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"'''On the Jewish Question'''" (]: ''"Zur ]"'') is an essay by ] written in autumn ]. It is one of Marx's first attempts to deal with categories that would later be called the ]. "'''On the Jewish Question'''" (]: ''"Zur ]"'') is an essay by ] written in autumn ]. It is one of Marx's first attempts to deal with categories that would later be called the ]. It is frequently argued that it contains manifestations of ].


==Political and human emancipation== ==Political and human emancipation==
The essay criticizes two studies on the attempt by the ]s to achieve ] in ] by another ], ]. Bauer argued that Jews can achieve political emancipation only if they relinquish their particular religious consciousness, since political emancipation requires a ], which he assumes does not leave any "space" for social identities such as ]. According to Bauer, such religious demands are incompatible with the idea of the "]." True political emancipation, for Bauer, requires the abolition of religion. The essay criticizes two studies on the attempt by the ]s to achieve ] in ] by another ], ]. Bauer argued that Jews can achieve political emancipation only if they relinquish their particular religious consciousness, since political emancipation requires a ], which he assumes does not leave any "space" for social identities such as ]. According to Bauer, such religious demands are incompatible with the idea of the "]." True political emancipation, for Bauer, requires the abolition of religion.


Marx uses Bauer's essay as an occasion for his own analysis of liberal rights. Marx argues that Bauer is mistaken in his assumption that in a "secular state" religion will no longer play a prominent role in social life, and, as an example refers to the pervasiveness of religion in the ], which, unlike Prussia, had no ]. In Marx's analysis, the "secular state" is not opposed to religion, but rather actually presupposes it. The removal of religious or property qualifications for citizens does not mean the abolition of religion or property, but only introduces a way of regarding individuals in abstraction from them.<ref>Marx 1844:<blockquote>he political annulment of private property not only fails to abolish private property but even presupposes it. The state abolishes, in its own way, distinctions of birth, social rank, education, occupation, when it declares that birth, social rank, education, occupation, are non-political distinctions, when it proclaims, without regard to these distinctions, that every member of the nation is an equal participant in national sovereignty, when it treats all elements of the real life of the nation from the standpoint of the state. Nevertheless, the state allows private property, education, occupation, to act in their way – i.e., as private property, as education, as occupation, and to exert the influence of their special nature. Far from abolishing these real distinctions, the state only exists on the presupposition of their existence; it feels itself to be a political state and asserts its universality only in opposition to these elements of its being.</blockquote></ref>
In large part, the essay argues against religion in general, not Jews in particular, but it is nonetheless full of passages that are alleged to be anti-semitic:
<blockquote><p>We recognize in Judaism, therefore, a general anti-social element of the present time, an element which through historical development – to which in this harmful respect the Jews have zealously contributed – has been brought to its present high level, at which it must necessarily begin to disintegrate.
</p><p>
In the final analysis, the emancipation of the Jews is the emancipation of mankind from Judaism.
</p><p>
The Jew has already emancipated himself in a Jewish way.
</p><blockquote><p>
“The Jew, who in Vienna, for example, is only tolerated, determines the fate of the whole Empire by his financial power. The Jew, who may have no rights in the smallest German state, decides the fate of Europe. While corporations and guilds refuse to admit Jews, or have not yet adopted a favorable attitude towards them, the audacity of industry mocks at the obstinacy of the material institutions.” (Bruno Bauer, The Jewish Question, p. 114)
</p></blockquote><p>
This is no isolated fact. The Jew has emancipated himself in a Jewish manner, not only because he has acquired financial power, but also because, through him and also apart from him, money has become a world power and the practical Jewish spirit has become the practical spirit of the Christian nations. The Jews have emancipated themselves insofar as the Christians have become Jews.
</p><p>
Captain Hamilton, for example, reports:
</p><blockquote><p>
“The devout and politically free inhabitant of New England is a kind of Laocoön who makes not the least effort to escape from the serpents which are crushing him. Mammon is his idol which he adores not only with his lips but with the whole force of his body and mind. In his view the world is no more than a Stock Exchange, and he is convinced that he has no other destiny here below than to become richer than his neighbor. Trade has seized upon all his thoughts, and he has no other recreation than to exchange objects. When he travels he carries, so to speak, his goods and his counter on his back and talks only of interest and profit. If he loses sight of his own business for an instant it is only in order to pry into the business of his competitors.”
</p></blockquote><p>
Indeed, in North America, the practical domination of Judaism over the Christian world has achieved as its unambiguous and normal expression that the preaching of the Gospel itself and the Christian ministry have become articles of trade, and the bankrupt trader deals in the Gospel just as the Gospel preacher who has become rich goes in for business deals.
</p><blockquote><p>
“The man who you see at the head of a respectable congregation began as a trader; his business having failed, he became a minister. The other began as a priest but as soon as he had some money at his disposal he left the pulpit to become a trader. In the eyes of very many people, the religious ministry is a veritable business career.” (Beaumont, op. cit., pp. 185,186.)
</p></blockquote><p>
According to Bauer, it is
<blockquote><p>“a fictitious state of affairs when in theory the Jew is deprived of political rights, whereas in practice he has immense power and exerts his political influence en gros, although it is curtailed en détail.” (Die Judenfrage, p. 114)</p></blockquote><ref>Marx 1844</ref></blockquote>
Marx uses Bauer's essay as an occasion for his own analysis of liberal rights. For Marx, it is not a question of who is to be emancipated or who is to bring it about; it is a question of the appropriate form of emancipation to be pursued. Marx argues that Bauer is mistaken in his assumption that in a "secular state" religion will no longer play a prominent role in social life, and, as an example refers to the pervasiveness of religion in the ], which, unlike Prussia, had no ]. In Marx's analysis, the "secular state" is not opposed to religion, but rather actually presupposes it, given that the Rights of Man are rights individuals possess insofar as they are viewed in abstraction from their particular identities. The removal of religious or property qualifications for citizens does not mean the abolition of religion or property, but only introduces a way of regarding individuals in abstraction from concrete particular identities that he assumes are just as illusory as religion.

