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With their highly original blend of Latin-infused rock, jazz, blues, salsa, and African rhythms, the band (which quickly became known simply as Santana) gained an immediate following on the San Francisco club scene. The band's early success, capped off by a memorable performance at Woodstock in 1969, led to a recording contract with ], then run by ]. With their highly original blend of Latin-infused rock, jazz, blues, salsa, and African rhythms, the band (which quickly became known simply as Santana) gained an immediate following on the San Francisco club scene. The band's early success, capped off by a memorable performance at Woodstock in 1969, led to a recording contract with ], then run by ].

* Nearly three months after President Obama approved a $787 billion economic stimulus package, intended to create or save jobs, the federal government has paid out less than 6 percent of the money, largely in the form of social service payments to states. May 13, 2009


* Akron, Ohio, has prompted a sometimes emotional conversation about suicide, government spending and the city's image with a plan to use more than a million dollars of federal stimulus money to build a fence on a bridge to deter people from jumping to their deaths. May 6, 2009


* Florida lawmakers have refused to move a bill to expand unemployment eligibility in order to accept $444 million in federal stimulus aid. April 28, 2009


* The federal stimulus money President Obama has sent coursing through the economy offers a chance to begin addressing deeply rooted problems in cities like Anderson, Ind, a once-proud automaking center that is a study in deindustrialization. April 27, 2009


* President Obama wants to restore the superfund tax, which once collected hundreds of millions of dollars a year from chemical and oil companies. Until then, financing for work at the nation's nearly 1,600 Superfund sites will come from taxpayers in the form of E.P.A. appropriations or stimulus money. April 26, 2009

Overview

Economic stimulus refers to the use of fiscal policy -- government spending or tax measures -- to support or revive an economy in recession. In February 2008, as signs of a slowdown emerged, Congress passed a $168 billion package of tax cuts and rebates. Later in the year, after Wall Street crumbled and economic activity contracted sharply, Democrats called for a far larger stimulus, and after his election as president, Barack Obama declared that what he preferred to call a "recovery" package would be his top priority.

On Jan. 28, 2009, the House of Representatives passed an $819 billion stimulus plan by a vote of 244 to 188. The measure passed without a single Republican vote in favor. Intensive negotiations in the Senate led three moderate Republicans to lend their support to an $838 billion version of the bill, getting Democrats over the 60-vote hurdle needed to prevent a filibuster. Final passage of the Senate measure on Feb. 10 by a 61 to 37 vote was followed by a whirlwind round of negotiations with the House that produced agreement the next day on a $789 billion final version of the bill.

In scale and scope, both bills were closer to the biggest stimulus effort of all, the New Deal, than those that had been developed to cope with other postwar slowdowns. In many recessions, no stimulus was adopted at all.

The Congressional Budget Office defines the goal of any such package this way: "Fiscal stimulus aims to boost economic activity during periods of economic weakness by increasing short-term aggregate demand." The theory is that if more goods and services are being bought, whether cement for a new highway or groceries paid for with a tax rebate, there is less chance that falling demand will lead companies to lay off workers, resulting in greater falls in demand and a deeper downturn.

Over the decades since the Depression, a consensus had developed among economists that fiscal policy was an ineffective tool in combating recessions compared with monetary policy, that is, the ability of the Federal Reserve to make more money available -- thereby increasing demand -- by lowering interest rates. The stimulus passed in early 2008 was held up as an example of the shortcomings of fiscal policy. It consisted primarily of tax rebates, and surveys showed that much of the extra money was saved or used to pay debts, neither of which generates direct economic activity.

But in the most dire situations, monetary policy can cease to have traction, when banks are so shellshocked that they are unwilling or unable to make new loans even if a central bank provides the money with no interest charges at all. The United States appeared to be in such a "liquidity trap'' in the winter of 2008 and early 2009, as the credit crisis that followed Wall Street's implosion barely eased even as the Fed reduced its rates to virtually zero.

As Mr. Obama began work with Democratic Congressional leaders even before his swearing in, there was little disagreement over the need for a large fiscal stimulus. The parties split, however, on what the size and shape of the plan should be. When Mr. Obama outlined a plan in which just under 40 percent of the stimulus rested on tax cuts, it was criticized by Senate Democrats who argued for more spending and by Republicans who sought deeper tax cuts. House Republicans in particular argued for an approach that would rely primarily on permanent cuts in income and business taxes.

The stimulus plan is the centerpiece of Mr. Obama's early agenda, and it also seeks to make good on some of his signature campaign promises, including an income tax cut for most Americans earning less than $200,000 a year. Under the plan, individuals would receive up to $500 and families up to $1,000 through a cut in payroll taxes on the first $8,100 in income. The money would be delivered through paychecks as a reduction in Social Security withholdings, and is intended to bolster consumer spending by giving a small lift to household pocketbooks.

On Jan. 15, 2009, House Democrats unveiled the details of their economic recovery package, an $825 billion combination of spending and tax cuts that aims to put millions of unemployed Americans back to work and halt what is widely believed to be the nation’s worst recession since the Great Depression. The package, developed by Congressional Democrats in partnership with Mr. Obama, included aid to states for Medicaid costs, temporary increases in unemployment benefits and a vast array of public works projects to create jobs.

