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180922211930/https://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/Archives/JFKWHA-237-001.aspx |date=22 September 2018 }}. Audio file on: jfklibrary.org.</ref> | |||
|newscat = | |||
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As a role model that encouraged national sovereignty, Atatürk was especially revered in countries of the so-called ], which saw him as the pioneer of independence from colonial powers. The leaders of such countries included Atatürk's Iranian contemporary ], the Indian Prime Minister ], the Tunisian President ], and the Egyptian President ].<ref>Bernd Rill: ''Kemal Atatürk.'' Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, p. 146.</ref><ref name="hg228">Halil Gülbeyaz: ''Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Vom Staatsgründer zum Mythos.'' Parthas-Verlag, Berlin, 2004, p. 228.</ref><ref name="Girbeau">{{Cite news |last=Girbeau, Sabine |date=18 August 2003 |title=Habib Bourguiba ou la modernité inachevée |work=Afrik.com |url=http://www.afrik.com/article6475.html |access-date=19 March 2020 |archive-date=17 June 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180617070602/http://www.afrik.com/article6475.html |url-status=live }}</ref> The Pakistani poet and philosopher ] and the ] national poet ] wrote poems in his honor. | |||
|books = | |||
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The Twelfth International Women Conference was held in ], ] on 18 April 1935, and Egyptian nationalist-feminist ] was elected by the conference as the vice-president of the International Women's Union. Huda considered Atatürk as a role model for her actions and wrote in her memoirs: {{Cquote|After the Istanbul conference ended, we received an invitation to attend the celebration held by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the liberator of modern Turkey ... and I said: If the Turks considered you the worthiness of their father and they called you Atatürk, I say that this is not enough, but you are for us "Atasharq"<!--أتاشرق--> . Its meaning did not come from any female head of delegation, and thanked me very much for the great influence, and then I begged him to present us with a picture of his Excellency for publication in the journal '']''.<ref>Huda Shaarawi's Diaries – Book of Al-Hilal, September / 1981</ref> | |||
|wiktionary = | |||
}} | }} | ||
*The ] which first aired on 10 November 2007 during the 69<sup>th</sup> commemorations of Atatürk who was played by ] | |||
In the epilogue of ''Grey Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator'', first published in 1932 and the first biography of Atatürk published in his lifetime, ] wrote these words: {{Cquote|He is a man born out of due season, an anachronism, a throw-back to the Tartars<!--sic--> of the Steppes<!--sic-->, a fierce elemental force of a man. Had he been born in the centuries when all Central Asia was on the move he would have ridden out with ] under the banner of the Grey Wolf, and with the heart and instincts of a Grey Wolf. With his military genius, and his ruthless determination unweakened by sentiments, loyalties or moralities, he might well have been a ] or a ] riding at the head of great hordes of wild horsemen, conquering countries, devouring and destroying cities, and filling in the intervals of peace between campaigns with wild and hideous orgies of wine and women.<ref></ref>}} | |||
*The resolution on the ] | |||
However, Atatürk's acclaim is not universal. As the leader of the ], Atatürk was described by the ] and Istanbul journalist ] (who believed the liberation efforts would fail and cause a more severe punishment by the Allies) as a "bandit chief". ] in this context called him the "most terrible of all the terrible Turks".<ref>''The Two Kemals; The Polished Aristocrat of European Circles in Contrast With the Ruthless Commander of Fanatical Turks'', {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160305162405/http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9E0CE7DE1F3CEE3ABC4953DFB6678389639EDE |date=5 March 2016 }}.</ref> | |||
== Works == | |||
* ''Cumalı Ordugâhı - Süvâri: Bölük, Alay, Liva Tâlim ve Manevraları'' '''', Thessaloniki, 1909. | |||
* ''Ta’biye ve Tatbîkat Seyahati '', Selanik Askeri Matbaası, 1911. | |||
* ''Ta’biye Mes’elesinin Halli ve Emirlerin Sûret-i Tahrîrine Dâir Nasâyih '', Edirne Sanayi Mektebi Matbaası, 1916. | |||
* ''Taʼlîm ve Terbiye-i Askeriyye Hakkında Nokta-i Nazarlar '', Edirne Sanayi Mektebi Matbaası, 1916. | |||
* ''Zâbit ve Kumandan ile Hasb-ı Hâl'' '''', Minber Matbaası, 1918. | |||
* '']'' '''', ], Ankara, 1927. | |||
* ''Vatandaş için Medeni Bilgiler'' '''', Milliyet Matbaası, İstanbul, 1930. | |||
* ''Geometri '', 1937. | |||
=== Translations === | |||
* ''Takımın Muharebe Tâlimi'' '''', Selanik Asır Matbaası, Thessaloniki, 1908. (From German) | |||
* ''Bölüğün Muharebe Tâlimi '', 1912. (From German) | |||
==Awards and decorations== | |||
{{main|List of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's awards}} | |||
He received awards and decorations before, during, and after ].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Atatürk'ün Madalya ve Nişanları |url=https://isteataturk.com/g/kategori/madalya-ve-nisanlar |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200315144609/https://isteataturk.com/g/kategori/madalya-ve-nisanlar |archive-date=15 March 2020 |access-date=15 March 2020}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Atatürk'ün Rütbe, Nişan ve Madalyaları |url=https://ataturk.org.au/ataturk-2/ataturkun-hayati/ataturkun-rutbe-yukselme-tarihleri-nisan-ve-madalyalari/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200315144550/https://ataturk.org.au/ataturk-2/ataturkun-hayati/ataturkun-rutbe-yukselme-tarihleri-nisan-ve-madalyalari/ |archive-date=15 March 2020 |access-date=15 March 2020}}</ref> | |||
===Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey=== | |||
]]] | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (25 December 1906) | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (30 April 1915) | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (1 September 1915) | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (17 January 1916) | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (1 February 1916) | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (12 December 1916) | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (23 September 1917) | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (16 December 1917) | |||
* {{flagu|Ottoman Empire}}: ] awarded by ] (11 May 1918) | |||
* {{flagu|Turkey}}: ] awarded by ] (21 November 1923) | |||
* {{flagu|Turkey}}: Murassa Order awarded by ] (20 May 1925) | |||
===Foreign honours=== | |||
* {{flagu|Kingdom of Bulgaria}}: ] awarded by ] (1915)<ref name=":3">] (2014) p. 43</ref> | |||
* {{flagu|German Empire}}: ] of the ] awarded by ] (1915)<ref name=":3" /> | |||
* {{flagu|Austria-Hungary}}: ] awarded by ] (1916) | |||
* {{flagu|Austria-Hungary}}: ] awarded by ] (1916) | |||
* {{flagu|Austria-Hungary}}: ] awarded by ] (27 July 1916) | |||
* {{flagu|German Empire}}: ] of the ] awarded by ] (1917) | |||
* {{flagu|German Empire}}: ] of the ] awarded by ] (9 September 1917) | |||
* {{flagu|Kingdom of Prussia}}: ] awarded by ] (1918) | |||
* {{flagu|Kingdom of Afghanistan}}: Alüyülala Order of ] awarded by ] (27 March 1923) | |||
==See also== | |||
{{Portal|Turkey|Biography|Politics}} | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* '']'' | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] – 24 March 1923 and 21 February 1927 | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
** ] | |||
** ] | |||
*] | |||
==Notes== | ==Notes== | ||
{{notelist}} | |||
<br style="clear:both" /> | |||
{{Reflist|2}} | |||
==References== | ==References== | ||
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}} | |||
<br style="clear:both" /> | |||
<div class="references-small" > | |||
{{col-begin}} | |||
{{col-break|width=50%}} | |||
; Prints | |||
*{{cite book |last=Ahmad |first=Feroz|title=The Making of Modern Turkey|publisher=Routledge|location=London ; New York|year=1993|isbn=978-0415078351}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Armstrong |first=Harold Courtenay|title= Grey Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator|publisher= Books for Libraries Press|location=Freeport, NY|year=1972|isbn=978-0836969627}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Atillasoy |first=Yüksel|title= Atatürk: First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic|publisher= Woodside House|location=Woodside, NY|year=2002|isbn=978-0971235342}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Barber |first=Noel|authorlink=Noel Barber|title=Lords of the Golden Horn: From Suleiman the Magnificent to Kemal Ataturk|publisher=Arrow|location=London|year= 1988|isbn= 978-0099539506}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Barlas | first = Dilek | title = Statism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939 | publisher = Brill Academic Publishers | location = New York | year = 1998 | isbn = 978-9004108554 }} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Cleveland |first=William L|title=A History of the Modern Middle East|publisher=Westview Press|location=Boulder, Colorado|year=2004|isbn= 978-0813340487}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Doğan |first=Çağatay Emre|title=Formation of Factory Settlements Within Turkish Industrialization and Modernization in 1930s: Nazilli Printing Factory|location=Ankara|publisher=Middle East Technical University|year=2003|oclc=54431696|language=Turkish}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Huntington |first=Samuel P.|authorlink=Samuel P. Huntington|title=]|publisher=Yale University Press|location=New Haven, Conn.; London|year= 2006|isbn= 978-0300116205}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=İğdemir |first=Uluğ|coauthors=Mango, Andrew (translation)|title=Atatürk|publisher=Turkish National Commission for UNESCO|location=Ankara|year=1963|oclc= 75604149|pages= 165–170}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=İnan |first=Ayşe Afet|authorlink= Afet İnan|title=Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler|publisher=Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları|location=Istanbul|year= 2007|isbn= 9944881401|language=Turkish}} <!-- published in July 2007, not yet on Worldcat. possibly newest edition for {{OCLC|79910449}} --> | |||
*{{cite book |last=İnan |first=Ayşe Afet|coauthors=Sevim, Ali; Süslü, Azmi; Tural, M Akif |title=Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk'ün el Yazıları|location=Ankara|publisher=AKDTYK Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi|year=1998|isbn= 978-9751612762|language=Turkish}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Kinross |first=Patrick|authorlink=John Balfour, 3rd Baron Kinross|title=Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation |publisher=Phoenix Press |year=2003 |location=London|isbn= 978-1842125991|oclc=55516821}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Kinross |first=Patrick|title=The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire |publisher=Morrow |year=1979 |location=New York|isbn= 978-0688080938 }} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Landau |first= Jacob M |title=Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey |year=1983 |publisher= Westview Press |location= Boulder, Colorado|isbn=978-0865319868}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Lengyel |first=Emil|title=They Called Him Atatürk|publisher=The John Day Co|location=New York|year=1962|oclc= 1337444}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Mango |first=Andrew|authorlink=Andrew Mango| title= Ataturk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey |origyear= 1999 |edition= Paperback |year= 2002 |publisher=Overlook Press, Peter Mayer Publishers, Inc |location= Woodstock, NY|isbn=1-58567-334-x}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Mango |first=Andrew|authorlink=Andrew Mango|title=Atatürk|publisher=John Murray |location=London|year=2004 |isbn= 978-0719565922}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Saikal |first=Amin|coauthors=Schnabel, Albrecht|title=Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges|location=Tokyo|publisher=United Nations University Press|year=2003|isbn= 978-9280810851| url = http://books.google.com/books?id=qFhU3kWXLvEC&printsec=frontcover&dq=ataturk+and+islam&as_brr=1}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Shaw |first=Stanford Jay|authorlink=Stanford J. Shaw|coauthors=Shaw, Ezel Kural |title=History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge; New York|year=1976–1977|isbn=978-0521212809}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Spangnolo |first= John|title=The Modern Middle East in Historical Perspective: Essays in Honour of Albert Hourani |year=1992 |publisher= Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College |location= Oxford|oclc=80503960|isbn=978-0863721649}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Tunçay |first=Mete|title=Mesaî : Halk Şûrâlar Fırkası Programı, 1920|location=Ankara|publisher=Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi|year=1972|oclc=1926301|language=Turkish}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Tüfekçi |first=Gürbüz D|title=Universality of Atatürk's Philosophy|location=Ankara|publisher=Pan Matbaacılık |year=1981|oclc=54074541}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Yapp |first= Malcolm|title=The Making of the Modern Near East, 1792–1923|publisher=Longman|location=London ; New York|year=1987|isbn=978-0582493803}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Webster |first= Donald Everett|title=The Turkey of Atatürk; Social Process in the Turkish Reformation |year= 1973 |publisher=AMS Press|location= New York |isbn=978-0404563332}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Zürcher |first=Erik Jan|title=Turkey: A Modern History|publisher=I.B. Tauris|location=London; New York|year=2004|isbn=978-1850433996}} | |||
{{col-break|width=50%}} | |||
; Journals | |||
*{{cite journal |last=Eastham |first=J. K.|journal= The Economic Journal|title=The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years|location=New York|publisher=Macmillan|year=1964|month=March|pages=132–136|volume=74|issue=298|issn=0013-0133|doi=10.2307/2228117}} | |||
*{{cite journal |last=Emrence |first=Cem |journal= Middle Eastern Studies|title=Turkey in Economic Crisis (1927–1930): A Panaromic Vision|location=London|publisher=F. Cass.|year=2003|pages=67–80|volume=39|issue=4|issn=0026-3206|doi=10.1080/00263200412331301787}} | |||
*{{cite journal |last= Ömür |first= Aslı |journal= Turkish Times|year= 2002|month= December |title= Modernity and Islam: Experiences of Turkish Women|volume=13 |issue= 312 |issn= 1043-0164 |url= http://www.theturkishtimes.com/archive/02/12_01/c_women.html |accessdate= 2007-10-10}} | |||
*{{cite journal |last =Özelli |first =M. Tunç |journal= International Journal of Middle East Studies |title = The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic|issn = 0020-7438 | publisher = Cambridge University Press |location = London| volume = 5 | issue = 1 | pages = 77–92 | month = January | year = 1974| url = http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0020-7438%28197401%295%3A1%3C77%3ATEOTFE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-G}}<!-- jstor is not accessible to everyone --> | |||
*{{cite journal |last=Stone |first=Norman |journal= The National Interest|authorlink=Norman Stone|title=Talking Turkey |location=New York|publisher=National Affairs, Inc|year=2000|pages=66|volume=61|issn=0884-9382}} | |||