:<small>he political annulment of private property not only fails to abolish private property but even presupposes it. The state abolishes, in its own way, distinctions of birth, social rank, education, occupation, when it declares that birth, social rank, education, occupation, are non-political distinctions, when it proclaims, without regard to these distinction, that every member of the nation is an equal participant in national sovereignty, when it treats all elements of the real life of the nation from the standpoint of the state. Nevertheless, the state allows private property, education, occupation, to act in their way – i.e., as private property, as education, as occupation, and to exert the influence of their special nature. Far from abolishing these real distinctions, the state only exists on the presupposition of their existence; it feels itself to be a political state and asserts its universality only in opposition to these elements of its being.</small><ref>Marx 1844</ref>
On this note Marx moves beyond the question of religious freedom to his real concern with Bauer's analysis of "political emancipation." Marx concludes that while individuals can be 'spiritually' and 'politically' free in a secular state, they can still be bound to material constraints on freedom by economic inequality, an assumption that would later form the basis of his critiques of ]. On this note Marx moves beyond the question of religious freedom to his real concern with Bauer's analysis of "political emancipation." Marx concludes that while individuals can be 'spiritually' and 'politically' free in a secular state, they can still be bound to material constraints on freedom by economic inequality, an assumption that would later form the basis of his critiques of ].

In Marx' view, Bauer fails to distinguish between political emancipation and human emancipation: as pointed out above, political emancipation in a modern state does ''not'' require the Jews (or, for that matter, the Christians) to renounce religion; only complete human emancipation would involve the disappearance of religion, but that is not yet possible, not "within the hitherto existing world order".

In the second, significantly shorter, yet most hotly debated part of the essay, Marx disputes Bauer's "theological" analysis of Judaism and its relation to Christianity. Bauer has stated that the renouncing of religion would be especially difficult for Jews, since Judaism is, in his view, a primitive stage in the development of Christianity; hence, to achieve freedom by renouncing religion, the Christians would have to surmount only one stage, whereas the Jews would need to surmount two. In response to this, Marx argues that the Jewish religion need not be attached the significance it has in Bauer's analysis, because it is only a spiritual reflection of Jewish economic life. This is the starting point of a complex and somewhat metaphorical argument which draws on the stereotype of the Jew as a financially apt "huckster" and posits a special connection between Judaism as a religion and the economy of contemporary bourgeois society. Thus, the Jewish religion not only doesn't need to disappear in that society, as Bauer argues, but is actually a natural part of it. Having thus figuratively equated "practical Judaism" and capitalism, Marx concludes that "the Christians have become Jews"; and, ultimately, it is mankind (both Christians and Jews<ref>Marx 1844:<blockquote>On the other hand, if the Jew recognizes that this practical nature of his is futile and works to abolish it, he extricates himself from his previous development and works for human emancipation as such and turns against the supreme practical expression of human self-estrangement.
</blockquote></ref>) that needs to emancipate itself from ("practical") Judaism.
<ref>Marx 1844:<blockquote>
The Jew has emancipated himself in a Jewish manner, not only because he has acquired financial power, but also because, through him and also apart from him, money has become a world power and the practical Jewish spirit has become the practical spirit of the Christian nations. The Jews have emancipated themselves insofar as the Christians have become Jews.
</blockquote>
...
<blockquote>In the final analysis, the emancipation of the Jews is the emancipation of mankind from Judaism.</blockquote></ref>
] from this part of the essay are frequently cited as proof of Marx' antisemitism. For analyses, see the ] section.