Mr. Obama and his Congressional allies also sought to use the package to pursue other agenda items -- on modernizing the economy, health care and education -- while creating jobs. A total of $37 billion was proposed for high-tech items, like expanding broadband access and converting medical records to electronic form. Mr. Obama made the case that the package would help students go to college, lower energy bills and modernize schools, roads and utilities.

On health, the House bill would create a temporary new entitlement allowing workers getting unemployment checks to qualify for Medicaid, the health program for low-income people. Spouses and children could also receive benefits, no matter how much money the family has. In addition, the stimulus package would offer a hefty subsidy to help laid-off workers retain the same health plans they had from their former employers.

The plan would shower the nation’s school districts, child care centers and university campuses with $150 billion in new federal spending, a vast two-year investment that would more than double the Department of Education’s current budget. The proposed emergency expenditures on nearly every realm of education, including school renovation, special education, Head Start and grants to needy college students, would amount to the largest increase in federal aid since Washington began to spend significantly on education after World War II.

The House bill as passed consisted roughly of two-thirds spending and one-third tax cuts. Its cost decreased by $6 billion as Democrats voluntarily dropped from the package several provisions that Republicans had singled out for derision, including money to restore the Jefferson Memorial and for family planning programs.

Even before debate began, the Senate version of the bill was substantially different from the House package, including a provision to protect millions of middle-class Americans from having to pay the alternative minimum tax in 2009 that brings the total cost of the Senate bill to nearly $884 billion. (House Democrats and administration officials said they would accept that change when a bill goes to a conference committee to iron out differences between the two versions.)

Republicans and some prominent Democrats also said they would push to add or expand initiatives to prop up the collapsed housing market, which was a major cause of the recession. Democratic leaders said they were open to the ideas, including a $15,000 tax credit for homebuyers. Another Republican idea was a provision to help all creditworthy homeowners refinance their mortgages at rates of 4.5 percent or lower.

Republicans said they would put forward numerous amendments, especially broader and deeper tax cuts, and efforts to strip out some major spending provisions that support long-term policy goals of Mr. Obama and Congressional Democrats but may not provide a quick jolt to the economy.

The Congressional Budget Office released a report on Feb. 2 saying that, over all, the Senate version of the stimulus package would provide a swifter boost to the economy, with a combined $694 billion in spending and tax breaks by October 2010, compared with $526 billion for the bill that the House approved. The total cost of the Senate bill was $64 billion more than the House plan.

On Feb. 4, Senate Democrats easily beat back a number of efforts by Republicans to vastly change the stimulus measure by stripping out spending programs and broadening the tax cuts. Negotiations continued on efforts by two moderate Republicans, Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine, and a conservative Democrat, Ben Nelson of Nebraska, to cut tens of billions in spending from the bill. Ms. Collins and Mr. Nelson worked together to push for cuts of between $50 and $200 billion; Ms. Snowe called for $100 billion to be dropped.

Several days of intense negotiations followed, at times involving a bipartisan group of 20 senators. By the morning of Feb. 7, an agreement was reached for an $838 billion package of government spending and tax cuts, which dropped some $40 billion in aid to states from the House version of the bill and scaled back President Obama's signature middle-class tax cut. The Senate plan also created new tax incentives to encourage Americans to buy homes and cars within the next year.

Just three Senate Republicans pledged to support the measure, with Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania joining Ms. Collins and Ms. Snowe of Maine. But their votes were enough to lift Democrats over the filibuster-proof number of 60 votes needed, and the legislation passed a key hurdle on Feb. 9, when the Senate voted 61 to 36 to allow it to move forward toward a final vote. Final passage followed the next day, by 61 to 37.

Significant differences existed between the House and Senate versions of the stimulus package, primarily over tens of billions of dollars in aid to states and local governments, tax provisions and programs for education, health and renewable energy. But the negotiations between the two chambers and the White House moved rapidly, and on Feb. 11, a little more than 24 hours after the Senate vote, Congressional leaders announced an agreement on a $789 billion final bill.

The deal reflected a calculated gamble by Mr. Obama in the first weeks of his term. To win Republican votes, the final stimulus package is considerably leaner than what many economists say is now needed to jolt the economy, given its grave condition.

The final bill includes $507 billion in spending programs and $282 billion in tax relief, including a scaled-back version of Mr. Obama's middle-class tax cut proposal, which would give credits of up to $400 for individuals and $800 for families within certain income limits. It will also provide a one-time payment of $250 to recipients of Social Security and government disability support.

Even trimmed to $789 billion, the recovery measure, signed by President Obama on Feb. 17, will be the most expansive unleashing of the government's fiscal firepower in the face of a recession since World War II. And yet it seemed almost trifling compared with the $2.5 trillion rescue plan for the financial system - a combination of loans to banks and incentives to bring private capital into the banking system - announced on Tuesday by Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner.

The bill contains more than $150 billion in public works projects for transportation, energy and technology, and $87 billion to help states meet rising Medicaid costs. Despite intense lobbying by governors around the country, the final deal slashed $25 billion from a proposed state fiscal stabilization fund, eliminated a $16 billion line item for school construction and sharply curtailed spending to provide health insurance for the unemployed. In driving down the total cost - from $838 billion for the Senate stimulus bill and $820 billion for the House-passed measure - lawmakers also reduced the Senate's proposed tax incentives for buyers of homes and cars. The final agreement retained a $70 billion tax break to spare millions of middle-income Americans from paying the alternative minimum tax in 2009. Some Democrats decried the provision as a costly addition that would not lift the economy and that Congress would have approved, regardless of the recession.