*{{cite journal |last=Volkan |first=Vamik D.|journal= Psychoanalytic Study of Society|title=Immortal Atatürk—Narcissism and Creativity in a Revolutionary Leader|publisher= Psychohistory Press |location= New York |year=1981 |volume=9|issn=0079-7294|pages=221–255|oclc=60448681}} | |||
*{{cite journal |last=Wolf-Gazo |first=Ernest |journal= Journal of American Studies of Turkey|title=John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission |publisher=American Studies Association of Turkey|location=Ankara, Turkey|year=1996|volume=3|issn= 1300-6606| pages=15–42|url=http://www.bilkent.edu.tr/~jast/Number3/Gazo.html}} | |||
* {{cite news | title=Mustafa Kemal Atatürk | url=http://www.teknikportal.com/mustafa-kemal-ataturk-hayati-basarilari-t9870.0.html | work=TP Editors | pages= 7–8 | date= | accessdate=2008-04-29}} | |||
==Bibliography== | |||
*{{cite news | title=The Burial of Atatürk| url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,860125,00.html | work=Time Magazine | pages= 37–39 | date= 23 November 1953 | accessdate=2007-08-07}} | |||
{{Refbegin}} | |||
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;Prints | |||
* {{cite book |last=|first=|coauthors=|title=|location=|publisher=|year=|pages=|isbn= 978-|language=}} | |||
* {{ |
* {{Cite book |last=Ahmad |first=Feroz |title=The Making of Modern Turkey |publisher=Routledge |year=1993 |isbn=978-0-415-07835-1 |location=London; New York}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Armstrong |first=Harold Courtenay|author-link=Harold Courtenay Armstrong |title=Grey Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator |publisher=Books for Libraries Press |year=1972 |isbn=978-0-8369-6962-7 |location=Freeport, NY|url=http://archive.org/details/graywolfmustafak0000arms}} | |||
--> | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Atillasoy |first=Yüksel |title=Atatürk: First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic |publisher=Woodside House |year=2002 |isbn=978-0-9712353-4-2 |location=Woodside, NY}} | |||
{{col-end}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last1=Bacqué-Grammont |first1=Jean-Louis |title=Mustafa Kemal et la Turquie nouvelle |last2=Roux |first2=Jean-Paul |publisher=Maisonneuve et Larose |year=1983 |isbn=2-7068-0829-2 |location=Paris |language=fr |author-link2=Jean-Paul Roux}} | |||
</div> | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Barber |first=Noel |title=Lords of the Golden Horn |publisher=Arrow |year=1988 |isbn=978-0-09-953950-6 |location=London |author-link=Noel Barber}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Barlas |first=Dilek |title=Statism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939 |publisher=Brill Academic Publishers |year=1998 |isbn=978-90-04-10855-4 |location=New York}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Cleveland |first=William L |url=https://archive.org/details/historyofmodernm00will |title=A History of the Modern Middle East |publisher=Westview Press |year=2004 |isbn=978-0-8133-4048-7 |location=Boulder, Colorado }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Crease |first=Robert P. |title=The workshop and the world: what ten thinkers can teach us about science and authority |date=2019 |publisher=W.W. Norton & Co., Inc. |isbn=978-0-393-29243-5 |location=New York |pages=189–204 |language=en |chapter=Kemal Atatürk: Science and Patriotism |oclc=1037807472 |author-link=Robert P. Crease}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Doğan |first=Çağatay Emre |title=Formation of Factory Settlements Within Turkish Industrialization and Modernization in 1930s: Nazilli Printing Factory |publisher=Middle East Technical University |year=2003 |location=Ankara |language=tr |oclc=54431696}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Hanioğlu |first=M. Şükrü |title=Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography |publisher=Princeton University Press |year=2011 |isbn=978-0-691-15109-0 |location=New Jersey and Woodstock (Oxfordshire)}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Huntington |first=Samuel P. |title=Political Order in Changing Societies |title-link=Political Order in Changing Societies |publisher=Yale University Press |year=2006 |isbn=978-0-300-11620-5 |location=New Haven, Conn.; London |author-link=Samuel P. Huntington}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last1=İğdemir |first1=Uluğ |title=Atatürk |last2=Mango, Andrew (translation) |publisher=Turkish National Commission for UNESCO |year=1963 |location=Ankara |pages=165–170 |oclc=75604149}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=İnan |first=Ayşe Afet |title=Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler |publisher=Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları |year=2007 |isbn=978-9944-88-140-1 |location=Istanbul |language=tr |author-link=Afet İnan}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last1=İnan |first1=Ayşe Afet |title=Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk'ün el Yazıları |last2=Sevim, Ali |last3=Süslü, Azmi |last4=Tural, M Akif |publisher=AKDTYK Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi |year=1998 |isbn=978-975-16-1276-2 |location=Ankara |language=tr}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Kinross |first=Patrick |title=Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation |publisher=Phoenix Press |year=2003 |isbn=978-1-84212-599-1 |location=London |oclc=55516821 |author-link=John Balfour, 3rd Baron Kinross}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Kinross |first=Patrick |url=https://archive.org/details/ottomancenturies00kinr |title=The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire |publisher=Morrow |year=1979 |isbn=978-0-688-08093-8 |location=New York }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Landau |first=Jacob M |title=Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey |publisher=Westview Press |year=1983 |isbn=978-0-86531-986-8 |location=Boulder, Colorado}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Lengyel |first=Emil |title=They Called Him Atatürk |publisher=The John Day Co |year=1962 |location=New York |oclc=1337444}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Mango |first=Andrew |url=https://archive.org/details/ataturk00andr |title=Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey |publisher=Overlook Press, Peter Mayer Publishers, Inc |year=2002 |isbn=978-1-58567-334-6 |edition=Paperback |location=Woodstock, NY |author-link=Andrew Mango |orig-year=1999 }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Mango |first=Andrew |title=Atatürk |publisher=John Murray |year=2004 |isbn=978-0-7195-6592-2 |location=London |author-link=Andrew Mango}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last1=Saikal |first1=Amin |title=Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges |last2=Schnabel, Albrecht |publisher=United Nations University Press |year=2003 |isbn=978-92-808-1085-1 |location=Tokyo }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last1=Shaw |first1=Stanford Jay |url=https://archive.org/details/historyofottoman00stan |title=History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey |last2=Shaw, Ezel Kural |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=1976–1977 |isbn=978-0-521-21280-9 |location=Cambridge; New York |author-link=Stanford J. Shaw }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Spangnolo |first=John |title=The Modern Middle East in Historical Perspective: Essays in Honour of Albert Hourani |publisher=Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College |year=1992 |isbn=978-0-86372-164-9 |location=Oxford |oclc=80503960}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Tunçay |first=Mete |title=Mesaî : Halk Şûrâlar Fırkası Programı, 1920 |publisher=Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi |year=1972 |location=Ankara |language=tr |oclc=1926301}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Tüfekçi |first=Gürbüz D |title=Universality of Atatürk's Philosophy |publisher=Pan Matbaacılık |year=1981 |location=Ankara |oclc=54074541}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Yapp |first=Malcolm |url=https://archive.org/details/makingofmodern00yapp |title=The Making of the Modern Near East, 1792–1923 |publisher=Longman |year=1987 |isbn=978-0-582-49380-3 |location=London; New York |author-link=Malcolm Yapp }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Webster |first=Donald Everett |title=The Turkey of Atatürk; Social Process in the Turkish Reformation |publisher=AMS Press |year=1973 |isbn=978-0-404-56333-2 |location=New York}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Zürcher |first=Erik Jan |title=Turkey: A Modern History |publisher=I.B. Tauris |year=2004 |isbn=978-1-85043-399-6 |location=London; New York |author-link=Erik-Jan Zürcher}} | |||
;Journals | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Eastham |first=J. K. |date=March 1964 |title=The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years |journal=The Economic Journal |volume=74 |issue=298 |pages=132–136 |doi=10.2307/2228117 |issn=0013-0133 |jstor=2228117}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Emrence |first=Cem |year=2003 |title=Turkey in Economic Crisis (1927–1930): A Panoramic Vision |journal=Middle Eastern Studies |volume=39 |issue=4 |pages=67–80 |doi=10.1080/00263200412331301787 |s2cid=144066199 |issn=0026-3206}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Omur |first=Aslı |date=December 2002 |title=Modernity and Islam: Experiences of Turkish Women |url=http://www.theturkishtimes.com/archive/02/12_01/c_women.html |url-status=dead |journal=Turkish Times |volume=13 |issue=312 |issn=1043-0164 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071007232154/http://www.theturkishtimes.com/archive/02/12_01/c_women.html |archive-date=7 October 2007 |access-date=10 October 2007 }} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Özelli |first=M. Tunç |date=January 1974 |title=The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic |journal=International Journal of Middle East Studies |volume=5 |issue=1 |pages=77–92 |doi=10.1017/s0020743800032803 |issn=0020-7438 |jstor=162345|s2cid=154739517 }} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Stone |first=Norman |author-link=Norman Stone |year=2000 |title=Talking Turkey |journal=The National Interest |volume=61 |page=66 |issn=0884-9382}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Volkan |first=Vamık D. |year=1981 |title=Immortal Atatürk – Narcissism and Creativity in a Revolutionary Leader |journal=Psychoanalytic Study of Society |volume=9 |pages=221–255 |issn=0079-7294 |oclc=60448681}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Wolf-Gazo |first=Ernest |year=1996 |title=John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission |url=http://www.bilkent.edu.tr/~jast/Number3/Gazo.html |url-status=dead |journal=Journal of American Studies of Turkey |volume=3 |pages=15–42 |issn=1300-6606 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090327060825/http://www.bilkent.edu.tr/~jast/Number3/Gazo.html |archive-date=27 March 2009 }} | |||
* {{Cite news |title=Mustafa Kemal Atatürk |pages=7–8 |work=TP Editors |url=http://www.teknikportal.com/mustafa-kemal-ataturk-hayati-basarilari-t9870.0.html |access-date=29 April 2008 |archive-date=30 April 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080430154105/http://www.teknikportal.com/mustafa-kemal-ataturk-hayati-basarilari-t9870.0.html |url-status=dead }} | |||
* {{Cite news |date=23 November 1953 |title=The Burial of Atatürk |pages=37–39 |work=Time Magazine |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,860125,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061114074222/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0%2C9171%2C860125%2C00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=14 November 2006 |access-date=7 August 2007 }} | |||
{{Refend}} | |||
== External links == | |||
{{start box}} | |||
{{Commons category}} | |||
{{Wikiquote}} | |||
* {{OL subject|person:kemal_atatürk_(1881-1938)}} | |||
* {{OL author|OL4540440A}} | |||
* {{Internet Archive author |sname= Mustafa Kemal Atatürk}} | |||
* {{PM20|FID=pe/000726}} | |||
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{{Presidents of Turkey}} | {{Presidents of Turkey}} | ||
{{Prime Ministers of Turkey}} | {{Prime Ministers of Turkey}} | ||
{{Speakers of the Parliament of Turkey}} | {{Speakers of the Parliament of Turkey}} | ||
{{CHP Leaders}} | {{CHP Leaders}} | ||
{{Turkish nationalism}} | |||
{{Secularism in Turkey}} | |||
{{Turkey topics}} | {{Turkey topics}} | ||
{{Party Leaders in Turkey}}}} | |||
{{Authority control}} | |||
{{DEFAULTSORT:Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal}} | |||
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|NAME = Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal | |||
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Latest revision as of 20:01, 5 January 2025
President of Turkey from 1923 to 1938 For other people named Mustafa Kamal, see Mustafa Kamal (disambiguation). "Atatürk" redirects here. For the airport, see Atatürk Airport. For other uses, see Atatürk (disambiguation).This article may be too long to read and navigate comfortably. When this tag was added, its readable prose size was 16,000 words. Consider splitting content into sub-articles, condensing it, or adding subheadings. Please discuss this issue on the article's talk page. (February 2024) |
Halâskâr Gazi MareşalMustafa Kemal Atatürk | |
---|---|
Atatürk in 1936 | |
1st President of Turkey | |
In office 29 October 1923 – 10 November 1938 | |
Prime Minister | |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | İsmet İnönü |
Prime Minister of the Government of the Grand National Assembly | |
In office 3 May 1920 – 24 January 1921 | |
Deputy | Fevzi Çakmak |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | Fevzi Çakmak |
Speaker of the Grand National Assembly | |
In office 24 April 1920 – 29 October 1923 | |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | Fethi Okyar |
1st Leader of the Republican People's Party | |
In office 9 September 1923 – 10 November 1938 | |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | İsmet İnönü |
Personal details | |
Born | Ali Rıza oğlu Mustafa c. 1881 Salonica, Ottoman Empire |
Died | 10 November 1938(1938-11-10) (aged 57) Istanbul, Turkey |
Resting place | Ethnography Museum, Ankara (21 November 1938 – 10 November 1953) Anıtkabir, Ankara (since 10 November 1953) |
Nationality | Ottoman, Turkish |
Political party | Republican People's Party |
Other political affiliations |
|
Spouse | Latife Uşaklıgil (1923–1925) |
Parents |
|
Relatives | Makbule Atadan (sister) |
Awards | List (24 medals) |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance |
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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934 (c. 1881 – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and a founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism (Atatürkism).
Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I. During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated genocides against its Greek, Armenian and Assyrian subjects; while never involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath was the subject of discussion. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place the following year.
As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency. In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities; non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü, and was honored with a state funeral.