==Publications by Marx related to the essay== ==Publications by Marx related to the essay==
Line 51: Line 39:


] (1959)<ref>Isaac Deutscher: in ''American Socialist'' 1958</ref> compares Marx with ], ], ], ], ], and ], all of whom he thinks of as heretics who transcend Jewry, and yet still belong to a Jewish tradition. According to Deutscher, Marx's “idea of socialism and of the classless and stateless society” expressed in the essay is as universal as Spinoza's ethics and God. ] (1959)<ref>Isaac Deutscher: in ''American Socialist'' 1958</ref> compares Marx with ], ], ], ], ], and ], all of whom he thinks of as heretics who transcend Jewry, and yet still belong to a Jewish tradition. According to Deutscher, Marx's “idea of socialism and of the classless and stateless society” expressed in the essay is as universal as Spinoza's ethics and God.

] (1964)<ref name="avineri">{{cite journal
| last = Avineri
| first = Shlomo
| authorlink = Shlomo Avineri
| title = Marx and Jewish Emancipation
| journal = Journal of the History of Ideas
| volume = 25
| issue = 3
| pages = 445-50
| date = 1964
| url = http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-5037%28196407%2F09%2925%3A3%3C445%3AMAJE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1}}</ref>, while regarding Marx' antisemitism as a well-known fact, points out that Marx's philosophical criticism of Jewish emancipation did not lead him to reject emancipation as an immediate political goal.<ref name="avineri"/> In a letter to ], written March 1843, <ref>“(...) I have just been visited by the chief of the Jewish community here, who has asked me for a petition for the Jews to the Provincial Assembly, and I am willing to do it. However much I dislike the Jewish faith, Bauer's view seems to me too abstract. The thing is to make as many breaches as possible in the Christian state and to smuggle in as much as we can of what is rational. At least, it must be attempted--and the embitterment grows with every petition that is rejected with protestations”, ] of a from Marx to Arnold Ruge in Dresden, written: Cologne, March 13 1843 </ref> Marx
writes that he intended to support a petition of the Jews to the ]. He explains that with the fact that while he dislikes Judaism as a religion, he also remains unconvinced by Bauer's view (that the Jews shouldn't be emancipated before they abandon Judaism, see ]).


In his book ''For Marx'' (1965), ] claimes that “in ''On the Jewish Question'', '']'', etc., and even usually in '']'' (...) Marx was merely applying the theory of alienation, that is, ]’s theory of ‘human nature’, to politics and the concrete activity of man, before extending it (in large part) to political economy in the '']''”.<ref>Althusser 1965, Part One: , first published in ''La Nouvelle Critique'', December 1960.</ref> He opposes a tendency according to which “'']'' is no longer read as ''On the Jewish Question'', ''On the Jewish Question'' is read as ''Capital''”.<ref>Althusser 1965, Part Two: , first appeared in ''La Pensée'', March-April 1961</ref> For Althusser, the essay “is a profoundly ‘ideological’ text”, “committed to the struggle for Communism”, but without being Marxist; “so ''it cannot, theoretically, be identified with the later texts which were to define ]''”.<ref>Althusser 1965, Part Five: In his book ''For Marx'' (1965), ] claimes that “in ''On the Jewish Question'', '']'', etc., and even usually in '']'' (...) Marx was merely applying the theory of alienation, that is, ]’s theory of ‘human nature’, to politics and the concrete activity of man, before extending it (in large part) to political economy in the '']''”.<ref>Althusser 1965, Part One: , first published in ''La Nouvelle Critique'', December 1960.</ref> He opposes a tendency according to which “'']'' is no longer read as ''On the Jewish Question'', ''On the Jewish Question'' is read as ''Capital''”.<ref>Althusser 1965, Part Two: , first appeared in ''La Pensée'', March-April 1961</ref> For Althusser, the essay “is a profoundly ‘ideological’ text”, “committed to the struggle for Communism”, but without being Marxist; “so ''it cannot, theoretically, be identified with the later texts which were to define ]''”.<ref>Althusser 1965, Part Five:
, first appeared in La Pensée, February 1963.</ref> , first appeared in La Pensée, February 1963.</ref>

] (1970)<ref>
]: ''Marx before Marxism'' (1970), pp.141-142; cited from Draper 1977
</ref> writes:<blockquote>
''Judentum'', the German word for Judaism, had the derivative meaning of “commerce”, and it is this meaning which is uppermost in Marx’s mind throughout the article. “Judaism” has very little religious, and still less racial, content for Marx and it would be little exaggeration to say that this latter part of Marx’s review is an extended pun at Bauer’s expense.</blockquote>

] (1977)<ref>Draper 1977</ref> observed that the language of Part II of ''On the Jewish Question'' followed the view of the Jews’ role given in Jewish socialist ]' essay ''On the Money System''.


