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Walters traces fissures between Foraker's supporters and those of Sherman from as early as 1887. Foraker's meteoric rise in Ohio politics was a threat to Sherman, especially as Foraker was likely to seek other office after completing his time as governor. Walters noted, "Sherman's adherents felt that Foraker … crowded their field by becoming too influential, politically and personally; his name was prominently mentioned for the vice presidency and even the presidency. In 1888 the problem for the Shermanites was to control the popular young governor and to circumvent any ambitions he might have at the convention." In 1887, McKinley, Hanna, Sherman, and others met at the congressman's home in Canton, deciding to push for Sherman's endorsement by the 1887 Republican state convention in Toledo, and to threaten Foraker should he refuse to get in line.{{sfn|Walters|pp=52, 54, 62}} Despite some anti-Sherman feeling in Ohio, the resolution was adopted unanimously by the same convention which renominated Foraker,{{sfn|Walters|p=57}} and later that year, the governor was re-elected.{{sfn|Murray|p=174}} Walters traces fissures between Foraker's supporters and those of Sherman from as early as 1887. Foraker's meteoric rise in Ohio politics was a threat to Sherman, especially as Foraker was likely to seek other office after completing his time as governor. Walters noted, "Sherman's adherents felt that Foraker … crowded their field by becoming too influential, politically and personally; his name was prominently mentioned for the vice presidency and even the presidency. In 1888 the problem for the Shermanites was to control the popular young governor and to circumvent any ambitions he might have at the convention." In 1887, McKinley, Hanna, Sherman, and others met at the congressman's home in Canton, deciding to push for Sherman's endorsement by the 1887 Republican state convention in Toledo, and to threaten Foraker should he refuse to get in line.{{sfn|Walters|pp=52, 54, 62}} Despite some anti-Sherman feeling in Ohio, the resolution was adopted unanimously by the same convention which renominated Foraker,{{sfn|Walters|p=57}} and later that year, the governor was re-elected.{{sfn|Murray|p=174}}


Sherman was a leading candidate for the nomination, commanding the support of Ohio, much of Pennsylvania, and the South. Uncertainty over whether Blaine would be a candidate hung over the ] in June. Although Blaine had made it clear he was not a candidate, and he was in Scotland visiting ] at the time of the Chicago convention, his devotees hoped he might change his mind. Sherman did not fully trust Foraker, and gave over the management of his campaign to Hanna. The senator also declined to have Foraker place his name in nomination{{sfn|Horner|pp=70–71}} in favor of ] of Pennsylvania. At the convention, Foraker seconded Hastings' nomination of Sherman, but the senator, on the first ballot, received few votes outside the states known to support him.{{sfn|Walters|pp=65–67}} Sherman's southern support was discounted, as those states would not support the Republican nominee, and Sherman had paid those (mostly African-American) delegates' travel expenses.{{sfn|Walters|pp=69–70}} Sherman was a leading candidate for the nomination, commanding the support of Ohio, much of Pennsylvania, and the South. Uncertainty over whether Blaine would be a candidate hung over the ] in June. Although Blaine had made it clear he was not a candidate, and he was in Scotland visiting ] at the time of the Chicago convention, his devotees hoped he might change his mind. Sherman did not fully trust Foraker, and gave over the management of his campaign to Hanna. The senator also declined to have Foraker place his name in nomination{{sfn|Horner|pp=70–71}} in favor of ] of Pennsylvania. At the convention, Foraker seconded Hastings' nomination of Sherman, but the senator, on the first ballot, received few votes outside the states known to support him.{{sfn|Walters|pp=65–67}} Sherman's southern support was discounted, as those states would not support the Republican nominee, and Sherman had paid those (mostly African-American) delegates' travel expenses.{{sfn|Walters|pp=69–70}}