In early May, some states and cities began to complain that the money had yet to reach them. Some states have been slow to get their paperwork to Washington; as of mid-May, Virginia had yet to send the Transportation Department its list of road projects.

The Obama administration has committed to spending 70 percent of the money, or $550.9 billion, within the first two years. By that benchmark, an administration official said, the government is 8 percent toward its goal.

The government has reported spending more than $10 billion in stimulus money, and officials have said that the speed will increase as the program grows.


===Spiritual journey=== ===Spiritual journey===

Revision as of 22:36, 26 May 2009

For the baseball player, see Carlos Santana (baseball). For the Costa Rican football player, see Carlos Santana (footballer). For the Mexican academic, see Carlos Santana Morales.
Carlos Santana
Musical artist

Carlos Augusto Santana Alves (born 20 July, 1947 in Jalisco, Mexico) is a Grammy Award-winning rock musician and guitarist. He became famous in the late 1960s and early 1970s with his band, Santana, which created a highly successful blend of rock, salsa, and jazz fusion. The band's sound featured his melodic, blues-based guitar lines set against Latin percussion such as timbales and congas. Santana continued to work in these forms over the following decades. He experienced a sudden resurgence of popularity and critical acclaim in the late 1990s. Rolling Stone also named Santana number 15 on their list of the 100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time in 2003.

Biography

Early life

Born 20 July, 1947, in Autlán de Navarro, Jalisco. His father, José, was an accomplished professional violinist, and Carlos learned to play the guitar at age 8. In1955, the family moved from Autlán de Navarro to Tijuana, the border city between Mexico and California. As a teenager, Santana began performing in Tijuana and near-by Mexicali, inspired by the American rock & roll and blues music of artists like B. B. King, Ray Charles, and Little Richard. Santana moved again with his family, this time to San Francisco's Mission District, where his father hoped to find work by becoming a famous violinist and his mother Maria belen , an artist

In San Francisco, the young guitarist got the chance to see his idols, most notably King, perform live. He was also introduced to a variety of new musical influences, including jazz and international folk music, and witnessed the growing hippie movement centered in San Francisco in the 1960s. After several years spent working as a dishwasher in a diner and playing for spare change on the streets, Santana decided to become a full-time musician; in 1966, he formed the Santana Blues Band, with fellow street musicians David Brown and Gregg Rolie (bassist and keyboard player, respectively).

With their highly original blend of Latin-infused rock, jazz, blues, salsa, and African rhythms, the band (which quickly became known simply as Santana) gained an immediate following on the San Francisco club scene. The band's early success, capped off by a memorable performance at Woodstock in 1969, led to a recording contract with Columbia Records, then run by Clive Davis.

   * Nearly three months after President Obama approved a $787 billion economic stimulus package, intended to create or save jobs, the federal government has paid out less than 6 percent of the money, largely in the form of social service payments to states. May 13, 2009


   * Akron, Ohio, has prompted a sometimes emotional conversation about suicide, government spending and the city's image with a plan to use more than a million dollars of federal stimulus money to build a fence on a bridge to deter people from jumping to their deaths. May 6, 2009


   * Florida lawmakers have refused to move a bill to expand unemployment eligibility in order to accept $444 million in federal stimulus aid. April 28, 2009


   * The federal stimulus money President Obama has sent coursing through the economy offers a chance to begin addressing deeply rooted problems in cities like Anderson, Ind, a once-proud automaking center that is a study in deindustrialization. April 27, 2009


   * President Obama wants to restore the superfund tax, which once collected hundreds of millions of dollars a year from chemical and oil companies. Until then, financing for work at the nation's nearly 1,600 Superfund sites will come from taxpayers in the form of E.P.A. appropriations or stimulus money. April 26, 2009

Overview

Economic stimulus refers to the use of fiscal policy -- government spending or tax measures -- to support or revive an economy in recession. In February 2008, as signs of a slowdown emerged, Congress passed a $168 billion package of tax cuts and rebates. Later in the year, after Wall Street crumbled and economic activity contracted sharply, Democrats called for a far larger stimulus, and after his election as president, Barack Obama declared that what he preferred to call a "recovery" package would be his top priority.

On Jan. 28, 2009, the House of Representatives passed an $819 billion stimulus plan by a vote of 244 to 188. The measure passed without a single Republican vote in favor. Intensive negotiations in the Senate led three moderate Republicans to lend their support to an $838 billion version of the bill, getting Democrats over the 60-vote hurdle needed to prevent a filibuster. Final passage of the Senate measure on Feb. 10 by a 61 to 37 vote was followed by a whirlwind round of negotiations with the House that produced agreement the next day on a $789 billion final version of the bill.

In scale and scope, both bills were closer to the biggest stimulus effort of all, the New Deal, than those that had been developed to cope with other postwar slowdowns. In many recessions, no stimulus was adopted at all.