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction". Atatürk was also credited for his peace-in-the-world oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria.
Name
Atatürk was born Mustafa. His second name Kemal (meaning "perfection" or "maturity" in Arabic) was given to him by his mathematics teacher, Captain Üsküplü Mustafa Efendi. According to Afet İnan, his teacher gave this name "in admiration of capability and maturity." According to other sources, his teacher wanted to distinguish Atatürk from another student who was also named Mustafa. Andrew Mango suggests that he may have chosen the name himself as a tribute to the nationalist poet Namık Kemal. According to Alkan, Atatürk seems to have embraced the name Kemal during his army years.
After receiving the surname Atatürk on his first ID card in 1934, his name appeared as Kemal Atatürk, while the given name Mustafa had disappeared altogether. In February 1935, Atatürk began to use the Old Turkic name Kamâl. According to Tarama Dergisi (1934), kamal meant "fortification", "fortress", "army", and "shield". On 4 February 1935, the government's official news agency Anadolu Agency gave the following explanation:
According to our intelligence, the name 'Kamâl' that Atatürk bears is not an Arabic word, nor does it have the meaning by the Arabic word kemal . Atatürk's given name, which is being retained, is 'Kamâl', the Turkish meaning of which is army and fortress. As the circumflex accent on the final 'â' softens the 'l' the pronunciation closely approximates that of the Arabic 'Kemal'.
— Anadolu Agency
However, Atatürk returned to the old spelling of Kemal from May 1937 and onwards. To make a soft transition, he avoided using the name as much as he could, either by not using it at all or by signing documents as 'K. Atatürk'. An official explanation was never given, but it is widely agreed that the issue with Atatürk's name was linked to the Turkish language reform.
Early life
Further information: Personal life of Mustafa Kemal AtatürkAtatürk was born either in the Ahmet Subaşı neighbourhood or at a house (preserved as a museum) in Islahhane Street (now Apostolou Pavlou Street) in the Koca Kasım Pasha neighbourhood in Salonica (Selanik), Ottoman Empire. His parents were Ali Rıza Efendi, a military officer originally from Kodžadžik (Kocacık), title deed clerk and lumber trader, and Zübeyde Hanım. Only one of Mustafa's siblings, a sister named Makbule (Atadan) survived childhood; she died in 1956.
Claims and theories about Atatürk's ancestry are strikingly varied and contrasting. According to Andrew Mango, his family was Muslim, Turkish-speaking and precariously middle-class. His father Ali Rıza is thought to have been of Albanian origin by some authors; however, according to Falih Rıfkı Atay, Vamık D. Volkan, Norman Itzkowitz, Müjgân Cunbur, Numan Kartal and Hasan İzzettin Dinamo, Ali Rıza's ancestors were Turks, ultimately descending from Söke in Aydın Province of Anatolia. His mother Zübeyde is thought to have been of Turkish origin, and according to Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, she was of Turkic Yörük ancestry. According to some various claims, she descended from Albanians, Macedonian Torbeši, or Muslim Bulgarians. Due to the large Jewish community of Salonica in the Ottoman period, many of his Islamist opponents who were disturbed by his reforms claimed that Atatürk had Jewish Dönme ancestors.
In his early years, his mother encouraged Atatürk to attend a religious school, something he did reluctantly and only briefly. Later, he attended the Şemsi Efendi School (a private school with a more secular curriculum) at the direction of his father. When he was seven years old, his father died. His mother wanted him to learn a trade, but without consulting them, Atatürk took the entrance exam for the Salonica Military School (Selanik Askeri Rüştiyesi) in 1893. In 1896, he enrolled in the Monastir Military High School (in modern Bitola, North Macedonia) where he excelled at mathematics. On 14 March 1899, he enrolled at the Ottoman Military Academy in the neighbourhood of Pangaltı within the Şişli district of the Ottoman capital city Constantinople (modern Istanbul) and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the Ottoman Military College in Constantinople on 11 January 1905.
Military career
Main article: Military career of Mustafa Kemal AtatürkEarly years
See also: Vatan ve Hürriyet, Committee of Union and Progress, and Young Turk RevolutionShortly after graduation, he was arrested by the police for his anti-monarchist activities. Following confinement for several months he was released only with the support of Rıza Pasha, his former school director. After his release, Atatürk was assigned to the Fifth Army based in Damascus as a Staff Captain in the company of Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) and Lütfi Müfit (Özdeş). He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers led by a merchant Mustafa Elvan (Cantekin) called Vatan ve Hürriyet ("Motherland and Liberty"). On 20 June 1907, he was promoted to the rank of Senior Captain (Kolağası) and on 13 October 1907, was assigned to the headquarters of the Third Army in Manastır. He joined the Committee of Union and Progress, with membership number 322, although in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, the policies pursued by the CUP leadership. On 22 June 1908, he was appointed the Inspector of the Ottoman Railways in Eastern Rumelia (Doğu Rumeli Bölgesi Demiryolları Müfettişi). In July 1908, he played a role in the Young Turk Revolution which seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and restored the constitutional monarchy.
He was proposing depoliticization in the army, a proposal which was disliked by the leaders of the CUP. As a result, he was sent away to Tripolitania Vilayet (present Libya, then an Ottoman territory) under the pretext of suppressing a tribal rebellion towards the end of 1908. According to Mikush however, he volunteered for this mission. He suppressed the revolt and returned to Constantinople in January 1909.
In April 1909 in Constantinople, a group of soldiers began a counter-revolution (see 31 March Incident). Atatürk was instrumental in suppressing the revolt.
In 1910, he was called to the Ottoman provinces in Albania. At that time Isa Boletini was leading Albanian uprisings in Kosovo, and there were revolts in Albania as well. In 1910, Atatürk met with Eqrem Vlora, the Albanian lord, politician, writer, and one of the delegates of the Albanian Declaration of Independence.
Later, in the autumn of 1910, he was among the Ottoman military observers who attended the Picardie army manoeuvres in France, and in 1911, served at the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople for a short time.
Italo-Turkish War (1911–12)
Main article: Italo-Turkish War See also: Battle of Tobruk (1911)In 1911, he volunteered to fight in the Italo-Turkish War in the Ottoman Tripolitania Vilayet (present-day Libya). He served mainly in the areas near Derna and Tobruk. The invading Italian army had a strength of 150,000 men; it was opposed by 20,000 Bedouins and 8,000 Turks. A short time before Italy declared war, many of the Ottoman troops in Libya were sent to the Ottoman province of Yemen Vilayet to put down the rebellion there, so the Ottoman government was caught with inadequate resources to counter the Italians in Libya. Britain, which controlled the Ottoman provinces of Egypt and Sudan, did not allow additional Ottoman troops to reach Libya through Egypt. Ottoman soldiers like Atatürk went to Libya either dressed as Arabs (risking imprisonment if noticed by the British authorities in Egypt) or by the very few available ferries (the Italians, who had superior naval forces, effectively controlled the sea routes to Tripoli). However, despite all the hardships, Atatürk's forces in Libya managed to repel the Italians on a number of occasions, such as at the Battle of Tobruk on 22 December 1911.
During the Battle of Derna on 16–17 January 1912, while Atatürk was assaulting the Italian-controlled fortress of Kasr-ı Harun, two Italian planes dropped bombs on the Ottoman forces; a limestone splinter from a damaged building's rubble struck Atatürk's left eye, causing permanent tissue damage, but not total loss of sight. He received medical treatment for nearly a month; he attempted to leave the Red Crescent's health facilities after only two weeks, but when his eye's situation worsened, he had to return and resume treatment. On 6 March 1912, Atatürk became the Commander of the Ottoman forces in Derna. He managed to defend and retain the city and its surrounding region until the end of the Italo-Turkish War on 18 October 1912. Atatürk, Enver Bey, Fethi Bey, and the other Ottoman military commanders in Libya had to return to Ottoman Europe following the outbreak of the Balkan Wars on 8 October 1912. Having lost the war, the Ottoman government had to surrender Tripolitania, Fezzan, and Cyrenaica (three provinces forming present-day Libya) to the Kingdom of Italy in the Treaty of Lausanne (1912) signed ten days later, on 18 October 1912. Since 1923, historians have preferred to name this treaty as the "Treaty of Ouchy", after the Château d'Ouchy in Lausanne where it was signed, to distinguish it from the later Treaty of Lausanne (1923) signed between the Allies of World War I and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in Ankara (at that time known as Angora).
Balkan Wars (1912–13)
Main article: Balkan Wars See also: First Balkan War and Second Balkan WarOn 1 December 1912, Atatürk arrived at his new headquarters on the Gallipoli peninsula and, during the First Balkan War, he took part in the amphibious landing at Bulair on the coast of Thrace under Binbaşı Fethi Bey, but this offensive was repulsed during the Battle of Bulair by Georgi Todorov's 7th Rila Infantry Division under the command of Stiliyan Kovachev's Bulgarian Fourth Army.
In June 1913, during the Second Balkan War, he took part in the Ottoman Army forces commanded by Kaymakam Enver Bey that recovered Dimetoka and Edirne (Adrianople, the capital city of the Ottoman Empire between 1365 and 1453, thus of utmost historic importance for the Turks) together with most of eastern Thrace from the Bulgarians.
In 1913, he was appointed the Ottoman military attaché to all Balkan states (his office was in Sofia, Bulgaria) and promoted to the rank of Kaymakam (Lieutenant Colonel / Colonel) on 1 March 1914. While in Bulgaria, he met with Dimitrina Kovacheva, the daughter of Bulgarian general Stiliyan Kovachev (against whose forces he had fought during the Balkan Wars), who had recently completed her education in Switzerland, during a New Year's Eve ball in Sofia and fell in love with her. The two danced at the ball and started to secretly date in the following days. Atatürk twice asked Dimitrina's parents for their permission to marry her (the second time was in 1915, during World War I) and was twice refused, which left him with a lifelong sadness.
First World War (1914–18)
Main article: World War I See also: Gallipoli Campaign and Middle Eastern theatre of World War IIn 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the European and Middle Eastern theatres of World War I allied with the Central Powers. Atatürk was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to the Fifth Army during the Battle of Gallipoli. He became the front-line commander after correctly anticipating where the Allies would attack, and held his position until they retreated. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Atatürk served in Edirne until 14 January 1916. He was then assigned to the command of the XVI Corps of the Second Army and sent to the Caucasus Campaign after the massive Russian offensive had reached key Anatolian cities. On 7 August, he rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive. Two of his divisions captured Bitlis and Muş, upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.
Following this victory, the CUP government in Constantinople proposed to establish a new army in Hejaz (Hicaz Kuvve-i Seferiyesi) and appoint Atatürk to its command, but he refused the proposal and this army was never established. Instead, on 7 March 1917, Atatürk was promoted from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the Second Army, although the Czar's armies were soon withdrawn when the Russian Revolution erupted.
In July 1917, he was appointed to the command of the Seventh Army, replacing Fevzi Pasha on 7 August 1917, who was under the command of the German general Erich von Falkenhayn's Yildirim Army Group (after the British forces of General Edmund Allenby captured Jerusalem in December 1917, Erich von Falkenhayn was replaced by Otto Liman von Sanders who became the new commander of the Yıldırım Army Group in early 1918.) Atatürk did not get along well with General von Falkenhayn and, together with Miralay İsmet Bey, wrote a report to Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha regarding the grim situation and lack of adequate resources in the Palestinian front. However, Talaat Pasha ignored their observations and refused their suggestion to form a stronger defensive line to the north, in Ottoman Syria (in parts of the Beirut Vilayet, Damascus Vilayet, and Aleppo Vilayet), with Turks instead of Germans in command. Following the rejection of his report, Atatürk resigned from the Seventh Army and returned to Constantinople. There, he was assigned with the task of accompanying the crown prince (and future sultan) Mehmed Vahideddin during his train trip to Austria-Hungary and Germany. While in Germany, Atatürk visited the German lines on the Western Front and concluded that the Central Powers would soon lose the war. He did not hesitate to openly express this opinion to Kaiser Wilhelm II and his high-ranking generals in person. During the return trip, he briefly stayed in Karlsbad and Vienna for medical treatment between 30 May and 28 July 1918.
When Mehmed VI became the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire in July 1918, he called Atatürk to Constantinople, and after several meetings in the months July and August 1918, reassigned him to the command of the Seventh Army in Palestine. Atatürk arrived in Aleppo on 26 August 1918, then continued south to his headquarters in Nablus. The Seventh Army was holding the central sector of the front lines. On 19 September, at the beginning of the Battle of Megiddo, the Eighth Army was holding the coastal flank but fell apart and Liman Pasha ordered the Seventh Army to withdraw to the north in order to prevent the British from conducting a short envelopment to the Jordan River. The Seventh Army retired towards the Jordan River but was destroyed by British aerial bombardment during its retreat from Nablus on 21 September 1918. Nevertheless, Atatürk managed to form a defence line to the north of Aleppo. According to Lord Kinross, Atatürk was the only Turkish general in the war who never suffered a defeat.
The war ended with the Armistice of Mudros which was signed on 30 October 1918, and all German and Austro-Hungarian troops in the Ottoman Empire were granted ample time to withdraw. On 31 October, Atatürk was appointed to the command of the Yıldırım Army Group, replacing Liman von Sanders. Atatürk organized the distribution of weapons to the civilians in Antep in case of a defensive conflict against the invading Allies.
Atatürk's last active service in the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the Ottoman troops left behind to the south of the defensive line. In early November 1918, the Yıldırım Army Group was officially dissolved, and Atatürk returned to an occupied Constantinople, the Ottoman capital, on 13 November 1918. For a period of time, he worked at the headquarters of the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople and continued his activities in this city until 16 May 1919. Along the established lines of the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies (British, Italian, French and Greek forces) occupied Anatolia. The occupation of Constantinople, followed by the occupation of İzmir (the two largest Ottoman cities at the time) sparked the establishment of the Turkish National Movement and the Turkish War of Independence.