] (1978)<ref>Stephen J. Greenblatt: Marlowe, Marx, and Anti-Semitism, in: ''Critical Inquiry'', Vol. 5, No. 2 (Winter, 1978), pp. 291-307; </ref> compares the essay with ]'s play '']''. ] (1978)<ref>Stephen J. Greenblatt: Marlowe, Marx, and Anti-Semitism, in: ''Critical Inquiry'', Vol. 5, No. 2 (Winter, 1978), pp. 291-307; </ref> compares the essay with ]'s play '']''.
Line 63: Line 71:
</ref> sees Marx shifting the debate over Jewish emancipation from the theological to the sociological plane, thereby circumventing one of Bauer's main arguments. In Peleds view, this was less than a satisfactory response to Bauer, but it enabled Marx to present a case for emancipation while, at the same time, launching his critique of economic alienation. He concludes that Marx's philosophical advances were necessitated by, and integrally related to, his commitment to Jewish emancipation. </ref> sees Marx shifting the debate over Jewish emancipation from the theological to the sociological plane, thereby circumventing one of Bauer's main arguments. In Peleds view, this was less than a satisfactory response to Bauer, but it enabled Marx to present a case for emancipation while, at the same time, launching his critique of economic alienation. He concludes that Marx's philosophical advances were necessitated by, and integrally related to, his commitment to Jewish emancipation.


Political scientist ] (1996)<ref>{{Citation
For Sociologist Robert Fine (2006)<ref>Robert Fine: in: ''] Journal'' 2, May 2006 </ref> Bauer's essay “echoed the generally prejudicial representation of the Jew as ‘merchant’ and ‘moneyman’”, whereas
| last=Brown
| first=Wendy
| author-link=Wendy Brown
| year=1995
| contribution=Rights and Identity in Late Modernity: Revisiting the 'Jewish Question'
| editor-last=Sarat
| editor-first=Austin
| editor2-last=Kearns
| editor2-first=Thomas
| title=Identities, Politics, and Rights
| publisher=University of Michigan Press
| pages=85-130}}</ref> states that ''On the Jewish Question'' is primarily a critique of liberal rights, rather than a criticism of Judaism, and that apparently anti-Semitic passages should be read in that context.

For sociologist Robert Fine (2006)<ref>Robert Fine: in: ''] Journal'' 2, May 2006 </ref> Bauer's essay “echoed the generally prejudicial representation of the Jew as ‘merchant’ and ‘moneyman’”, whereas
“Marx’s aim was to defend the right of Jews to full civil and political emancipation (that is, to equal civil and political rights) alongside all other German citizens”. “Marx’s aim was to defend the right of Jews to full civil and political emancipation (that is, to equal civil and political rights) alongside all other German citizens”.
Fine argues that “(t)he line of attack Marx adopts is not to contrast Bauer’s crude stereotype of the Jews to the actual situation of Jews in Germany”, but “to reveal that Bauer has no inkling of the nature of modern democracy”. Fine argues that “(t)he line of attack Marx adopts is not to contrast Bauer’s crude stereotype of the Jews to the actual situation of Jews in Germany”, but “to reveal that Bauer has no inkling of the nature of modern democracy”.


While Sociologist Larry Ray in his reply (2006)<ref>Larry Ray: in: ''Engage Journal'' 3, September 2006 </ref> acknowledges Fine's reading of the eassy as an ironic defence of Jewish emancipation, he points out the polyvalence of Marx's language. While sociologist Larry Ray in his reply (2006)<ref>Larry Ray: in: ''Engage Journal'' 3, September 2006 </ref> acknowledges Fine's reading of the eassy as an ironic defence of Jewish emancipation, he points out the polyvalence of Marx's language.
Ray translates a sentence of ''Zur Judenfrage'' and interprets it as an assimilationist position “in which there is no room within emancipated humanity for Jews as a separate ethnic or cultural identity”, and which advocates “a society where both cultural as well as economic difference is eliminated”. Here Ray sees Marx in a “strand of left thinking that has been unable to address forms of oppression not directly linked to class”. Ray translates a sentence of ''Zur Judenfrage'' and interprets it as an assimilationist position “in which there is no room within emancipated humanity for Jews as a separate ethnic or cultural identity”, and which advocates “a society where both cultural as well as economic difference is eliminated”. Here Ray sees Marx in a “strand of left thinking that has been unable to address forms of oppression not directly linked to class”.


==Karl Marx and Judaism== ==Karl Marx and Judaism==

Outside the context of the essay, various facts have been cited to prove Marx' antisemitism.