The Congressional Budget Office defines the goal of any such package this way: "Fiscal stimulus aims to boost economic activity during periods of economic weakness by increasing short-term aggregate demand." The theory is that if more goods and services are being bought, whether cement for a new highway or groceries paid for with a tax rebate, there is less chance that falling demand will lead companies to lay off workers, resulting in greater falls in demand and a deeper downturn.

Over the decades since the Depression, a consensus had developed among economists that fiscal policy was an ineffective tool in combating recessions compared with monetary policy, that is, the ability of the Federal Reserve to make more money available -- thereby increasing demand -- by lowering interest rates. The stimulus passed in early 2008 was held up as an example of the shortcomings of fiscal policy. It consisted primarily of tax rebates, and surveys showed that much of the extra money was saved or used to pay debts, neither of which generates direct economic activity.

But in the most dire situations, monetary policy can cease to have traction, when banks are so shellshocked that they are unwilling or unable to make new loans even if a central bank provides the money with no interest charges at all. The United States appeared to be in such a "liquidity trap in the winter of 2008 and early 2009, as the credit crisis that followed Wall Street's implosion barely eased even as the Fed reduced its rates to virtually zero.

As Mr. Obama began work with Democratic Congressional leaders even before his swearing in, there was little disagreement over the need for a large fiscal stimulus. The parties split, however, on what the size and shape of the plan should be. When Mr. Obama outlined a plan in which just under 40 percent of the stimulus rested on tax cuts, it was criticized by Senate Democrats who argued for more spending and by Republicans who sought deeper tax cuts. House Republicans in particular argued for an approach that would rely primarily on permanent cuts in income and business taxes.

The stimulus plan is the centerpiece of Mr. Obama's early agenda, and it also seeks to make good on some of his signature campaign promises, including an income tax cut for most Americans earning less than $200,000 a year. Under the plan, individuals would receive up to $500 and families up to $1,000 through a cut in payroll taxes on the first $8,100 in income. The money would be delivered through paychecks as a reduction in Social Security withholdings, and is intended to bolster consumer spending by giving a small lift to household pocketbooks.

On Jan. 15, 2009, House Democrats unveiled the details of their economic recovery package, an $825 billion combination of spending and tax cuts that aims to put millions of unemployed Americans back to work and halt what is widely believed to be the nation’s worst recession since the Great Depression. The package, developed by Congressional Democrats in partnership with Mr. Obama, included aid to states for Medicaid costs, temporary increases in unemployment benefits and a vast array of public works projects to create jobs.

Mr. Obama and his Congressional allies also sought to use the package to pursue other agenda items -- on modernizing the economy, health care and education -- while creating jobs. A total of $37 billion was proposed for high-tech items, like expanding broadband access and converting medical records to electronic form. Mr. Obama made the case that the package would help students go to college, lower energy bills and modernize schools, roads and utilities.

On health, the House bill would create a temporary new entitlement allowing workers getting unemployment checks to qualify for Medicaid, the health program for low-income people. Spouses and children could also receive benefits, no matter how much money the family has. In addition, the stimulus package would offer a hefty subsidy to help laid-off workers retain the same health plans they had from their former employers.

The plan would shower the nation’s school districts, child care centers and university campuses with $150 billion in new federal spending, a vast two-year investment that would more than double the Department of Education’s current budget. The proposed emergency expenditures on nearly every realm of education, including school renovation, special education, Head Start and grants to needy college students, would amount to the largest increase in federal aid since Washington began to spend significantly on education after World War II.

The House bill as passed consisted roughly of two-thirds spending and one-third tax cuts. Its cost decreased by $6 billion as Democrats voluntarily dropped from the package several provisions that Republicans had singled out for derision, including money to restore the Jefferson Memorial and for family planning programs.

Even before debate began, the Senate version of the bill was substantially different from the House package, including a provision to protect millions of middle-class Americans from having to pay the alternative minimum tax in 2009 that brings the total cost of the Senate bill to nearly $884 billion. (House Democrats and administration officials said they would accept that change when a bill goes to a conference committee to iron out differences between the two versions.)

Republicans and some prominent Democrats also said they would push to add or expand initiatives to prop up the collapsed housing market, which was a major cause of the recession. Democratic leaders said they were open to the ideas, including a $15,000 tax credit for homebuyers. Another Republican idea was a provision to help all creditworthy homeowners refinance their mortgages at rates of 4.5 percent or lower.

Republicans said they would put forward numerous amendments, especially broader and deeper tax cuts, and efforts to strip out some major spending provisions that support long-term policy goals of Mr. Obama and Congressional Democrats but may not provide a quick jolt to the economy.

The Congressional Budget Office released a report on Feb. 2 saying that, over all, the Senate version of the stimulus package would provide a swifter boost to the economy, with a combined $694 billion in spending and tax breaks by October 2010, compared with $526 billion for the bill that the House approved. The total cost of the Senate bill was $64 billion more than the House plan.

On Feb. 4, Senate Democrats easily beat back a number of efforts by Republicans to vastly change the stimulus measure by stripping out spending programs and broadening the tax cuts. Negotiations continued on efforts by two moderate Republicans, Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine, and a conservative Democrat, Ben Nelson of Nebraska, to cut tens of billions in spending from the bill. Ms. Collins and Mr. Nelson worked together to push for cuts of between $50 and $200 billion; Ms. Snowe called for $100 billion to be dropped.