Ottoman genocides (1913–1924) and Atatürk
At the time of the late Ottoman genocides reportedly committed by the CUP and the declining Ottoman Empire, but now controversial, Atatürk was a member of the CUP, and to that extent, a Young Turk, but so had many Arabs, Albanians, Jews, and initially, Armenians and Greeks, as it was then simply an anti-Abdul Hamid movement. As for the actual occurrences of the genocides, Atatürk had since divested from the movement and was serving as a relatively junior Lieutenant Colonel fighting in Gallipoli and Western Thrace during the Armenian genocide. Historical evidence shows that he was not involved with the killings, and that he later went on to condemn them. One such explicit condemnation was in September 1919, when Atatürk met with the United States Army General James Harbord, the leader of the Harbord Commission into the genocides, in Sivas. Harbord would later recall that Atatürk told him of his disapproval of the Armenian genocide, and that he had allegedly stated that "the massacre and deportation of Armenians was the work of a small committee who had seized power", rather than by the government in actuality. In 1920, before the Turkish Parliament, Atatürk called the genocides a "shameful act" but did not publicly deny them at that time.
Atatürk's relations with Enver Pasha, a key perpetrator of the genocides, has also been controversial but poorly understood. While the two men may have been close at times, Atatürk held a personal dislike of Enver Pasha; he once said to a confidant that Enver Pasha was a dangerous figure who might lead the country to ruin.
The primary concern towards Atatürk was the Turkish government's involvement with and reaction to the burning of Smyrna in 1922, which saw Muslim Turkish mobs and paramilitaries openly engaged in mass murder of Greeks and Armenians and destroy the city's Greek and Armenian quarters, killing an estimated 100,000 people. Whether these atrocities, including the fire, was part of the genocides of Asia Minor's Christian minorities that the Turkish army and government carried out during WWI is unclear, responsibility remains a contentious debate and it is unclear if the Turks entered the city with these intentions. Many Turkish apologists argue that the regular Turkish Army did not play a role in these events. At the time, Atatürk was commander of the Turkish armed forces, and sent a telegram to the Minister of Foreign Affairs Yusuf Kemal that described the official version of events in the city. In the telegram, he alleged the Greek and Armenian minorities had "pre-arranged plans" to "destroy İzmir". There are allegations Atatürk chose to do little about the Greek and Armenian victims of the fires caused by Muslim rioters in order to rebuild the city as Turkish-dominated İzmir.
Although Atatürk was critical of the Armenian genocide and Kemalists had pledged to prosecute those involved with the genocide, on March 31, 1923, a general amnesty was declared for those who had been convicted of court-martial and by the municipal courts after the defeat of the Ottoman forces. Turkey also refused to deliver those involved with the crimes to the Allies, arguing that it would violate Turkish sovereignty. Some of the war criminals were also invited to the government of the new Turkish republic.
Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923)
Main article: Turkish War of Independence See also: Military career of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk § War of Independence, Amasya Circular, Erzurum Congress, Sivas Congress, Amasya Protocol, Government of the Grand National Assembly, and 1st Parliament of TurkeyOn 30 April 1919, Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari ("Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan") with the rank of Mirliva, Atatürk was assigned as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security. On 19 May 1919, he reached Samsun. His first goal was the establishment of an organized national movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he issued the Amasya Circular, declaring the independence of the country was in danger. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July, and the Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest. But Kâzım Karabekir and other military commanders active in Eastern Anatolia followed Atatürk's lead and acknowledged him as their leader.
On 4 September 1919, he assembled a congress in Sivas. Those who opposed the Allies in various provinces in Turkey issued a declaration named Misak-ı Millî ("National Pact"). Atatürk was appointed as the head of the executive committee of the Congress, which gave him the legitimacy he needed for his future politics.
The last election to the Ottoman parliament held in December 1919 gave a sweeping majority to candidates of the "Association for Defence of Rights for Anatolia and Roumelia" (Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti), headed by Atatürk, who himself remained in Angora, now known as Ankara. The fourth (and last) term of the parliament opened in Constantinople on 12 January 1920. It was dissolved by British forces on 18 March 1920, shortly after it adopted the Misak-ı Millî ("National Pact"). Atatürk called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament seated in Angora. – the "Grand National Assembly" (GNA). On 23 April 1920, the GNA opened with Atatürk as the speaker; this act effectively created the situation of diarchy in the country. In May 1920, the power struggle between the two governments led to a death sentence in absentia for Atatürk by the Turkish courts-martial. Halide Edib (Adıvar) and Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) were also sentenced to death alongside Atatürk.
On 10 August 1920, the Ottoman Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha signed the Treaty of Sèvres, finalizing plans for the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, including the regions that Turkish nationals viewed as their heartland. Atatürk insisted on the country's complete independence and the safeguarding of interests of the Turkish majority on "Turkish soil". He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The GNA army faced the Caliphate army propped up by the Allied occupation forces and had the immediate task of fighting the Armenian forces in the Eastern Front and the Greek forces advancing eastward from Smyrna (today known as İzmir) that they had occupied in May 1919, on the Western Front.
The GNA military successes against the Democratic Republic of Armenia in the autumn of 1920 and later against the Greeks were made possible by a steady supply of gold and armaments to the Kemalists from the Russian Bolshevik government from the autumn of 1920 onwards.
After a series of battles during the Greco-Turkish War, the Greek army advanced as far as the Sakarya River, just eighty kilometers west of Ankara. On 5 August 1921, Atatürk was promoted to commander in chief of the forces by the GNA. The ensuing Battle of the Sakarya was fought from 23 August–13 September 1921 and ended with the defeat of the Greeks. After this victory, Atatürk was given the rank of Mareşal and the title of Gazi by the Grand National Assembly on 19 September 1921. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Atatürk's successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Treaty of Sèvres as a peace settlement on Angora, but the proposal was rejected. In August 1922, Atatürk launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at Afyonkarahisar in the Battle of Dumlupınar, and Turkish forces regained control of İzmir on 9 September 1922. On 10 September 1922, Atatürk sent a telegram to the League of Nations stating that the Turkish population was so worked up that the Ankara Government would not be responsible for the ensuing massacres.
Establishment of the Republic of Turkey
See also: Treaty of Lausanne (1923)The Conference of Lausanne began on 21 November 1922. Turkey, represented by İsmet İnönü of the GNA, refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty, such as the control of Turkish finances, the Capitulations, the Straits and other issues. Although the conference paused on 4 February, it continued after 23 April mainly focusing on the economic issues. On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed by the Powers with the GNA, thus recognising the latter as the government of Turkey.
On 29 October 1923, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed. Since then, Republic Day has been celebrated as a national holiday on that date.
Presidency
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With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, efforts to modernise the country started. The new government analyzed the institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, and Switzerland and adapted them to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Atatürk's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of the first caliphs." Atatürk placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kâzım Özalp, and İsmet İnönü in political positions where they could institute his reforms. He capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting political, economic, and social reforms. In doing so, he transformed Turkish society from perceiving itself as a Muslim part of a vast Empire into a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state. This had a positive influence on human capital because from then on, what mattered at school was science and education; Islam was concentrated in mosques and religious places.
Domestic policies
Atatürk's driving goal was the complete independence of the country. He clarified his position:
...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence.
He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economic aspects, establishing the new Republic's backbone of legislative, judicial, and economic structures. Though he was later idealized by some as an originator of sweeping reforms, many of his reformist ideas were already common in Ottoman intellectual circles at the turn of the 20th century and were expressed more openly after the Young Turk Revolution.
Atatürk created a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule. Each change was symbolized as an arrow in this banner. This defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey is referred to as the "Six Arrows", or Kemalism. Kemalism is based on Atatürk's conception of realism and pragmatism. The fundamentals of nationalism, populism, and statism were all defined under the Six Arrows. These fundamentals were not new in world politics or, indeed, among the elite of Turkey. What made them unique was that these interrelated fundamentals were explicitly formulated for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism; the Kemalist secular state significantly differed from predominantly Christian states.
Emergence of the state, 1923–1924
Atatürk's private journal entries dated before the establishment of the republic in 1923 show that he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people. In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Constantinople and its Ottoman heritage. For instance, they made Ankara (as Angora has been known in English since 1930), the country's new capital and reformed the Turkish postal service. Once a provincial town deep in Anatolia, the city was thus turned into the center of the independence movement. Atatürk wanted a "direct government by the Assembly" and visualized a representative democracy, parliamentary sovereignty, where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.
In the following years, he altered his stance somewhat; the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in such an environment. The revolutionaries faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of newer ideologies such as communism and fascism. Atatürk saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both. He prevented the spread into Turkey of the totalitarian party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany, and Italy. Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition; others believed it was necessary to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing to the instability of new ideologies and competing factions. Under Atatürk, the arrest process known as the 1927 Detentions (1927 Tevkifatı) was launched, and a widespread arrest policy was put in place against the Communist Party of Turkey members. Communist political figures such as Hikmet Kıvılcımlı, Nâzım Hikmet, and Şefik Hüsnü were tried and sentenced to prison terms. Then, in 1937, a delegation headed by Atatürk decided to censor the writings of Kıvılcımlı as harmful communist propaganda.
The heart of the new republic was the GNA, established during the Turkish War of Independence by Atatürk. The elections were free and used an egalitarian electoral system that was based on a general ballot. Deputies at the GNA served as the voice of Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. It had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. Initially, it also acted as a legislative power, controlling the executive branch and, if necessary, served as an organ of scrutiny under the Turkish Constitution of 1921. The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. Atatürk, then the President, occupied a dominant position in this political system.
The one-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the "People's Party", founded by Atatürk on 9 September 1923. (But according to the party culture the foundation date was the opening day of Sivas Congress on 4 September 1919). On 10 November 1924, it was renamed Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası or Republican People's Party (the word fırka was replaced by the word parti in 1935).
Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925
The abolition of the caliphate and other cultural reforms were met with fierce opposition. The conservative elements were not appreciative, and they launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists. This was an important dimension in Atatürk's drive to reform the political system and to promote national sovereignty. By the consensus of the Muslim majority in early centuries, the caliphate was the core political concept of Sunni Islam. Abolishing the sultanate was easier because the survival of the caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a split system with the new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side, and Atatürk and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph." Caliph Abdülmecid II was elected after the abolition of the sultanate (1922).
The caliph had his own personal treasury and also had a personal service that included military personnel; Atatürk said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this. He believed that Caliph Abdülmecid II was following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting of and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations. He wanted to integrate the powers of the caliphate into the powers of the GNA. His initial activities began on 1 January 1924, when İnönü, Çakmak, and Özalp consented to the abolition of the caliphate. The caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs. On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Atatürk said:
The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past.
On 3 March 1924, the caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. Other Muslim nations debated the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the caliphate as they decided whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new caliph. A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.
Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus. Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence. Meanwhile, Atatürk and the reformists continued their own way.
On 8 April 1924, sharia courts were abolished with the law "Mehakim-i Şer'iyenin İlgasına ve Mehakim Teşkilatına Ait Ahkamı Muaddil Kanun".
Educational reform
The removal of the caliphate was followed by an extensive effort to establish the separation of governmental and religious affairs. Education was the cornerstone in this effort. In 1923, there were three main educational groups of institutions. The most common institutions were medreses based on Arabic, the Qur'an, and memorization. The second type of institution was idadî and sultanî, the reformist schools of the Tanzimat era. The last group included colleges and minority schools in foreign languages that used the latest teaching models in educating pupils. The old medrese education was modernized. Atatürk changed the classical Islamic education for a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions. He linked educational reform to the liberation of the nation from dogma, which he believed was more important than the Turkish War of Independence. He declared:
Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."
In the summer of 1924, Atatürk invited American educational reformer John Dewey to Ankara to advise him on how to reform Turkish education. His public education reforms aimed to prepare citizens for roles in public life through increasing public literacy. He wanted to institute compulsory primary education for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the republic. He pointed out that one of the main targets of education in Turkey had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the "public culture". The state schools established a common curriculum which became known as the "unification of education".
Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the Law on Unification of Education (No. 430). With the new law, education became inclusive, organized on a model of the civil community. In this new design, all schools submitted their curriculum to the "Ministry of National Education", a government agency modeled after other countries' ministries of education. Concurrently, the republic abolished the two ministries and made clergy subordinate to the department of religious affairs, one of the foundations of secularism in Turkey. The unification of education under one curriculum ended "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire", but was not the end of religious schools in Turkey; they were moved to higher education until later governments restored them to their former position in secondary after Atatürk's death.
Western attire
Beginning in the fall of 1925, Atatürk encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire. He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud II. The fez was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of the Ottoman Empire's modernization effort. The Hat Law of 1925 introduced the use of Western-style hats instead of the fez. Atatürk first made the hat compulsory for civil servants. The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees were passed during his lifetime; many civil servants adopted the hat willingly. In 1925, Atatürk wore a Panama hat during a public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear modern Western suits with neckties as well as Fedora and Derby-style hats instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934.
Even though he personally promoted modern dress for women, Atatürk never made specific reference to women's clothing in the law, as he believed that women would adapt to the new clothing styles of their own free will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil, who covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern Western clothes. But it was Atatürk's adopted daughters, Sabiha Gökçen and Afet İnan, who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: "The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty ... This simple style is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."
Religious insignia
On 30 August 1925, Atatürk's view on religious insignia used outside places of worship was introduced in his Kastamonu speech. This speech also had another position. He said:
In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey's civilized community of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges and admit that their disciplines have grown up.