An ] as an adult, Marx was raised as a ], his father having converted when Marx was a child in order to escape discrimination by the Prussian state. An ] as an adult, Marx was raised as a ], his father having converted when Marx was a child in order to escape discrimination by the Prussian state.
Marx himself has been accused of being an anti-Semite. Although most critical scholars today tend to reject this argument,<ref> Shamir, Illana and Shlomo Shavit (General Editors), ''Encyclopedia of Jewish History: Events and Eras of the Jewish People'', p. 118, pp. 210-216 </ref> there is a wide spectrum of opinion regarding Marx's antisemitism. In particular, ]'s landmark re-appraisal of Karl Marx's attitudes towards Jews begins with the statement, "That Karl Marx was an inveterate antisemite is today considered a commonplace which is hardly ever questioned".<ref name="avineri">{{cite journal Marx himself has been accused of being an anti-Semite. Although most critical scholars today tend to reject this argument,<ref> Shamir, Illana and Shlomo Shavit (General Editors), ''Encyclopedia of Jewish History: Events and Eras of the Jewish People'', p. 118, pp. 210-216 </ref> there is a wide spectrum of opinion regarding Marx's antisemitism. In particular, ]'s article on Karl Marx's attitudes towards Jews begins with the statement, "That Karl Marx was an inveterate antisemite is today considered a commonplace which is hardly ever questioned".<ref name="avineri">{{cite journal
| last = Avineri | last = Avineri
| first = Shlomo | first = Shlomo
Line 85: Line 109:
| url = http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-5037%28196407%2F09%2925%3A3%3C445%3AMAJE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1}}</ref> In addition, political psychologist William H. Blanchard notes in his analysis of Marx's ''On the Jewish question'' that Marx's antisemitism was "well known".<ref>W. Blanchard,Political Psychology, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Sep., 1984), pp. 365-374</ref> | url = http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-5037%28196407%2F09%2925%3A3%3C445%3AMAJE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1}}</ref> In addition, political psychologist William H. Blanchard notes in his analysis of Marx's ''On the Jewish question'' that Marx's antisemitism was "well known".<ref>W. Blanchard,Political Psychology, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Sep., 1984), pp. 365-374</ref>


==Examples of quotes cited as anti-Semitic==
Quotes from part II of ''On the Jewish Question'', which could be interpreted as antisemitic when taken out of their contexts, include:

Examples of quotes from part II of ''On the Jewish Question'', which are sometimes cited as proof of Marx' antisemitism, include:


{{cquote|The bill of exchange is the real god of the Jew. His god is only an illusory bill of exchange.}} {{cquote|The bill of exchange is the real god of the Jew. His god is only an illusory bill of exchange.}}
Line 96: Line 122:


{{cquote|What is the worldly cult of the Jew? Huckstering. What is his worldly God? Money... The social emancipation of the Jew is the emancipation of society from Judaism.}}<ref>Marx 1844</ref> {{cquote|What is the worldly cult of the Jew? Huckstering. What is his worldly God? Money... The social emancipation of the Jew is the emancipation of society from Judaism.}}<ref>Marx 1844</ref>

The language of Part II of ''On the Jewish Question'' followed the view of the Jews’ role given in ]' essay ''On the Money System''.<ref>Draper 1977</ref>

] writes:<blockquote>
''Judentum'', the German word for Judaism, had the derivative meaning of “commerce”, and it is this meaning which is uppermost in Marx’s mind throughout the article. “Judaism” has very little religious, and still less racial, content for Marx and it would be little exaggeration to say that this latter part of Marx’s review is an extended pun at Bauer’s expense. <ref>
]: ''Marx before Marxism'' (1970), pp.141-142; cited from Draper 1977
</ref></blockquote>

Others argue that ''On the Jewish Question'' is primarily a critique of liberal rights, rather than a criticism of Judaism, and that apparently anti-Semitic passages should be read in that context.<ref>{{Citation
| last=Brown
| first=Wendy
| author-link=Wendy Brown
| year=1995
| contribution=Rights and Identity in Late Modernity: Revisiting the 'Jewish Question'
| editor-last=Sarat
| editor-first=Austin
| editor2-last=Kearns
| editor2-first=Thomas
| title=Identities, Politics, and Rights
| publisher=University of Michigan Press
| pages=85-130}}</ref> With a measure of ], Marx links the emancipation of Jews to a general emancipation of society from huckstering and its conditions. Still, his focus was not on the Jewish religion, but rather on replacing “freedom to” with “freedom from”.{{Fact|date=March 2007}} Instead of men being free to practice whatever religion they choose, they should be free from religion.{{Fact|date=March 2007}}

Further, Shlomo Avinieri points out that Marx's philosophical criticism of Jewish emancipation did not lead him to reject emancipation as an immediate political goal.<ref name="avineri"/> In a letter to ], written March 1843, <ref>“(...) I have just been visited by the chief of the Jewish community here, who has asked me for a petition for the Jews to the Provincial Assembly, and I am willing to do it. However much I dislike the Jewish faith, Bauer's view seems to me too abstract. The thing is to make as many breaches as possible in the Christian state and to smuggle in as much as we can of what is rational. At least, it must be attempted--and the embitterment grows with every petition that is rejected with protestations”, ] of a from Marx to Arnold Ruge in Dresden, written: Cologne, March 13 1843 </ref> Marx
writes that he intended to support a petition of the Jews to the ]. He explains that by this step he does not support Bruno Bauer's demand at the Jews to give up their religion.


==Reference to Müntzer== ==Reference to Müntzer==

Revision as of 02:45, 25 July 2007

"On the Jewish Question" (German: "Zur Judenfrage") is an essay by Karl Marx written in autumn 1843. It is one of Marx's first attempts to deal with categories that would later be called the materialist conception of history. It is frequently argued that it contains manifestations of antisemitism.