Several days of intense negotiations followed, at times involving a bipartisan group of 20 senators. By the morning of Feb. 7, an agreement was reached for an $838 billion package of government spending and tax cuts, which dropped some $40 billion in aid to states from the House version of the bill and scaled back President Obama's signature middle-class tax cut. The Senate plan also created new tax incentives to encourage Americans to buy homes and cars within the next year.

Just three Senate Republicans pledged to support the measure, with Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania joining Ms. Collins and Ms. Snowe of Maine. But their votes were enough to lift Democrats over the filibuster-proof number of 60 votes needed, and the legislation passed a key hurdle on Feb. 9, when the Senate voted 61 to 36 to allow it to move forward toward a final vote. Final passage followed the next day, by 61 to 37.

Significant differences existed between the House and Senate versions of the stimulus package, primarily over tens of billions of dollars in aid to states and local governments, tax provisions and programs for education, health and renewable energy. But the negotiations between the two chambers and the White House moved rapidly, and on Feb. 11, a little more than 24 hours after the Senate vote, Congressional leaders announced an agreement on a $789 billion final bill.

The deal reflected a calculated gamble by Mr. Obama in the first weeks of his term. To win Republican votes, the final stimulus package is considerably leaner than what many economists say is now needed to jolt the economy, given its grave condition.

The final bill includes $507 billion in spending programs and $282 billion in tax relief, including a scaled-back version of Mr. Obama's middle-class tax cut proposal, which would give credits of up to $400 for individuals and $800 for families within certain income limits. It will also provide a one-time payment of $250 to recipients of Social Security and government disability support.

Even trimmed to $789 billion, the recovery measure, signed by President Obama on Feb. 17, will be the most expansive unleashing of the government's fiscal firepower in the face of a recession since World War II. And yet it seemed almost trifling compared with the $2.5 trillion rescue plan for the financial system - a combination of loans to banks and incentives to bring private capital into the banking system - announced on Tuesday by Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner.

The bill contains more than $150 billion in public works projects for transportation, energy and technology, and $87 billion to help states meet rising Medicaid costs. Despite intense lobbying by governors around the country, the final deal slashed $25 billion from a proposed state fiscal stabilization fund, eliminated a $16 billion line item for school construction and sharply curtailed spending to provide health insurance for the unemployed. In driving down the total cost - from $838 billion for the Senate stimulus bill and $820 billion for the House-passed measure - lawmakers also reduced the Senate's proposed tax incentives for buyers of homes and cars. The final agreement retained a $70 billion tax break to spare millions of middle-income Americans from paying the alternative minimum tax in 2009. Some Democrats decried the provision as a costly addition that would not lift the economy and that Congress would have approved, regardless of the recession.

In early May, some states and cities began to complain that the money had yet to reach them. Some states have been slow to get their paperwork to Washington; as of mid-May, Virginia had yet to send the Transportation Department its list of road projects.

The Obama administration has committed to spending 70 percent of the money, or $550.9 billion, within the first two years. By that benchmark, an administration official said, the government is 8 percent toward its goal.

The government has reported spending more than $10 billion in stimulus money, and officials have said that the speed will increase as the program grows.

Spiritual journey

In 1972, Santana became a huge fan of the pioneering fusion band The Mahavishnu Orchestra and its guitarist John McLaughlin. Aware of Santana's interest in meditation, McLaughlin introduced Santana and Deborah to his guru, Sri Chinmoy. Chinmoy accepted them as disciples in 1973. Santana was given the name "Devadip" - meaning "The lamp, light and eye of God." Santana and McLaughlin recorded an album together, Love, Devotion, Surrender with members of Santana and the Mahavishnu Orchestra, along with percussionist Don Alias and organist Larry Young, who both had made appearances on Miles Davis' classic Bitches Brew in 1969.

In 1973, Santana, having obtained legal rights to the band's name, formed a new version of Santana, with Armando Peraza and Chepito Areas on percussion, Doug Rauch on bass, Michael Shrieve on drums, and Tom Coster and Richard Kermode on keyboards. Santana was later able to recruit jazz vocalist Leon Thomas for a tour of Japan, which was recorded for the live, sprawling, high-energy fusion album Lotus. CBS records would not allow its release unless the material was condensed. Santana did not agree to those terms, and the album was available in the U.S. only as an expensive, imported, three-record set. The group later went into the studio and recorded Welcome, which further reflected Santana's interests in jazz fusion and his commitment to the spiritual life of Sri Chinmoy.

Santana claimed to become a born-again Christian (date unknown) and produced an album in 1992 —with songs about Jesus Christ—called Milagro.

In March of 2000 Santana told interviewer Chris Heath of Rolling Stone magazine about his personal guardian angel, named “Metatron,” whom he described as resembling Santa Claus.

In 2008 he told Rolling Stone magazine in an interview that he would hear Jesus' voice comforting him when he was becoming suicidal.