On 2 September, the government issued a decree closing down all Sufi orders, the tekkes and other religious ideological lodges. Atatürk ordered the dervish lodges to be converted to museums, such as Mevlana Museum in Konya. The institutional expression of religious ideologies became illegal in Turkey; a politically neutral form of any religious ideology, functioning as social associations, was permitted to exist.
Opposition to Atatürk in 1924–1927
In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table, Sheikh Said began to organize the Sheikh Said Rebellion. Sheikh Said was a wealthy Kurdish tribal chief of a local Naqshbandi order in Diyarbakır. He emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Sheikh stirred up his followers against the policies of the government, which he considered anti-Islamic. In an effort to restore Islamic law, Sheik's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of Elazığ and Diyarbakır. Members of the government saw the Sheikh Said Rebellion as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. With the support of Atatürk, the acting prime minister Ali Fethi (Okyar) was replaced with İsmet Pasha (İnönü), who on 3 March 1925 ordered the invocation of the "Law for the Maintenance of Order" in order to deal with the rebellion. It gave the government exceptional powers and included the authority to shut down subversive groups. The law was repealed in March 1927.
There were also parliamentarians in the GNA who were not happy with these changes. So many members were denounced as opposition sympathizers at a private meeting of the Republican People's Party (CHP) that Atatürk expressed his fear of being among the minority in his own party. He decided not to purge this group. After a censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group, Kâzım Karabekir, along with his friends, established such a group on 17 October 1924. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Atatürk. On 8 November, the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent. The CHP held all but one seat in the parliament. After the majority of the CHP chose him, Atatürk said, "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress".
On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) with 29 deputies and the first multi-party system began. Some of Atatürk's closest associates who had supported him in the early days of the War of Independence such as Rauf Bey (later Rauf Orbay), Refet Pasha, and Ali Fuat Pasha (later Ali Fuat Cebesoy) were among the members of the new party. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the statism of the CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of the CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism. The PRP was not against Atatürk's main positions as declared in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civil law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49). These principles were set by the leaders at the onset. The only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.
During 1926, a plot to assassinate Atatürk was uncovered in Smyrna (İzmir). It originated with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate. What originally was an inquiry into the planners shifted to a sweeping investigation. Ostensibly, its aims were to uncover subversive activities, but in truth, the investigation was used to undermine those disagreeing with Atatürk's cultural reforms. The investigation brought a number of political activists before the tribunal, including Karabekir, the leader of the PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, including Mehmet Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and İsmail Canbulat, were found guilty of treason and hanged. Because the investigation found a link between the members of the PRP and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, the PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition was broken; this action was to be the only broad political purge during Atatürk's presidency. Atatürk's statement, "My mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever," was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.
Modernization efforts, 1926–1930
In the years following 1926, Atatürk introduced a radical departure from previous reformations established by the Ottoman Empire. For the first time in history, Islamic law was separated from secular law and restricted to matters of religion. He stated:
We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us.
On 1 March 1926, the Turkish penal code, modelled after the Italian penal code, was passed. On 4 October 1926, Islamic courts were closed. Establishing the civic law needed time, so Atatürk delayed the inclusion of the principle of laïcité (the constitutional principle of secularism in France) until 5 February 1937.
In keeping with the Islamic practice of sex segregation, Ottoman practice discouraged social interaction between men and women. Atatürk began developing social reforms to address this issue very early, as was evident in his personal journal. He and his staff discussed issues such as abolishing the veiling of women and integrating women into the outside world. His plans to surmount the task were written in his journal in November 1915:
The social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection.
Atatürk needed a new civil code to establish his second major step of giving freedom to women. The first part was the education of girls, a feat established with the unification of education. On 4 October 1926, the new Turkish civil code, modelled after the Swiss Civil Code, was passed. Under the new code, women gained equality with men in such matters as inheritance and divorce, since Atatürk did not consider gender a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with men and women united. He believed that it was scientifically impossible for Turkey to achieve progress and become civilized if Ottoman gender separation persisted. During a meeting he declaimed:
To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.
Additionally, the Kemalist one-party period of Turkey's labor participation rate was as high as 70%. The participation rate continued to decline after the democratization of Turkey due to the backlash of conservative norms in Turkish society.
In 1927, the State Art and Sculpture Museum (Ankara Resim ve Heykel Müzesi) opened its doors. The museum highlighted sculpture, which was rarely practised in Turkey due to the Islamic tradition of avoiding idolatry. Atatürk believed that "culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic," and described modern Turkey's ideological thrust as "a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal." He included both his own nation's creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization. The pre-Islamic culture of the Turks became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was placed on the widespread Turkish culture before the Seljuk and Ottoman civilizations. He instigated study of Anatolian civilizations – Phrygians, Lydians, Sumerians, and Hittites. To attract public attention to past cultures, he personally named the banks "Sümerbank" (1932) after the Sumerians and "Etibank" (1935) after the Hittites. He also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity.
At the time, the republic used the Ottoman Turkish language written in the Arabic script with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary. However, as little as 10% of the population was literate. Furthermore, the American reformer John Dewey, invited by Atatürk to assist in educational reform, found that learning how to read and write Turkish in the traditional Arabic script took roughly three years. In the spring of 1928, Atatürk met in Ankara with several linguists and professors from all over Turkey to unveil his plan to implement a new alphabet for the written Turkish language, based on a modified Latin alphabet. The new Turkish alphabet would serve as a replacement for the old Arabic script and a solution to the literacy problem, since the new alphabet did not retain the complexities of the Arabic script and could be learned within a few months. When Atatürk asked the language experts how long it would take to implement the new alphabet into the Turkish language, most of the professors and linguists said between three and five years. Atatürk was said to have scoffed and openly stated, "We shall do it in three to five months".
Over the next several months, Atatürk pressed for the introduction of the new Turkish alphabet and made public announcements of the upcoming overhaul. The creation of the alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Dil Encümeni) with the initiative of Atatürk. On 1 November 1928, he introduced the new Turkish alphabet and abolished the use of the Arabic script. The first Turkish newspaper using the new alphabet was published on 15 December 1928. Atatürk himself travelled the countryside in order to teach citizens the new alphabet. After vigorous campaigns, the literacy rate more than doubled from 10.6% in 1927 to 22.4% in 1940. To supplement the literacy reform, a number of congresses were organized on scientific issues, education, history, economics, arts and language. Libraries were systematically developed, and mobile libraries and book transport systems were set up to serve remote districts. Literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new law on copyrights.
Atatürk promoted modern teaching methods at the primary education level, and Dewey proved integral to the effort. Dewey presented a paradigmatic set of recommendations designed for developing societies moving towards modernity in his "Report and Recommendation for the Turkish educational system". He was interested in adult education with the goal of forming a skill base in the country. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making, and household management but also skills necessary for joining the economy outside the home. Atatürk's unified education program became a state-supervised system, which was designed to create a skill base for the social and economic progress of the country by educating responsible citizens as well as useful and appreciated members of society. In addition, Turkish education became an integrative system, aimed to alleviate poverty and used female education to establish gender equality. Atatürk himself put special emphasis on the education of girls and supported coeducation, introducing it at university level in 1923–24 and establishing it as the norm throughout the educational system by 1927. Atatürk's reforms on education made it significantly more accessible: between 1923 and 1938, the number of students attending primary schools increased by 224% (from 342,000 to 765,000), the number of students attending middle schools increased by 12.5 times (from around 6,000 to 74,000), and the number of students attending high schools increased by almost 17 times (from 1,200 to 21,000).
Atatürk generated media attention to propagate modern education during this period. He instigated official education meetings called "Science Boards" and "Education Summits" to discuss the quality of education, training issues, and certain basic educational principles. He said, "our should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve." He was personally engaged with the development of two textbooks. The first one, Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (Civic knowledge for the citizens, 1930), introduced the science of comparative government and explained the means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to the new state institutions. The second, Geometri (Geometry, 1937), was a text for high schools and introduced many of the terms currently used in Turkey to describe geometry.
Opposition to Atatürk in 1930–1931
On 11 August 1930, Atatürk decided to try a multiparty movement once again and asked Fethi Okyar to establish a new party. Atatürk insisted on the protection of secular reforms. The brand-new Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. However, without the establishment of a real political spectrum, the party became the center to opposition of Atatürk's reforms, particularly in regard to the role of religion in public life. On 23 December 1930, a chain of violent incidents occurred, instigated by the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in Menemen, a small town in the Aegean Region. The Menemen Incident came to be considered a serious threat against secular reforms.
In November 1930, Ali Fethi Okyar dissolved his own party. A more lasting multi-party period of the Republic of Turkey began in 1945. In 1950, the CHP ceded the majority position to the Democratic Party. This came amidst arguments that Atatürk's single-party rule did not promote direct democracy. The reason experiments with pluralism failed during this period was that not all groups in the country had agreed to a minimal consensus regarding shared values (mainly secularism) and shared rules for conflict resolution. In response to such criticisms, Atatürk's biographer Andrew Mango writes: "between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and better-educated societies. Atatürk's enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More could not have been expected in his lifetime." Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his actions, Atatürk always supported the idea of building a civil society: a system of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions as opposed to the force-backed structures of the state. In one of his many speeches about the importance of democracy, Atatürk said in 1933:
Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year. It should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes.
Modernization efforts, 1931–1938
In 1931, Atatürk established the Turkish Language Association (Türk Dil Kurumu) for conducting research works in the Turkish language. The Turkish Historical Society (Türk Tarih Kurumu) was established in 1931, and began maintaining archives in 1932 for conducting research works on the history of Turkey. On 1 January 1928, he established the Turkish Education Association, which supported intelligent and hard-working children in financial need, as well as material and scientific contributions to the educational life. In 1933, Atatürk ordered the reorganization of Istanbul University into a modern institution and later established Ankara University in the capital city.
Atatürk dealt with the translation of scientific terminology into Turkish. He wanted the Turkish language reform to be methodologically based. Any attempt to "cleanse" the Turkish language of foreign influence without modelling the integral structure of the language was inherently wrong to him. He personally oversaw the development of the Sun Language Theory (Güneş Dil Teorisi), which was a linguistic theory which proposed that all human languages were descendants of one Central Asian primal language. His ideas could be traced to the work by the French scientist Hilaire de Barenton titled L'Origine des Langues, des Religions et des Peuples, which postulates that all languages originated from hieroglyphs and cuneiform used by Sumerians, and the paper by Austrian linguist Hermann F. Kvergić of Vienna titled "La psychologie de quelques éléments des langues Turques" ("the psychology of some elements of the Turkic Languages"). Atatürk formally introduced the Sun Language Theory into Turkish political and educational circles in 1935, although he did later correct the more extremist practices.
Saffet Arıkan, a politician who was the head of the Turkish Language Association, said "Ulu Önderimiz Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal" ("Our Great Leader Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal") in the opening speech of the 2nd Language Day on 26 September 1934. Later, the surname "Atatürk" ("father of the Turks") was accepted as the surname of Mustafa Kemal after the adoption of the Surname Law in 1934.
Beginning in 1932, several hundred "People's Houses" (Halkevleri) and "People's Rooms" (Halkodaları) across the country allowed greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other cultural events. Atatürk supported and encouraged the visual and the plastic arts, which had been suppressed by Ottoman leaders, who regarded depiction of the human form as idolatry. Many museums opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and classical Western music, opera, ballet, and theatre took greater hold in the country. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and the film industry began to grow.
Almost all Qur'ans in Turkey before the 1930s were printed in Old Arabic. However, in 1924, three Turkish translations of the Qur'an were published in Istanbul, and several renderings of the Qur'an in the Turkish language were read in front of the public, creating significant controversy. These Turkish Qur'ans were fiercely opposed by members of the religious community, and the incident impelled many leading Muslim modernists to call upon the Turkish Parliament to sponsor a Qur'an translation of suitable quality. With the support of Atatürk, the Parliament approved the project and the Directorate of Religious Affairs appointed Mehmet Akif (Ersoy) to compose a Qur'an translation, and the Islamic scholar Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır to author a Turkish language Qur'anic commentary (tafsir) titled Hak Dini Kur'an Dili (The Qur'an: the Tongue of the Religion of Truth). However, it was only in 1935 that the version of Yazır's work read in public found its way to print. In 1932, Atatürk justified the translation of the Qur'an by stating how he wanted to "teach religion in Turkish to Turkish people who had been practising Islam without understanding it for centuries." Atatürk believed that the understanding of religion and its texts was too important to be left to a small group of people. Thus, his objective was to make the Qur'an accessible to a broader demographic by translating it into modern languages.
In 1934, Atatürk commissioned the first Turkish operatic work, Özsoy. The opera, staged at the People's House in Ankara, was composed by Adnan Saygun and performed by soprano Semiha Berksoy.
On 5 December 1934, Turkey moved to grant full political rights to women. The equal rights of women in marriage had already been established in the earlier Turkish civil code. The role of women in Atatürk's cultural reforms was expressed in the civic book prepared under his supervision. In it, he stated:
There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. ...Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that, because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform.
The 1935 general elections yielded 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives, compared to nine out of 615 members in the British House of Commons and six out of 435 in the US House of Representatives inaugurated that year.
Unification and nationalisation efforts
When the modern Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923, nationalism and secularism were two of the founding principles. Atatürk aimed to create a nation state (ulus devlet) from the Turkish remnants of the Ottoman Empire. Kemalism defines the "Turkish People" as "those who protect and promote the moral, spiritual, cultural and humanistic values of the Turkish Nation." One of the goals of the establishment of the new Turkish state was to ensure "the domination of Turkish national identity in every aspect of social life from the language that people speak in the streets to the language to be taught at schools, from the education to the industrial life, from the trade to the cadres of state officials, from the civil law to the settlement of citizens to particular regions." The process of unification through Turkification continued and was fostered under Atatürk's government with such policies as Citizen speak Turkish! (Vatandaş Türkçe konuş!), an initiative created in the 1930s by law students but sponsored by the government. This campaign aimed to put pressure on non-Turkish speakers to speak Turkish in public. However, the campaign went beyond the measures of a mere policy of speaking Turkish to an outright prevention of any other language.