Political and human emancipation

The essay criticizes two studies on the attempt by the Jews to achieve political emancipation in Prussia by another Young Hegelian, Bruno Bauer. Bauer argued that Jews can achieve political emancipation only if they relinquish their particular religious consciousness, since political emancipation requires a secular state, which he assumes does not leave any "space" for social identities such as religion. According to Bauer, such religious demands are incompatible with the idea of the "Rights of Man." True political emancipation, for Bauer, requires the abolition of religion.

Marx uses Bauer's essay as an occasion for his own analysis of liberal rights. Marx argues that Bauer is mistaken in his assumption that in a "secular state" religion will no longer play a prominent role in social life, and, as an example refers to the pervasiveness of religion in the United States, which, unlike Prussia, had no state religion. In Marx's analysis, the "secular state" is not opposed to religion, but rather actually presupposes it. The removal of religious or property qualifications for citizens does not mean the abolition of religion or property, but only introduces a way of regarding individuals in abstraction from them. On this note Marx moves beyond the question of religious freedom to his real concern with Bauer's analysis of "political emancipation." Marx concludes that while individuals can be 'spiritually' and 'politically' free in a secular state, they can still be bound to material constraints on freedom by economic inequality, an assumption that would later form the basis of his critiques of capitalism.

In Marx' view, Bauer fails to distinguish between political emancipation and human emancipation: as pointed out above, political emancipation in a modern state does not require the Jews (or, for that matter, the Christians) to renounce religion; only complete human emancipation would involve the disappearance of religion, but that is not yet possible, not "within the hitherto existing world order".

In the second, significantly shorter, yet most hotly debated part of the essay, Marx disputes Bauer's "theological" analysis of Judaism and its relation to Christianity. Bauer has stated that the renouncing of religion would be especially difficult for Jews, since Judaism is, in his view, a primitive stage in the development of Christianity; hence, to achieve freedom by renouncing religion, the Christians would have to surmount only one stage, whereas the Jews would need to surmount two. In response to this, Marx argues that the Jewish religion need not be attached the significance it has in Bauer's analysis, because it is only a spiritual reflection of Jewish economic life. This is the starting point of a complex and somewhat metaphorical argument which draws on the stereotype of the Jew as a financially apt "huckster" and posits a special connection between Judaism as a religion and the economy of contemporary bourgeois society. Thus, the Jewish religion not only doesn't need to disappear in that society, as Bauer argues, but is actually a natural part of it. Having thus figuratively equated "practical Judaism" and capitalism, Marx concludes that "the Christians have become Jews"; and, ultimately, it is mankind (both Christians and Jews) that needs to emancipate itself from ("practical") Judaism. Quotes from this part of the essay are frequently cited as proof of Marx' antisemitism. For analyses, see the Interpretations section.

Publications by Marx related to the essay

Zur Judenfrage was first published by Marx and Arnold Ruge in February 1844 in the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher. From December 1843 to October 1844, Bruno Bauer published the monthly Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung (General Literary Gazette) in Charlottenburg (now Berlin). In it, he responded to the critique of his own essays on the Jewish question by Marx and others. Then, in 1845, Friedrich Engels and Marx published a polemic critique of the Young Hegelians titled The Holy Family. In parts of the book, Marx again presented his views dissenting from Bauer's on the Jewish question and on political and human emancipation.

A translation of Zur Judenfrage was published together with other articles of Marx in 1959 under the title "A World Without Jews". The editor Dagobert D. Runes intended to show Marx's alleged anti-Semitism. This edition has been criticized because the reader is not told that its title is not from Marx, and for distortions in the text.

Interpretations

Abram Leon in his book The Jewish Question (published 1946) examines Jewish history from a materialist outlook. According to Leon, Marx's essay states that one “must not start with religion in order to explain Jewish history; on the contrary: the preservation of the Jewish religion or nationality can be explained only by the 'real Jew', that is to say, by the Jew in his economic and social role”.

Isaac Deutscher (1959) compares Marx with Elisha ben Abuyah, Baruch Spinoza, Heinrich Heine, Rosa Luxemburg, Leon Trotsky, and Sigmund Freud, all of whom he thinks of as heretics who transcend Jewry, and yet still belong to a Jewish tradition. According to Deutscher, Marx's “idea of socialism and of the classless and stateless society” expressed in the essay is as universal as Spinoza's ethics and God.

Shlomo Avineri (1964), while regarding Marx' antisemitism as a well-known fact, points out that Marx's philosophical criticism of Jewish emancipation did not lead him to reject emancipation as an immediate political goal. In a letter to Arnold Ruge, written March 1843, Marx writes that he intended to support a petition of the Jews to the Provincial Assembly. He explains that with the fact that while he dislikes Judaism as a religion, he also remains unconvinced by Bauer's view (that the Jews shouldn't be emancipated before they abandon Judaism, see above).

In his book For Marx (1965), Louis Althusser claimes that “in On the Jewish Question, Hegel’s Philosophy of the State, etc., and even usually in The Holy Family (...) Marx was merely applying the theory of alienation, that is, Feuerbach’s theory of ‘human nature’, to politics and the concrete activity of man, before extending it (in large part) to political economy in the Manuscripts”. He opposes a tendency according to which “Capital is no longer read as On the Jewish Question, On the Jewish Question is read as Capital”. For Althusser, the essay “is a profoundly ‘ideological’ text”, “committed to the struggle for Communism”, but without being Marxist; “so it cannot, theoretically, be identified with the later texts which were to define historical materialism”.