Shifting styles in the 1970s

Carlos Santana playing in Spain in 1984

A collaboration with John Coltrane's widow, Alice Coltrane - Illuminations followed. The album delved into avant-garde esoteric free jazz, Eastern Indian and classical influences with other ex-Miles Davis sidemen Jack DeJohnette and Dave Holland. Soon after, Santana replaced his band members again. This time Kermode, Thomas and Rauch departed from the group and were replaced by vocalist Leon Patillo (later a successful Contemporary Christian artist) and returning bassist David Brown. He also recruited soprano saxophonist, Jules Broussard to the lineup. The band recorded one studio album Borboletta, which was released in 1974. Drummer Leon 'Ndugu' Chancler later joined the band as a replacement for Michael Shrieve, who left to pursue a solo career.

By this time, the Bill Graham's management company had assumed the affairs of the group. Graham was critical of Santana's direction into jazz and felt he needed to concentrate on getting Santana back into the charts with the edgy, street-wise ethnic sound that had made them famous. Santana himself was seeing that the group's direction was alienating many fans. Although the albums and performances were given good reviews by critics in jazz and fusion circles, sales had plummeted.

Santana along with Tom Coster, producer David Rubinson, and Chandler formed yet another version of Santana, adding vocalist Greg Walker. The 1976 album Amigos, which featured the songs "Dance, Sister, Dance" and "Let It Shine", had a strong funk and Latin sound. The album also received considerable airplay on FM album-oriented rock stations with the instrumental "Europa (Earth's Cry Heaven's Smile)" and re-introduced Santana back into the charts. Rolling Stone magazine ran a second cover story on Santana entitled "Santana Comes Home".

The albums conceived through the late 1970s followed the same formula, although with several lineup changes. Among the personnel who came and left the band was percussionist Raul Rekow, who joined in early 1977 and remains to this day. Most-notable of the band's commercial efforts of this era was a version of the 1960s Zombies hit, "She's Not There", on the 1977 album Moonflower.

The relative success of the band's albums in this era allowed Santana to pursue a solo career funded by CBS. First, Oneness, Silver Dreams, Golden Reality in 1979 and The Swing of Delight in 1980, which featured some of his musical heroes: Herbie Hancock, Wayne Shorter, Ron Carter and Tony Williams from Miles Davis' legendary 1960s quintet.

The pressures and temptations of being a high-profile rock musician and requisites of the spiritual lifestyle which guru Sri Chinmoy and his followers demanded, were great sources of conflict to Santana's and his marriage. He was becoming increasingly disillusioned with what he thought was Chinmoy's often-unreasonable rules imposed on his life, one being his refusal to allow Santana and Deborah to start a family. He felt too that his fame was being used to increase the guru's visibility. Santana and Deborah eventually ended their relationship with Chinmoy in 1982.

The 1980s

More radio-oriented singles followed from Santana the band. "Winning" in 1981 and "Hold On" ( a remake of Canadian artist Ian Thomas' song) in 1982 both reached the top twenty. After his break with Sri Chinmoy, Santana went into the studio to record another solo album with Keith Olson and legendary R&B producer Jerry Wexler. The 1983 album revisited Santana's early musical experiences in Tijuana with Bo Diddley's "Who Do You Love" and the title cut, Chuck Berry's "Havana Moon". The album's guests included Booker T. Jones, The Fabulous Thunderbirds, Willie Nelson and even Santana's father's mariachi orchestra. Santana again paid tribute to his early rock roots by doing the film score to La Bamba, which was based on the tragically short life of rock and roll legend Ritchie Valens and starred Lou Diamond Phillips.

Although the band had concentrated on trying to produce albums with commercial appeal during the 1980s, changing tastes in popular culture began to reflect in the band's sagging record sales of their latest effort Beyond Appearances. In 1985, Bill Graham had to once again pull strings for Santana to convince principal Live Aid concert organizer Bob Geldof to allow the band to appear at the festival. The group's high-energy performance proved why they were still a top concert draw the world over despite their poor performance on the charts. Personally, Santana retained a great deal of respect in both jazz and rock circles, with Prince and guitarist Kirk Hammett of Metallica citing him as an influence.

The band Santana returned in 1986 with a new album Freedom. Buddy Miles, who was trying to revive his music career after spending much of the late 1970s and early 1980s incarcerated for drug charges, returned for lead vocals. His onstage presence provided a dose of charisma to the show; but, once again, the sales of the album fell flat.

Growing weary of trying to appease record company executives with formulaic hit records, Santana took great pleasure in jamming and making guest appearances with notables such as the jazz fusion group Weather Report, jazz pianist McCoy Tyner, Blues legend John Lee Hooker, Aretha Franklin, Living Colour guitarist Vernon Reid, and West African singer Salif Keita. He and Mickey Hart of the Grateful Dead later recorded and performed with Nigerian drummer Babatunde Olatunji, who conceived one of Santana's famous 1960s drum jams, "Jingo". In 1988, Santana organized a reunion with past members from the Santana band for a series of concert dates. CBS records released a 20-year retrospective of the band's accomplishments with Viva Santana.

That same year Santana formed an all-instrumental group featuring jazz legend Wayne Shorter on tenor and soprano sax. The group also included Patrice Rushen on keyboards, Alphonso Johnson on bass, Armando Peraza and Chepito Areas on percussion, and Leon 'Ndugu' Chancler on drums. They toured briefly and received much acclaim from the music press, who compared the effort with the era of Caravanserai. Santana released another solo record, Blues for Salvador, which won a Grammy Award for Best Rock Instrumental Performance.