Another example of nationalisation was the Surname Law, which obligated the Turkish people to adopt fixed, hereditary surnames and forbade names that contained connotations of foreign cultures, nations, tribes, and religions. As a result, many ethnic Armenians, Greeks, and Kurds changed their surnames. Non-Turkish surnames ending with "yan, of, ef, viç, is, dis, poulos, aki, zade, shvili, madumu, veled, bin" could not be registered and were replaced by "-oğlu". Furthermore, the geographical name changes initiative by the Turkish government replaced non-Turkish geographical and topographic names within the Turkish Republic with Turkish names. The main proponent of the initiative had been a Turkish homogenization social-engineering campaign which aimed to assimilate geographical or topographical names that were deemed foreign and divisive against Turkish unity. The names that were considered foreign were usually of Armenian, Greek, Laz, Bulgarian, Kurdish, Assyrian, or Arabic origin.
The 1934 Resettlement Law was a policy adopted by the Turkish government which set forth the basic principles of immigration. The law, however, is regarded by some as a policy of assimilation of non-Turkish minorities through a forced and collective resettlement.
Social policy reforms and economic progress
Atatürk was also credited for his transformational change in Turkish agriculture and ecological development. The Kemalist government planted four million trees, modernized the Turkish agricultural mechanism, implemented flood controls, opened schools in rural areas with rural institutions such as agricultural banks, and implemented land reform that removed heavy taxes on peasants of the Ottoman era. He was described as the "Father of Turkish Agriculture". Atatürk also massively boomed the Turkish economy with heavy industrial production increased by 150% and GDP per capita rose from 800 USD to around 2000 USD by late 1930s, on par with Japan.
Atatürk's regime also passed the 1936 Labor Law, which gave substantial wage increases and improved the working conditions of workers in Turkish enterprises.
Foreign policies
Atatürk's foreign policy followed his motto "Peace at home, peace in the world", a perception of peace linked to his project of civilization and modernization. The outcomes of Atatürk's policies depended on the power of the parliamentary sovereignty established by the Republic. The Turkish War of Independence was the last time Atatürk used his military might in dealing with other countries. Foreign issues were resolved by peaceful methods during his presidency.
Issue of Mosul
See also: Mosul QuestionThe Issue of Mosul, a dispute with the United Kingdom over control of Mosul Vilayet, was one of the first foreign affairs-related controversies of the new Republic. During the Mesopotamian campaign, Lieutenant General William Marshall followed the British War Office's instruction that "every effort was to be made to score as heavily as possible on the Tigris before the whistle blew", capturing Mosul three days after the signature of the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918). In 1920, the Misak-ı Milli, which consolidated the "Turkish lands", declared that Mosul Vilayet was a part of the historic Turkish heartland. The British were in a precarious situation with the Issue of Mosul and were adopting almost equally desperate measures to protect their interests. For example, the Iraqi revolt against the British was suppressed by the RAF Iraq Command during the summer of 1920. From the British perspective, if Atatürk stabilized Turkey, he would then turn his attention to Mosul and penetrate Mesopotamia, where the native population would likely join his cause. Such an event would result in an insurgent and hostile Muslim nation in close proximity to British territory in India.
In 1923, Atatürk tried to persuade the GNA that accepting the arbitration of the League of Nations at the Treaty of Lausanne did not signify relinquishing Mosul, but rather waiting for a time when Turkey might be stronger. Nevertheless, the artificially drawn border had an unsettling effect on the population on both sides. Later, it was claimed that Turkey began where the oil ends, as the border was drawn by the British geophysicists based on locations of oil reserves. Atatürk did not want this separation. To address Atatürk's concerns, the British Foreign Secretary George Curzon attempted to disclaim the existence of oil in the Mosul area. On 23 January 1923, Curzon argued that the existence of oil was no more than hypothetical. However, according to the biographer H. C. Armstrong, "England wanted Mosul and its oil. The Kurds were the key to Mosul and the oil of Irak."
While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee were sent to the region to oversee the situation in 1924, the Sheikh Said rebellion (1924–1927) set out to establish a new government positioned to cut Turkey's link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebels and Britain was investigated. In fact, British assistance was sought after the rebels decided that the rebellion could not stand by itself.
In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the northern frontier (present-day northern Iraq), the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold the British Mandate of Mesopotamia. By the end of March 1925, the necessary troop movements were completed, and the whole area of the Sheikh Said rebellion was encircled. As a result of these manoeuvres, the revolt was put down. Britain, Iraq, and Atatürk made a treaty on 5 June 1926, which mostly followed the decisions of the League Council. The agreement left a large section of the Kurdish population and the Iraqi Turkmen on the non-Turkish side of the border.
Relations with the Russian SFSR/Soviet Union
See also: Russia–Turkey relations § Turkey and the Soviet UnionIn his 26 April 1920 message to Vladimir Lenin, the Bolshevik leader and head of the Russian SFSR's government Atatürk promised to coordinate his military operations with the Bolsheviks' "fight against imperialist governments" and requested 5 million lira in gold as well as armaments "as first aid" to his forces. In 1920 alone, the Lenin government supplied the Kemalists with 6,000 rifles, over 5 million rifle cartridges, 17,600 projectiles as well as 200.6 kg of gold bullion. In the subsequent two years, the amount of aid increased.
In March 1921, the GNA representatives in Moscow signed the Treaty of Moscow ("Friendship and Brotherhood" Treaty) with Soviet Russia, which was a major diplomatic breakthrough for the Kemalists. The Treaty of Moscow, followed by the identical Treaty of Kars in October the same year, gave Turkey a favourable settlement of its north-eastern frontier at the expense of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, then nominally an independent state.
Relations between the two countries were friendly but were based on the fact that they were against a common enemy: Britain and the West. In 1920, Atatürk toyed with the idea of using a state-controlled Turkish Communist Party to forestall the perceived spread of communist ideas in the country and gain access to the Comintern's financing.
Despite his relations with the Soviet Union, Atatürk was not willing to commit Turkey to communism. "Friendship with Russia," he said, "is not to adopt their ideology of communism for Turkey." Moreover, Atatürk declared, "Communism is a social issue. Social conditions, religion, and national traditions of our country confirm the opinion that Russian Communism is not applicable in Turkey." And in a speech on 1 November 1924, he said, "Our amicable relations with our old friend the Soviet Russian Republic are developing and progressing every day. As in past our Republican Government regards genuine and extensive good relations with Soviet Russia as the keystone of our foreign policy."
After the Turks withdrew their delegation from Geneva on 16 December 1925, they left the League of Nations Council to grant a mandate for the Mosul region to Britain without their consent. Atatürk countered by concluding a non-aggression pact with the USSR on 17 December. In 1935, the pact was prolonged for another 10 years.
In 1933, the Soviet Defence Minister Kliment Voroshilov visited Turkey and attended the tenth year celebrations of the Republic. Atatürk explained his position regarding the realization of his plan for a Balkan Federation economically uniting Turkey, Greece, Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.
During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to establish a closer relationship with Britain and other major Western powers, which caused displeasure on the part of the Soviets. The second edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Volume 20, 1953) was unequivocally critical of Atatürk's policies in the last years of his rule, calling his domestic policies "anti-popular" and his foreign course as aimed at rapprochement with the "imperialist powers".
Turkish-Greek alliance
The post-war leader of Greece, Eleftherios Venizelos, was also determined to establish normal relations between his country and Turkey. The war had devastated Western Anatolia, and the financial burden of Ottoman Muslim refugees from Greece blocked rapprochement. Venizelos moved forward with an agreement with Turkey, despite accusations of conceding too much on the issues of naval armaments and the properties of Ottoman Greeks from Turkey. In spite of Turkish animosity against the Greeks, Atatürk resisted the pressures of historic enmities and was sensitive towards past tensions; at one point, he ordered the removal of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet into a Greek soldier by stating, "What a revolting scene!"
Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory, and the two sides concluded an agreement on 30 April 1930. On 25 October, Venizelos visited Turkey and signed a treaty of friendship. Venizelos even forwarded Atatürk's name for the 1934 Nobel Peace Prize. Even after Venizelos' fall from power, Greco-Turkish relations remained cordial. Indeed, Venizelos' successor Panagis Tsaldaris came to visit Atatürk in September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement called the Entente Cordiale between Greece and Turkey, which was a stepping stone for the Balkan Pact.
Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas once stated, with regard to Atatürk, that "...Greece, which has the highest estimation of the renowned leader, heroic soldier, and enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and peaceful cooperation. He developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the noble Turkish nation."
Neighbours to the east
From 1919, Afghanistan was in the midst of a reformation period under Amanullah Khan. Afghan Foreign Minister Mahmud Tarzi was a follower of Atatürk's domestic policy. Tarzi encouraged Amanullah Khan in social and political reform but urged that reforms should built on a strong government. During the late 1920s, Anglo-Afghan relations soured over British fears of an Afghan-Soviet friendship. On 20 May 1928, Anglo-Afghan politics gained a positive perspective, when Amanullah Khan and his wife, Queen Soraya Tarzi, were received by Atatürk in Istanbul. This meeting was followed by a Turkey-Afghanistan Friendship and Cooperation pact on 22 May 1928. Atatürk supported Afghanistan's integration into international organizations. In 1934, Afghanistan's relations with the international community improved significantly when it joined the League of Nations. Mahmud Tarzi received Atatürk's personal support until he died on 22 November 1933 in Istanbul.
Atatürk and Reza Shah, leader of Iran, had a common approach regarding British imperialism and its influence in their countries, resulting in a slow but continuous rapprochement between Ankara and Tehran. Both governments sent diplomatic missions and messages of friendship to each other during the Turkish War of Independence. The policy of the Ankara government in this period was to give moral support in order to reassure Iranian independence and territorial integrity. The relations between the two countries were strained after the abolishment of the Caliphate. Iran's Shi'a clergy did not accept Atatürk's stance, and Iranian religious power centres perceived the real motive behind Atatürk's reforms was to undermine the power of the clergy. By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah's efforts had upset the clergy throughout Iran, thus widening the gap between religion and government. As Russia and Great Britain strengthened their holds in the Middle East, Atatürk feared the occupation and dismemberment of Iran as a multi-ethnic society by these European powers. Like Atatürk, Reza Shah wanted to secure Iran's borders, and in 1934, the Shah visited Atatürk.
In 1935, the draft of what would become the Treaty of Saadabad was paragraphed in Geneva, but its signing was delayed due to the border dispute between Iran and Iraq. On 8 July 1937, Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan signed the Saadabad Pact at Tehran. The signatories agreed to preserve their common frontiers, to consult together in all matters of common interest, and to commit no aggression against one another's territory. The treaty united the Afghan King Zahir Shah's call for greater Oriental-Middle Eastern cooperation, Reza Shah's goal in securing relations with Turkey that would help free Iran from Soviet and British influence, and Atatürk's foreign policy of ensuring stability in the region. The treaty's immediate outcome, however, was deterring Italian leader Mussolini from interfering in the Middle East.
Turkish Straits
On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne included the Lausanne Straits Agreement. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the Dardanelles should remain open to all commercial vessels: seizure of foreign military vessels was subject to certain limitations during peacetime, and, even as a neutral state, Turkey could not limit any military passage during wartime. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the waterway was to be demilitarised and its management left to the Straits Commission. The demilitarised zone heavily restricted Turkey's domination and sovereignty over the Straits, and the defence of Istanbul was impossible without sovereignty over the water that passed through it.
In March 1936, Hitler's reoccupation of the Rhineland gave Atatürk the opportunity to resume full control over the Straits. "The situation in Europe", Atatürk declared "is highly appropriate for such a move. We shall certainly achieve it". Tevfik Rüştü Aras, Turkey's foreign minister, initiated a move to revise the Straits' regime. Aras claimed that he was directed by Atatürk, rather than the Prime Minister, İsmet İnönü. İnönü was worried about harming relations with Britain, France, and Balkan neighbors over the Straits. However, the signatories of the Treaty of Lausanne agreed to join the conference, since unlimited military passage had become unfavourable to Turkey with the changes in world politics. Atatürk demanded that the members of the Turkish Foreign Office devise a solution that would transfer full control of the waterway to Turkey.
On 20 July 1936, the Montreux Convention was signed by Bulgaria, Great Britain, Australia, France, Japan, Romania, the Soviet Union, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Greece. It became the primary instrument governing the passage of commercial and war vessels through the Dardanelles Strait. The agreement was ratified by the GNAT on 31 July 1936 and went into effect on 9 November 1936.
Balkan Pact
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Until the early 1930s, Turkey followed a neutral foreign policy with the West by developing joint friendship and neutrality agreements. These bilateral agreements aligned with Atatürk's worldview. By the end of 1925, Turkey had signed fifteen joint agreements with Western states.
In the early 1930s, changes and developments in world politics required Turkey to make multilateral agreements to improve its security. Atatürk strongly believed that close cooperation between the Balkan states based on the principle of equality would have an important effect on European politics. These states had been ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries and had proved to be a powerful force. While the origins of the Balkan agreement may date as far back as 1925, the Balkan Pact came into being in the mid-1930s. Several important developments in Europe helped the original idea materialise, such as improvements in the Turkish-Greek alliance and the rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The most important factor in driving Turkish foreign policy from the mid-1930s onwards was the fear of Italy. Benito Mussolini had frequently proclaimed his intention to place the entire Mediterranean under Italian control. Both the Turks and the various Balkan states felt threatened by Italian ambitions.