David McLellan (1970) writes:

Judentum, the German word for Judaism, had the derivative meaning of “commerce”, and it is this meaning which is uppermost in Marx’s mind throughout the article. “Judaism” has very little religious, and still less racial, content for Marx and it would be little exaggeration to say that this latter part of Marx’s review is an extended pun at Bauer’s expense.

Hal Draper (1977) observed that the language of Part II of On the Jewish Question followed the view of the Jews’ role given in Jewish socialist Moses Hess' essay On the Money System.

Stephen Greenblatt (1978) compares the essay with Christopher Marlowe's play The Jew of Malta. According to Greenblatt, “oth writers hope to focus attention upon activity that is seen as at once alien and yet central to the life of the community and to direct against that activity the anti-Semitic feeling of the audience”. Greenblatt is attributing Marx a “sharp, even hysterical, denial of his religious background”.

Y. Peled (1992) sees Marx shifting the debate over Jewish emancipation from the theological to the sociological plane, thereby circumventing one of Bauer's main arguments. In Peleds view, this was less than a satisfactory response to Bauer, but it enabled Marx to present a case for emancipation while, at the same time, launching his critique of economic alienation. He concludes that Marx's philosophical advances were necessitated by, and integrally related to, his commitment to Jewish emancipation.

Political scientist Wendy Brown (1996) states that On the Jewish Question is primarily a critique of liberal rights, rather than a criticism of Judaism, and that apparently anti-Semitic passages should be read in that context.

For sociologist Robert Fine (2006) Bauer's essay “echoed the generally prejudicial representation of the Jew as ‘merchant’ and ‘moneyman’”, whereas “Marx’s aim was to defend the right of Jews to full civil and political emancipation (that is, to equal civil and political rights) alongside all other German citizens”. Fine argues that “(t)he line of attack Marx adopts is not to contrast Bauer’s crude stereotype of the Jews to the actual situation of Jews in Germany”, but “to reveal that Bauer has no inkling of the nature of modern democracy”.

While sociologist Larry Ray in his reply (2006) acknowledges Fine's reading of the eassy as an ironic defence of Jewish emancipation, he points out the polyvalence of Marx's language. Ray translates a sentence of Zur Judenfrage and interprets it as an assimilationist position “in which there is no room within emancipated humanity for Jews as a separate ethnic or cultural identity”, and which advocates “a society where both cultural as well as economic difference is eliminated”. Here Ray sees Marx in a “strand of left thinking that has been unable to address forms of oppression not directly linked to class”.

Karl Marx and Judaism

Outside the context of the essay, various facts have been cited to prove Marx' antisemitism.

An atheist as an adult, Marx was raised as a Lutheran, his father having converted when Marx was a child in order to escape discrimination by the Prussian state. Marx himself has been accused of being an anti-Semite. Although most critical scholars today tend to reject this argument, there is a wide spectrum of opinion regarding Marx's antisemitism. In particular, Shlomo Avineri's article on Karl Marx's attitudes towards Jews begins with the statement, "That Karl Marx was an inveterate antisemite is today considered a commonplace which is hardly ever questioned". In addition, political psychologist William H. Blanchard notes in his analysis of Marx's On the Jewish question that Marx's antisemitism was "well known".

Examples of quotes cited as anti-Semitic

Examples of quotes from part II of On the Jewish Question, which are sometimes cited as proof of Marx' antisemitism, include:

The bill of exchange is the real god of the Jew. His god is only an illusory bill of exchange.

The Jew is perpetually created by civil society from its own entrails.

The chimerical nationality of the Jew is the nationality of the merchant, of the man of money in general.

Contempt for theory, art, history, and for man as an end in himself, which is contained in an abstract form in the Jewish religion, is the real, conscious standpoint, the virtue of the man of money.

What is the worldly cult of the Jew? Huckstering. What is his worldly God? Money... The social emancipation of the Jew is the emancipation of society from Judaism.

Reference to Müntzer

In part II of the essay, Marx refers to Thomas Müntzer:

The view of nature attained under the domination of private property and money is a real contempt for, and practical debasement of, nature; in the Jewish religion, nature exists, it is true, but it exists only in imagination.

It is in this sense that Thomas Münzer declares it intolerable

“that all creatures have been turned into property, the fishes in the water, the birds in the air, the plants on the earth; the creatures, too, must become free.”

In his Apology, in large parts an attack on Martin Luther, Müntzer says:

Look ye! Our sovereign and rulers are at the bottom of all usury, thievery, and robbery; they take all created things into possession. The fish in the water, birds in the air, the products of the soil – all must be theirs (Isaiah v.)

The appreciation of Müntzer’s position has been interpreted as a sympathetic view of Marx towards (non-human) animals.