In 1990, Santana left Columbia Records after twenty-two years and signed with Polygram. The following year, he made a guest appearance on Ottmar Liebert's album Solo Para Ti, on the songs "Reaching out 2 U" and on a cover of his own song, "Samba Pa Ti". In 1992, Santana hired jam band Phish as his opening act. He remains close to the band today, especially to guitarist Trey Anastasio.

Return to commercial success

Carlos Santana during a concert in 2005

Santana's record sales in the 1990s were very low. Toward the end of the decade he was without a contract. However, Arista Records' Clive Davis, who had worked with Santana at Columbia Records, signed him and encouraged him to record a star-studded album with mostly younger artists. The result was 1999's Supernatural, which included collaborations with Everlast, Rob Thomas of Matchbox Twenty, Eric Clapton, Lauryn Hill, Wyclef Jean, Cee-Lo, Maná, Dave Matthews, and others.

He also created a line of shoes at some time.

However, the lead single was what grabbed the attention of both fans and the music industry. "Smooth", a dynamic cha-cha stop-start number co-written and sung by Rob Thomas of Matchbox Twenty, was laced throughout with Santana's guitar fills and runs. The track's energy was immediately apparent on radio, and it was played on a wide variety of station formats. "Smooth" spent twelve weeks at number one on the Billboard Hot 100, becoming in the process the last #1 single of the 1990s. The music video, set on a hot barrio street, was also very popular. Supernatural reached number one on the US album charts and the follow-up single, "Maria Maria", featuring the R&B duo The Product G&B, also hit number one, spending ten weeks there in the spring of 2000. Supernatural eventually sold over 15 million copies in the United States, making it Santana's biggest sales success by far.

Supernatural won nine Grammy Awards (eight for Santana personally), including Album of the Year, Record of the Year for "Smooth", and Song of the Year for Thomas and Itaal Shur. Santana's acceptance speeches described his feelings about music's place in one's spiritual existence. In 2001, Santana's guitar skills were featured in Michael Jackson's song "Whatever Happens", from the album Invincible.

In 2002, Santana released Shaman, revisiting the Supernatural format of guest artists including P.O.D. and Seal. Although the album was not the runaway success its predecessor had been, it produced two radio-friendly hits. "The Game of Love" featuring Michelle Branch, rose to number five on the Billboard Hot 100 and spent many weeks at the top of the Billboard Adult Contemporary chart, and "Why Don't You & I" written by and featuring Chad Kroeger from the group Nickelback (the original and a remix with Alex Band from the group The Calling were combined towards chart performance) which reached number eight on the Billboard Hot 100. "The Game of Love" went on to win the Grammy Award for Best Pop Collaboration with Vocals.

In August 2003, Santana was named fifteenth on Rolling Stone magazine's "List of the "100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time".

In 2005, Herbie Hancock approached Santana to collaborate on an album again using the Supernatural formula. Possibilities was released on August 30, 2005, featuring Carlos Santana and Angélique Kidjo on "Safiatou". Also, in 2005, the fellow Latin star Shakira invited Santana to play soft rock guitar ballad Illegal on her second English-language studio album Oral Fixation Vol. 2.

Santana's 2005 album All That I Am consisting primarily of collaborations with other artists; the first single, the peppy "I'm Feeling You", was again with Michelle Branch and The Wreckers. Other musicians joining the mix this time included Steven Tyler of Aerosmith, Kirk Hammett from Metallica, hip-hop/reggae star Sean Paul and R&B singer Joss Stone. In April and May 2006, Santana toured Europe, where he promoted his son Salvador Santana's band as his opening act.

In 2007, Santana appeared, along with Sheila E. and José Feliciano, on Gloria Estefan's album 90 Millas, on the single "No Llores". He also teamed again with Chad Kroeger for the hit single "Into the Night."

On October 19, his wife of 34 years, Deborah, filed for divorce citing "irreconcilable differences".

In 2008, Santana started working with his long-time friend, Marcelo Vieira, on his solo album Marcelo Vieira's Acoustic Sounds, which is due to be released at the end of the year. It features tracks such as "For Flavia" and "Across the Grave", the later featuring heavy melodic riffs by Santana.

Carlos Santana also performed at the 2009 American Idol Finale with the top 13 finalists, which starred many acts such as KISS, Queen and Rod Stewart.

Influences

Around the age of 8, Santana "fell under the influence" of blues performers like B.B. King and John Lee Hooker. He also credits Jimi Hendrix as an important influence..

Equipment

Guitars

Santana on stage

In the mid 1970's, Carlos Santana endorsed a lot of musical equipment, including the Gibson L-6S, and Mesa Boogie amplifiers. He was featured in several Gibson advertisements throughout the decade. Santana played a red Gibson SG Special with P-90 pickups at the Woodstock festival. Then he switched between the P90 SG and a regular Humbucker SG until 1972 when he usually played a standard or a custom maple top Les Paul. From 1976 until 1982 his main guitar was a Yamaha SG 175B and sometimes a white Gibson SG Custom with 3 open coil pick-ups. In 1982 he started to use a custom made PRS guitar, which became his main instrument around 1988. On "Supernatural" he used a custom made PRS guitar for the majority of the tracks.