The Balkan Pact was negotiated by Atatürk with Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia. This mutual-defence agreement intended to guarantee the signatories' territorial integrity and political independence against attack from another Balkan state such as Bulgaria or Albania. It countered the increasingly aggressive foreign policy of fascist Italy and the effect of a potential Bulgarian alignment with Nazi Germany. Atatürk thought of the Balkan Pact as a medium of balance in Turkey's relations with the European countries. He was particularly anxious to establish a region of security and alliances to the west of Turkey in Europe, which the Balkan Pact helped achieve.
The Balkan Pact provided for regular military and diplomatic consultations. The importance of the agreement is best seen in a message Atatürk sent to the Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas:
The borders of the allies in the Balkan Pact are a single border. Those who covet this border will encounter the burning beams of the sun. I recommend avoiding this. The forces that defend our borders are a single and inseparable force.
The Balkan Pact was signed by the GNA on 28 February. The Greek and Yugoslav Parliaments ratified the agreement a few days later. The unanimously ratified Balkan pact was formally adopted on 18 May 1935 and lasted until 1940.
The Balkan Pact turned out to be ineffective for reasons that were beyond Atatürk's control. The pact failed when Bulgaria attempted to raise the Dobruja issue, only to end with the Italian invasion of Albania on 7 April 1939. These conflicts spread rapidly, eventually triggering World War II. The goal of Atatürk to protect southeast Europe failed with the dissolution of the pact. In 1938, the Turkish Army at peacetime strength consisted of 174,000 soldiers and 20,000 officers forming 11 army corps, 23 divisions, one armoured brigade, 3 cavalry brigades, and 7 frontier commands.
Issue of Hatay
During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to form a closer relationship with Britain. The risks of this policy change put the two men at odds. The Hatay issue and the Lyon agreement were two important developments in foreign policy that played a significant role in severing relations between Atatürk and İnönü.
In 1936, Atatürk raised the "Issue of Hatay" at the League of Nations. Hatay was based on the old administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire called the Sanjak of Alexandretta. On behalf of the League of Nations, the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Turkey prepared a constitution for Hatay, which established it as an autonomous sanjak within Syria. Despite some inter-ethnic violence, an election was conducted in 1938 by the local legislative assembly. The cities of Antakya (Antioch) and İskenderun (Alexandretta) joined Turkey in 1939.
Economic policies
For conceptual analysis, see Atatürk's reforms § Economic reforms.Atatürk instigated economic policies to develop small and large scale businesses, but also to create social strata (i.e. industrial bourgeoisie coexisting with the peasantry of Anatolia) that were virtually non-existent during the Ottoman Empire. The primary problem faced by the politics of his period was the lag in the development of political institutions and social classes which would steer such social and economic changes. Atatürk's vision regarding early Turkish economic policy was apparent during the İzmir Economic Congress of 1923. The initial choices of Atatürk's economic policies reflected the realities of his time. After World War I, due to the lack of any real potential investors to fund private sector industry, Atatürk established many state-owned factories for agriculture, machinery, and textile industries.
State intervention, 1923–1929
Atatürk and İsmet İnönü's pursuit of state-controlled economic policies was guided by a national vision; their goal was to knit the country together, eliminate foreign control of the economy, and improve communications within Turkey. Resources were channeled away from Istanbul, a trading port with international foreign enterprises, in favor of other, less developed cities in order to achieve a more balanced economic development throughout the country.
For Atatürk and his supporters, tobacco remained wedded to his pursuit of economic independence. Turkish tobacco was an important industrial crop, but its cultivation and manufacture had been under French monopolies granted by capitulations of the Ottoman Empire. The tobacco and cigarette trade was controlled by two French companies: the Regie Company and Narquileh Tobacco. The Ottoman Empire had given the tobacco monopoly to the Ottoman Bank as a limited company under the Council of the Public Debt. Regie, as part of the council, had control over tobacco production, storage, and distribution (including export) with unchallenged price control. Consequently, Turkish farmers were dependent on the company for their livelihoods. In 1925, Regie was taken over by the state and named Tekel. Government control of tobacco was one of the greatest achievements of the Kemalist political machinery's "nationalization" of the economy for a country that did not produce oil. Kemalists accompanied this achievement with the development of the country's cotton industry, which peaked during the early 1930s. Cotton was the second most important industrial crop in Turkey at the time.
In 1924, with the initiative of Atatürk, the first Turkish bank İş Bankası was established, with Atatürk as the bank's first member. The bank's creation was a response to the growing need for a truly national establishment and a banking system which was capable of backing up economic activities, managing funds accumulated through policies of savings incentives, and offering resources where necessary to trigger industrial impetus.
In 1927, Turkish State Railways was established. Because Atatürk considered the development of a national rail network as another important step in industrialisation, railways were given high priority. The Turkish State Railway developed an extensive railway network in a very short time.
The Turkish government under Atatürk developed many economic and infrastructure projects within the first decade of the republic. However, the Turkish economy was still largely agrarian, with primitive tools and methods. Roads and transportation facilities were still far from sufficient, and management of the economy was inefficient. The Great Depression brought many changes to this picture.
Great Depression, 1929–1931
The young republic, like the rest of the world, found itself in a deep economic crisis during the Great Depression. Atatürk reacted to conditions of this period by moving toward integrated economic policies and establishing a central bank to control exchange rates. However, Turkey could not finance essential imports; its currency was shunned, and zealous revenue officials seized the meagre possessions of peasants who could not pay their taxes.
In 1929, Atatürk signed a treaty that resulted in the restructuring of Turkey's debt with the Ottoman Public Debt Administration. At the time, Atatürk not only had to deal with the payment of the Ottoman public debt but also the turbulent economic issues of the Great Depression. For example, until the early 1930s, Turkish private business could not acquire exchange credits. It was impossible to integrate the Turkish economy without a solution to these problems.
In 1931, the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey was established. The bank's primary purpose was to control the exchange rate and Ottoman Bank's role during its initial years as a central bank was phased out. Later specialized banks such as the Sümerbank (1932) and the Etibank (1935) were founded.
From the political economy perspective, Atatürk faced the problem of political upheaval. The establishment of a new party with a different economic perspective was necessary; he asked Ali Fethi Okyar to meet this end. The Liberal Republican Party (August 1930) was founded with a liberal program and proposed that state monopolies should be ended, foreign capital should be attracted, and state investment should be curtailed. Nevertheless, Atatürk maintained the view that "it is impossible to attract foreign capital for essential development," and state capitalism became the dominant agenda during the depression era. In 1931, Atatürk proclaimed: "In the economic area ...the programme of the party is statism." However, the effect of free republicans was felt strongly and state intervention became more moderate and more akin to a form of state capitalism. One of Atatürk's radical left-wing supporters, Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu from the Kadro (The Cadre) movement, claimed that Atatürk found a third way between capitalism and socialism.
Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939
The first (1929–1933) and second five-year economic plans were enacted under the supervision of Atatürk. The first five-year economic plan promoted consumer substitution industries. However, these economic plans changed drastically with the death of Atatürk and the rise of World War II. Subsequent governments took measures that harmed the economic productivity of Turkey in various ways. The achievements of the 1930s were credited to early 1920s implementations of the economic system based on Atatürk's national policies.
In 1931, Atatürk watched the development of the first national aircraft, MMV-1. He realised the important role of aviation and stated, "the future lies in the skies". The Turkish Aeronautical Association was founded on 16 February 1925 by his directive. He also ordered the establishment of the Turkish Aircraft Association Lottery. Instead of the traditional raffle prizes, this new lottery paid money prizes. Most of the lottery income was used to establish a new factory and fund aviation projects. However, Atatürk did not live to see the flight of the first Turkish military aircraft built at that factory. Operational American Curtiss Hawk fighters were being produced in Turkey soon after his death and before the onset of World War II.
In 1932, liberal economist Celâl Bayar became the Minister of Economy at Atatürk's request and served until 1937. During this period, the country moved toward a mixed economy with its first private initiatives. Textile, sugar, paper, and steel factories (financed by a loan from Britain) were the private sectors of the period. Besides these businesses, government-owned power plants, banks, and insurance companies were established. In this period, Atatürk promoted public-private sector cooperation and the expansion of private businesses with private shareholders firms allowed to purchase shares in state-owned enterprises.
In 1935, the first Turkish cotton print factory "Nazilli Calico print factory" opened. As part of the industrialization process, cotton planting was promoted to furnish raw material for future factory settlements. By 1935, Nazilli became a major industrial center beginning with the establishment of cotton mills followed by a calico print factory.
In 1936, Turkish industrialist Nuri Demirağ established the first Turkish aircraft factory in the Beşiktaş district of Istanbul. The first Turkish airplanes, Nu D.36 and Nu D.38, were produced in this factory.
On 25 October 1937, Atatürk appointed Celâl Bayar as the prime minister of the 9th government. Integrated economic policies reached their peak with the signing of the 1939 Treaty with Britain and France. The treaty signaled a turning point in Turkish history since it was the first step towards an alliance with the West. After İsmet İnönü became president in 1938, the differences between İnönü (who promoted state control) and Bayar (who was liberal) came to the forefront. On 25 January 1939, Prime Minister Bayar resigned.
Atatürk also supported the establishment of the automobile industry. The Turkish Automobile Association was founded in 1923, and its motto was: "The Turkish driver is a man of the most exquisite sensitivities."
In 1935, Turkey was becoming an industrial society based on the Western European model set by Atatürk. However, the gap between Atatürk's goals and the achievements of the socio-political structure of the country had not yet been closed.
Personal life
Main article: Personal life of Mustafa Kemal AtatürkAtatürk's name is associated with four women: Eleni Karinte, Fikriye Hanım, Dimitrina Kovacheva, and Latife Uşaki. After the Turkish army entered İzmir in 1922, Atatürk met Latife while staying at the house of her father, the shipping magnate Muammer Uşakizade (later Uşaklı). Latife fell in love with Atatürk; again the extent to which this was reciprocated is unknown, but Atatürk was impressed by Latife's intellect: she was a graduate of the Sorbonne and was studying English in London when the war broke out. On 29 January 1923, they were married. Latife was jealous of Fikriye and demanded that she leave the house in Çankaya; Fikriye was devastated and immediately left in a carriage. According to official accounts, she shot herself with a pistol Atatürk had given her as a present.
The triangle of Atatürk, Fikriye, and Latife became the subject of a manuscript by Atatürk's close friend, Salih Bozok, though the work remained unpublished until 2005. Latife was briefly and literally the face of the new Turkish woman, appearing in public in Western clothing with her husband. However, their marriage was not happy; after frequent arguments, the two were divorced on 5 August 1925.
During his lifetime, Atatürk adopted thirteen children: a boy and twelve girls. Of these, the most famous is Sabiha Gökçen, Turkey's first female pilot and the world's first female fighter pilot.
Atatürk's religious beliefs became a subject of debate. Some researchers have emphasized that his discourses about religion are periodic and that his positive views related to this subject are limited in the early 1920s. Some Turkish sources claim he was a devout Muslim. However, according to other sources, Atatürk himself was an agnostic, i.e. non-doctrinaire deist, or even an atheist, who was antireligious and anti-Islamic in general.
Illness and death
See also: Death and state funeral of Mustafa Kemal AtatürkThroughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes. During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace.
Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège. Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.
In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children. The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.
Legacy
Turkey
Further information: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's cult of personalityKemal Atatürk is commemorated by many memorials throughout Turkey, such as the Atatürk International Airport in Istanbul, the Atatürk Bridge over the Golden Horn (Haliç), the Atatürk Dam, and Atatürk Stadium. Atatürk statues have been erected in all Turkish cities by the Turkish Government, and most towns have their own memorial to him. His face and name are seen and heard everywhere in Turkey; his portrait can be seen in public buildings, in schools, on all Turkish lira banknotes, and in the homes of many Turkish families. At 9:05 am on every 10 November, at the exact time of Atatürk's death, most vehicles and people in the country's streets pause for one minute in remembrance.
In 1951, the Democrat Party-controlled Turkish parliament led by Prime Minister Adnan Menderes (despite being the conservative opposition to Atatürk's own Republican People's Party) issued a law (Law on Crimes Committed Against Atatürk) outlawing insults to his memory (hatırasına alenen hakaret) and destruction of objects representing him. The demarcation between a criticism and an insult was defined as a political argument, and the Minister of Justice (a political position) was assigned in Article 5 to execute the law rather than the public prosecutor. A government website was created to denounce websites that violate this law.
In 2010, the French-based NGO Reporters Without Borders objected to the Turkish laws protecting the memory of Atatürk, arguing that they contradict the current European Union standards of freedom of speech in news media.
Worldwide
John F. Kennedy's speech concerning Atatürk November 1963Problems playing this file? See media help.
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial. The Atatürk Monument in Mexico City on Paseo de la Reforma; the Atatürk Monument in Baku, Azerbaijan; the Atatürk Monument in Almaty, Kazakhstan; the Atatürk Memorial in Wellington, New Zealand (which also serves as a memorial to the ANZAC troops who died at Gallipoli); the Atatürk Memorial in the place of honour on Anzac Parade in Canberra, Australia; and squares called the Plaza Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Santiago, Chile and the Largo Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Rome, Italy are a few examples of Atatürk memorials outside Turkey. He has roads named after him in several countries, such as the Kemal Atatürk Marg in New Delhi, India; the Kemal Atatürk Avenues in Dhaka and Chittagong in Bangladesh; the Atatürk Avenue in the heart of Islamabad, Pakistan; the Atatürk Road in the southern city of Larkana in Sindh, Pakistan; Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Street in Tunis, Tunisia; Mustafá Kemal Atatürk Street in the Naco district of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic; and the street and memorial Atatürk in the Amsterdam-Noord borough of Amsterdam, Netherlands. In addition, the entrance to Princess Royal Harbour in Albany, Western Australia is named Atatürk Channel. There are many statues and streets named after Atatürk in Northern Cyprus.