See also

Further reading

  • Louis Althusser, For Marx, first published in 1965 as Pour Marx by François Maspero, S.A., Paris. In English in 1969 by Allen Lane, The Penguin Press
  • Andrew Vincent, "Marx and Law", Journal of Law and Society, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Winter, 1993), pp. 371-397.

References

  1. Marx 1844:

    he political annulment of private property not only fails to abolish private property but even presupposes it. The state abolishes, in its own way, distinctions of birth, social rank, education, occupation, when it declares that birth, social rank, education, occupation, are non-political distinctions, when it proclaims, without regard to these distinctions, that every member of the nation is an equal participant in national sovereignty, when it treats all elements of the real life of the nation from the standpoint of the state. Nevertheless, the state allows private property, education, occupation, to act in their way – i.e., as private property, as education, as occupation, and to exert the influence of their special nature. Far from abolishing these real distinctions, the state only exists on the presupposition of their existence; it feels itself to be a political state and asserts its universality only in opposition to these elements of its being.

  2. Marx 1844:

    On the other hand, if the Jew recognizes that this practical nature of his is futile and works to abolish it, he extricates himself from his previous development and works for human emancipation as such and turns against the supreme practical expression of human self-estrangement.

  3. Marx 1844:

    The Jew has emancipated himself in a Jewish manner, not only because he has acquired financial power, but also because, through him and also apart from him, money has become a world power and the practical Jewish spirit has become the practical spirit of the Christian nations. The Jews have emancipated themselves insofar as the Christians have become Jews.

    ...

    In the final analysis, the emancipation of the Jews is the emancipation of mankind from Judaism.

  4. Engels, Marx: The Holy Family 1845, Chapter VI, The Jewish Question No. 1, No. 2, No. 3
  5. A World Without Jews, review in: The Western Socialist, Vol. 27 - No. 212, No. 1, 1960, pages 5-7
  6. Marx and Anti-Semitism, discussion in: The Western Socialist, Vol. 27 - No. 214, No. 3, 1960, pages 11, 19-21
  7. Draper 1977, Note 1
  8. Leon 1950, Chapter One, Premises
  9. Isaac Deutscher: Message of the Non-Jewish Jew in American Socialist 1958
  10. ^ Avineri, Shlomo (1964). "Marx and Jewish Emancipation". Journal of the History of Ideas. 25 (3): 445–50.
  11. “(...) I have just been visited by the chief of the Jewish community here, who has asked me for a petition for the Jews to the Provincial Assembly, and I am willing to do it. However much I dislike the Jewish faith, Bauer's view seems to me too abstract. The thing is to make as many breaches as possible in the Christian state and to smuggle in as much as we can of what is rational. At least, it must be attempted--and the embitterment grows with every petition that is rejected with protestations”, postscript of a Letter from Marx to Arnold Ruge in Dresden, written: Cologne, March 13 1843
  12. Althusser 1965, Part One: Feuerbach’s ‘Philosophical Manifestoes’, first published in La Nouvelle Critique, December 1960.
  13. Althusser 1965, Part Two: On the Young Marx: Theoretical Questions, first appeared in La Pensée, March-April 1961
  14. Althusser 1965, Part Five: ‘The 1844 Manuscripts’, first appeared in La Pensée, February 1963.
  15. David McLellan: Marx before Marxism (1970), pp.141-142; cited from Draper 1977
  16. Draper 1977
  17. Stephen J. Greenblatt: Marlowe, Marx, and Anti-Semitism, in: Critical Inquiry, Vol. 5, No. 2 (Winter, 1978), pp. 291-307; Excerpt
  18. Y. Peled: From theology to sociology: Bruno Bauer and Karl Marx on the question of Jewish emancipation, in: History of Political Thought, Volume 13, Number 3, 1992, pp. 463-485(23); Abstract
  19. Brown, Wendy (1995), "Rights and Identity in Late Modernity: Revisiting the 'Jewish Question'", in Sarat, Austin; Kearns, Thomas (eds.), Identities, Politics, and Rights, University of Michigan Press, pp. 85–130
  20. Robert Fine: Karl Marx and the Radical Critique of Anti-Semitism in: Engage Journal 2, May 2006
  21. Larry Ray: Marx and the Radical Critique of difference in: Engage Journal 3, September 2006
  22. Shamir, Illana and Shlomo Shavit (General Editors), Encyclopedia of Jewish History: Events and Eras of the Jewish People, p. 118, pp. 210-216
  23. W. Blanchard,Political Psychology, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Sep., 1984), pp. 365-374
  24. Marx 1844
  25. Marx 1844
  26. Thomas Müntzer: Hoch verursachte Schutzrede, or Apology, 1524, Alstedter, English translation cited from Karl Kautsky: Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation, 1897, Chapter 4, VIII. Münzer’s Preparations for the Insurrection
  27. In Lawrence Wilde: ‘The creatures,too,must become free’: Marx and the Animal/Human Distinctionin: Capital & Class 72, Autumn 2000

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