Santana currently endorses PRS Guitars, and is in fact one of Paul Reed Smith's first customers. He uses a Santana II model guitar using PRS Santana III pickups with nickel covers and a tremolo, with .009-.042 gauge D'Addario strings. His Signature Series models vary greatly from this in some cases, such as the Santana SE and Santana III guitars (which have ceased production). The Santana III has covered pickups instead, and no abalone stringers between the pickups (a feature unique to his official guitar). The Santana SE guitar has 22 frets, tremolo, a basic sunburst top, and a pickguard.

Santana's guitar necks and fretboards are constructed out of a single solid piece of Brazilian Rosewood, instead of the more traditional mahogany neck/Indian rosewood fretboard combination found in stock Santana models and other PRS guitars. The Brazilian Rosewood helps create the smooth, singing, glass-like tone that he is famous for.

Carlos Santana also uses a classical guitar, the Alvarez Yairi CY127CE with Alvarez tension nylon strings.

On January 2008, Carlos Santana unveils new Signature Model PRS Santana MD. Santana introduced the very latest PRS signature model, the Santana MD, and its "multi-dimensional" Voice Control. Also shared was Santana's appreciation of Paul Smith's "vision of sound." The Santana MD has all the latest Santana model updates - pickups, knob placement, inlays, tuners and a Mastering Voice Control for early '60s single coil sounds that don't hum. With this model Carlos returns to the basics in his sound like the Woodstock rock festival back in 1969, but with new technology, the technology of PRS Guitars. Carlos made a new album with his new PRS Santana Signature MD, the album is called Ultimate.

Effects

For the distinctive Santana electric guitar sound, Santana does not use many effects pedals. His PRS guitar is connected to a Mu-Tron wah wah pedal (or, more recently, a Dunlop 535Q wah) and a T-Rex Replica delay pedal, then through a customized Jim Dunlop amp switcher which in turn is connected to the different amps or cabinets.

Previous setups include an Ibanez Tube Screamer right after the guitar.

In the song "Stand Up" from the album Marathon, Santana uses a Heil talk box in the guitar solo.

Amplifiers

The Santana lead guitar tone is produced by a humbucker equipped guitar (Gibson/Yamaha/PRS) into a small but effective preamp (consisting of Gain & Master Volume controls) for the Mesa Boogie . He also put the Boogie in Mesa Boogie: 'Santana exclaimed to Smith, "Shit, man. That little thing really Boogies!" It was this statement that brought the Boogie name to fruition.'

Specifically, Santana combines a Mesa/Boogie Mark I head running through a Boogie cabinet with Altec 417-8H (or recently JBL E120s) speakers, and a Dumble Overdrive Reverb and/or a Dumble Overdrive Special running through a Brown or Marshall 4x12 cabinet with Celestion G12M "Greenback" speakers, depending on the desired sound. Shure KSM-32 microphones are used to pick up the sound, going to the PA. Additionally, a Fender Cyber-Twin Amp is mostly used at home.

Discography

Albums with the band Santana

Albums as a solo artist or in collaborations

Unofficial releases

Singles

Note: The singles Smooth, Maria Maria, and Into The Night have each been certified Platinum by the RIAA.

Videos

  • Carlos Santana--Influences (video)
  • Sacred Fire. Live in Mexico. (video & DVD)
  • Supernatural (video & DVD)
  • Viva Santana (DVD)
  • Santana Live By Request (DVD)

References

  1. The 100 Greatest Guitarists of All Time : Rolling Stone
  2. http://www.rollingstone.com/news/story/23356489/carlos_cosmic_bummer/3
  3. "Carlos Santana's wife of 34 years files for divorce" - CNN - November 2, 2007
  4. Santana - Musician's Corner - Blue Guitar
  5. Santana - Musician's Corner - Red Guitar
  6. PRS Guitars - Santana III
  7. Santana - Musician's Corner - Acoustic Guitar
  8. His rig can be seen in a magazine article cited at T-Rex's website
  9. "Carlos Santana Spreads the Gospel of Tone" by Darrin Fox, Guitar Player Magazine, June edition 2005.
  10. Overview of Santana's old effects setup.
  11. ^ RIAA Gold and Platinum Search for albums by Santana
  12. ^ RIAA Gold and Platinum Search for albums by Carlos Santana
  13. RIAA Gold and Platinum Search for singles by Santana

Sources

  • Soul Sacrifice; The Carlos Santana Story Simon Leng 2000
  • Space Between The Stars Deborah Santana 2004
  • Rolling Stone "The Resurrection of Carlos Santana" Ben Fong Torres 1972
  • New Musical Express "Spirit of Santana" Chris Charlesworth November 1973
  • Guitar Player Magazine 1978
  • Rolling Stone "The Epic Life of Carlos Santana" 2000
  • Santana I - Sony Legacy Edition: liner notes
  • Abraxas - Sony Legacy Edition: liner notes
  • Santana III - Sony Legacy edition: liner notes
  • Viva Santana - CBS CD release 1988; liner notes
  • Power, Passion and Beauty - The Story of the Legendary Mahavishnu Orchestra Walter Kolosky 2006
  • Best of Carlos Santana - Wolf Marshall 1996; introduction and interview

External links

Santana
Studio albums
Live albums
Compilations
Extended plays
Singles
Other songs
Live
performances
Carlos Santana
solo albums
Studio
Live
Related articles

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