Despite his radical secular reforms, Atatürk remained broadly popular in the Muslim world. He is remembered for being the creator of a new, fully independent Muslim country at a time of encroachment by Christian powers, and for having prevailed in a struggle against Western imperialism. When he died, the All-India Muslim League eulogised him as a "truly great personality in the Islamic world, a great general, and a great statesman", declaring that his memory would "inspire Muslims all over the world with courage, perseverance, and manliness".
The range of Atatürk's admirers extends from the British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, his opponent in World War I, to the German Nazi leader and dictator Adolf Hitler, who called Atatürk a "star in the darkness". Some presidents of the United States, including Franklin D. Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy, also respected Atatürk. President Kennedy paid tribute to Atatürk in 1963 on the 25th anniversary of his death.
As a role model that encouraged national sovereignty, Atatürk was especially revered in countries of the so-called Third World, which saw him as the pioneer of independence from colonial powers. The leaders of such countries included Atatürk's Iranian contemporary Reza Shah Pahlavi, the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, the Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba, and the Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. The Pakistani poet and philosopher Muhammad Iqbal and the Bangladeshi national poet Kazi Nazrul Islam wrote poems in his honor.
The Twelfth International Women Conference was held in Istanbul, Turkey on 18 April 1935, and Egyptian nationalist-feminist Huda Sha'arawi was elected by the conference as the vice-president of the International Women's Union. Huda considered Atatürk as a role model for her actions and wrote in her memoirs:
After the Istanbul conference ended, we received an invitation to attend the celebration held by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the liberator of modern Turkey ... and I said: If the Turks considered you the worthiness of their father and they called you Atatürk, I say that this is not enough, but you are for us "Atasharq" . Its meaning did not come from any female head of delegation, and thanked me very much for the great influence, and then I begged him to present us with a picture of his Excellency for publication in the journal L'Égyptienne.
In the epilogue of Grey Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator, first published in 1932 and the first biography of Atatürk published in his lifetime, H. C. Armstrong wrote these words:
He is a man born out of due season, an anachronism, a throw-back to the Tartars of the Steppes, a fierce elemental force of a man. Had he been born in the centuries when all Central Asia was on the move he would have ridden out with Sulyman Shah under the banner of the Grey Wolf, and with the heart and instincts of a Grey Wolf. With his military genius, and his ruthless determination unweakened by sentiments, loyalties or moralities, he might well have been a Tamerlane or a Jenghis Khan riding at the head of great hordes of wild horsemen, conquering countries, devouring and destroying cities, and filling in the intervals of peace between campaigns with wild and hideous orgies of wine and women.
However, Atatürk's acclaim is not universal. As the leader of the national movement of 1919–1923, Atatürk was described by the Allies and Istanbul journalist Ali Kemal (who believed the liberation efforts would fail and cause a more severe punishment by the Allies) as a "bandit chief". Lord Balfour in this context called him the "most terrible of all the terrible Turks".
Works
- Cumalı Ordugâhı - Süvâri: Bölük, Alay, Liva Tâlim ve Manevraları , Thessaloniki, 1909.
- Ta’biye ve Tatbîkat Seyahati , Selanik Askeri Matbaası, 1911.
- Ta’biye Mes’elesinin Halli ve Emirlerin Sûret-i Tahrîrine Dâir Nasâyih , Edirne Sanayi Mektebi Matbaası, 1916.
- Taʼlîm ve Terbiye-i Askeriyye Hakkında Nokta-i Nazarlar , Edirne Sanayi Mektebi Matbaası, 1916.
- Zâbit ve Kumandan ile Hasb-ı Hâl , Minber Matbaası, 1918.
- Nutuk , Turkish Aeronautical Association, Ankara, 1927.
- Vatandaş için Medeni Bilgiler , Milliyet Matbaası, İstanbul, 1930.
- Geometri , 1937.
Translations
- Takımın Muharebe Tâlimi , Selanik Asır Matbaası, Thessaloniki, 1908. (From German)
- Bölüğün Muharebe Tâlimi , 1912. (From German)
Awards and decorations
Main article: List of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's awardsHe received awards and decorations before, during, and after World War I.
Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey
- Ottoman Empire: Fifth Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Abdul Hamid II (25 December 1906)
- Ottoman Empire: Silver Imtiyaz Medal awarded by Mehmed V (30 April 1915)
- Ottoman Empire: Silver Liakat Medal awarded by Mehmed V (1 September 1915)
- Ottoman Empire: Golden Liakat Medal awarded by Mehmed V (17 January 1916)
- Ottoman Empire: Second Class Knight Order of Osmanieh awarded by Mehmed V (1 February 1916)
- Ottoman Empire: Second Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Mehmed V (12 December 1916)
- Ottoman Empire: Golden Imtiyaz Medal awarded by Mehmed V (23 September 1917)
- Ottoman Empire: First Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Mehmed V (16 December 1917)
- Ottoman Empire: Gallipoli Star awarded by Mehmed VI (11 May 1918)
- Turkey: Medal of Independence awarded by Grand National Assembly of Turkey (21 November 1923)
- Turkey: Murassa Order awarded by Turkish Aeronautical Association (20 May 1925)
Foreign honours
- Kingdom of Bulgaria: Commander Grand Cross Order of Saint Alexander awarded by Ferdinand I (1915)
- German Empire: Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II (1915)
- Austria-Hungary: Military Merit Medal (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Franz Joseph I (1916)
- Austria-Hungary: 2nd Class Military Merit Cross (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Charles I (1916)
- Austria-Hungary: 3rd Class Military Merit Cross (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Franz Joseph I (27 July 1916)
- German Empire: 1st Class Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II (1917)
- German Empire: 2nd Class Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II (9 September 1917)
- Kingdom of Prussia: 1st Class Order of the Crown Prussia awarded by Wilhelm II (1918)
- Kingdom of Afghanistan: Alüyülala Order of Kingdom of Afghanistan awarded by Amānullāh Khān (27 March 1923)
See also
- Atatürk Forest Farm and Zoo
- European interwar dictatorships
- İleri
- Kemalist historiography
- Law on Crimes Committed Against Atatürk
- List of covers of Time magazine (1920s) – 24 March 1923 and 21 February 1927
- Sun Language Theory
- Timeline of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
- Turkish History Thesis
- Turkish War of Independence
- Kemalism
Notes
- Mustafa, son of Ali Rıza
- /ˈmʊstəfə kəˌmɑːl ˈætətɜːrk/ MUUSS-tə-fə kə-MAHL AT-ə-turk; Turkish: [mʊs'tafɑ ce'mɑʎ̟ ɑtɑ'tyrc].
After the Surname Law of 1934, he first appeared as Kemal Atatürk and then as Kamâl Atatürk on his identity documents. See name section - Ottoman Turkish: مصطفی كمال پاشا; Turkish: Mustafa Kemal Paşa; in this Ottoman Turkish style name, the given name is Mustafa Kemal, the title is Pasha, and there is no family name.
- Ottoman Turkish: غازی مصطفی كمال; Turkish: Gazi Mustafa Kemal; in this Ottoman Turkish style name, the given name is Mustafa Kemal, the title is Ghazi, and there is no family name.
- His birthday is unknown. 19 May–the day he landed to Samsun in 1919 to start the nationalist resistance–is considered his symbolic birthday. It was also claimed that he was born in 1880. See Personal life of Atatürk § Birth date
References
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24 Kasım 1934'te Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi 2587 sayılı kanunla Gazi Mustafa Kemal'e Atatürk soyadını verdi.
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the Surname Law was meant to foster a sense of Turkishness within society and prohibited surnames that were related to foreign ethnicities and nations
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His mother, Subeida, was the daughter of a small tenant of a farm in Southern Albania. According to such reliable evidence as I was able to collect, this blonde-haired, blue-eyed, robust woman was an Albanian whose mother, in turn, was a Macedonian. Mustapha Kemal with his blue eyes and blond hair resembled his...
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İsmet Paşa "kurumlaşma" ile neyi kastettiğini de şöyle anlattı:
Biz Cumhuriyeti kurduğumuz zaman onu yaşatıp yaşatamayacağımız en büyük sorun idi. Çünkü Saltanatın ve Hilafetin lağvına karşı olanların sayısı çoktu ve hedefleri de Cumhuriyetti. Cumhuriyetin 10 yaşına bastığını görmek o yüzden önemliydi. Nitekim büyük Atatürk'ün emriyle 10'uncu yıl kutlamaları çok büyük bir bayram oldu. Biz de Cumhuriyetin ve devletin kurumlaştığını göstermeye bundan sonra hep itina ettik... - M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (2011). Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography. Princeton University Press. p. 158. ISBN 978-1-4008-3817-2. Archived from the original on 1 August 2023. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
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- Barber, Noel (1988). Lords of the Golden Horn. London: Arrow. ISBN 978-0-09-953950-6.
- Barlas, Dilek (1998). Statism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939. New York: Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 978-90-04-10855-4.
- Cleveland, William L (2004). A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-4048-7.
- Crease, Robert P. (2019). "Kemal Atatürk: Science and Patriotism". The workshop and the world: what ten thinkers can teach us about science and authority. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., Inc. pp. 189–204. ISBN 978-0-393-29243-5. OCLC 1037807472.
- Doğan, Çağatay Emre (2003). Formation of Factory Settlements Within Turkish Industrialization and Modernization in 1930s: Nazilli Printing Factory (in Turkish). Ankara: Middle East Technical University. OCLC 54431696.
- Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2011). Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography. New Jersey and Woodstock (Oxfordshire): Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-15109-0.
- Huntington, Samuel P. (2006). Political Order in Changing Societies. New Haven, Conn.; London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-11620-5.
- İğdemir, Uluğ; Mango, Andrew (translation) (1963). Atatürk. Ankara: Turkish National Commission for UNESCO. pp. 165–170. OCLC 75604149.
- İnan, Ayşe Afet (2007). Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler (in Turkish). Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları. ISBN 978-9944-88-140-1.
- İnan, Ayşe Afet; Sevim, Ali; Süslü, Azmi; Tural, M Akif (1998). Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk'ün el Yazıları (in Turkish). Ankara: AKDTYK Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi. ISBN 978-975-16-1276-2.
- Kinross, Patrick (2003). Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation. London: Phoenix Press. ISBN 978-1-84212-599-1. OCLC 55516821.
- Kinross, Patrick (1979). The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire. New York: Morrow. ISBN 978-0-688-08093-8.
- Landau, Jacob M (1983). Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-86531-986-8.
- Lengyel, Emil (1962). They Called Him Atatürk. New York: The John Day Co. OCLC 1337444.
- Mango, Andrew (2002) . Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey (Paperback ed.). Woodstock, NY: Overlook Press, Peter Mayer Publishers, Inc. ISBN 978-1-58567-334-6.
- Mango, Andrew (2004). Atatürk. London: John Murray. ISBN 978-0-7195-6592-2.
- Saikal, Amin; Schnabel, Albrecht (2003). Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges. Tokyo: United Nations University Press. ISBN 978-92-808-1085-1.
- Shaw, Stanford Jay; Shaw, Ezel Kural (1976–1977). History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-21280-9.
- Spangnolo, John (1992). The Modern Middle East in Historical Perspective: Essays in Honour of Albert Hourani. Oxford: Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College. ISBN 978-0-86372-164-9. OCLC 80503960.
- Tunçay, Mete (1972). Mesaî : Halk Şûrâlar Fırkası Programı, 1920 (in Turkish). Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi. OCLC 1926301.
- Tüfekçi, Gürbüz D (1981). Universality of Atatürk's Philosophy. Ankara: Pan Matbaacılık. OCLC 54074541.
- Yapp, Malcolm (1987). The Making of the Modern Near East, 1792–1923. London; New York: Longman. ISBN 978-0-582-49380-3.
- Webster, Donald Everett (1973). The Turkey of Atatürk; Social Process in the Turkish Reformation. New York: AMS Press. ISBN 978-0-404-56333-2.
- Zürcher, Erik Jan (2004). Turkey: A Modern History. London; New York: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-85043-399-6.
- Journals
- Eastham, J. K. (March 1964). "The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years". The Economic Journal. 74 (298): 132–136. doi:10.2307/2228117. ISSN 0013-0133. JSTOR 2228117.
- Emrence, Cem (2003). "Turkey in Economic Crisis (1927–1930): A Panoramic Vision". Middle Eastern Studies. 39 (4): 67–80. doi:10.1080/00263200412331301787. ISSN 0026-3206. S2CID 144066199.
- Omur, Aslı (December 2002). "Modernity and Islam: Experiences of Turkish Women". Turkish Times. 13 (312). ISSN 1043-0164. Archived from the original on 7 October 2007. Retrieved 10 October 2007.
- Özelli, M. Tunç (January 1974). "The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 5 (1): 77–92. doi:10.1017/s0020743800032803. ISSN 0020-7438. JSTOR 162345. S2CID 154739517.
- Stone, Norman (2000). "Talking Turkey". The National Interest. 61: 66. ISSN 0884-9382.
- Volkan, Vamık D. (1981). "Immortal Atatürk – Narcissism and Creativity in a Revolutionary Leader". Psychoanalytic Study of Society. 9: 221–255. ISSN 0079-7294. OCLC 60448681.
- Wolf-Gazo, Ernest (1996). "John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission". Journal of American Studies of Turkey. 3: 15–42. ISSN 1300-6606. Archived from the original on 27 March 2009.
- "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk". TP Editors. pp. 7–8. Archived from the original on 30 April 2008. Retrieved 29 April 2008.
- "The Burial of Atatürk". Time Magazine. 23 November 1953. pp. 37–39. Archived from the original on 14 November 2006. Retrieved 7 August 2007.
External links
- Works about Mustafa Kemal Atatürk at Open Library
- Works by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk at Open Library
- Works by or about Mustafa Kemal Atatürk at the Internet Archive
- Newspaper clippings about Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
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