By the fourth ballot, on Saturday, June 23, Sherman had about the same number of votes he had started with, but was being challenged by a surge from Indiana Governor ]. The convention then adjourned until Monday, June 25. With almost two days for intrigue, rumors swept through the convention that Blaine would be a candidate after all. Late on Saturday night, Foraker released a statement that he would support Blaine. Walters proffered several reasons for the switch: that Foraker felt Sherman had no chance, together with resentment at not being thanked by Sherman for the seconding speech, and annoyance at the trickle of votes which McKinley had received. Foraker might also secure a place on the ticket, either for president or vice president, though he stated he would not accept a nomination without Sherman's consent. The switch wounded Sherman's candidacy by showing that his own state's governor did not support him, and even though Foraker switched back to Sherman when Blaine wired reiterating that he was not a candidate, the damage was done; Governor Harrison gained the nomination on the eighth ballot.{{sfn|Walters|pp=73–76}} By the fourth ballot, on Saturday, June 23, Sherman had about the same number of votes he had started with, but was being challenged by a surge from Indiana Governor ]. The convention then adjourned until Monday, June 25. With almost two days for intrigue, rumors swept through the convention that Blaine would be a candidate after all. Late on Saturday night, Foraker released a statement that he would support Blaine. Walters proffered several reasons for the switch: that Foraker felt Sherman had no chance, together with resentment at not being thanked by Sherman for the seconding speech, and annoyance at the trickle of votes which McKinley had received. Foraker might also secure a place on the ticket, either for president or vice president, though he stated he would not accept a nomination without Sherman's consent. The switch wounded Sherman's candidacy by showing that his own state's governor did not support him, and even though Foraker switched back to Sherman when Blaine wired reiterating that he was not a candidate, the damage was done; Governor Harrison gained the nomination on the eighth ballot.{{sfn|Walters|pp=73–76}}
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According to Horner, Foraker's temporary abandonment of Sherman was "the move that seems to have shattered his relationship with Hanna permanently".{{sfn|Horner|p=75}} However, Foraker gave other reasons for the break, stating after Hanna's death that one reason for it was that Hanna bought up the extra tickets of Southern black convention delegates, a practice which the governor considered corrupt. However, J.B. Morrow, the newspaper publisher who took Foraker's statement as source material for ]'s 1912 biography of Hanna, disagreed: "it was understood at the time that his heart was not in Sherman's candidacy … his outraged feelings over Hanna's bargaining with Southern delegates can't be believed by me."{{sfn|Horner|p=76}} According to Horner, "the split between Foraker and Hanna had a profound impact on the subsequent behavior of both men, their careers in politics, and the Republican Party in Ohio, which was fractured by the dispute."{{sfn|Horner|p=77}} According to Horner, Foraker's temporary abandonment of Sherman was "the move that seems to have shattered his relationship with Hanna permanently".{{sfn|Horner|p=75}} However, Foraker gave other reasons for the break, stating after Hanna's death that one reason for it was that Hanna bought up the extra tickets of Southern black convention delegates, a practice which the governor considered corrupt. However, J.B. Morrow, the newspaper publisher who took Foraker's statement as source material for ]'s 1912 biography of Hanna, disagreed: "it was understood at the time that his heart was not in Sherman's candidacy … his outraged feelings over Hanna's bargaining with Southern delegates can't be believed by me."{{sfn|Horner|p=76}} According to Horner, "the split between Foraker and Hanna had a profound impact on the subsequent behavior of both men, their careers in politics, and the Republican Party in Ohio, which was fractured by the dispute."{{sfn|Horner|p=77}}


Harrison was elected president in November 1888 over President Cleveland.{{sfn|Horner|p=78}} By 1889, a faction of Ohio Republicans, led by Hanna, Sherman and McKinley was openly opposed to Foraker.{{sfn|Walters|p=80}} He felt relieved at the break, writing to a friend, "From Toledo to Chicago, my neck was under a yoke, but now I am free."{{sfn|Walters|p=83}} Despite the factional opposition, Foraker sought a third term in 1889, hoping to be elected to the Senate as Sherman's junior colleague in the legislative election to be held in January 1890.{{sfn|Walters|p=80}} He was renominated at the 1889 state convention in Columbus on the second ballot, as the opposition to him was divided.{{sfn|Walters|p=89}} Harrison was elected president in November 1888 over President Cleveland.{{sfn|Horner|p=78}} By 1889, a faction of Ohio Republicans, led by Hanna, Sherman and McKinley was openly opposed to Foraker.{{sfn|Walters|p=80}} He felt relieved at the break, writing to a friend, "From Toledo to Chicago, my neck was under a yoke, but now I am free."{{sfn|Walters|p=83}} Despite the factional opposition, Foraker sought a third term in 1889, hoping to be elected to the Senate as Sherman's junior colleague in the legislative election to be held in January 1890.{{sfn|Walters|p=80}} He was renominated at the 1889 state convention in Columbus on the second ballot, as the opposition to him was divided.{{sfn|Walters|p=89}}


While the lack of support from part of his own party hurt Foraker in 1889, events also caused him to lose support against his Democratic opponent ]. A law for the Sunday closing of saloons had been passed under Foraker in 1886, when Cleveland Mayor John B. Mosby proposed to enforce the law against local opposition, Foraker wired to Mosby the support of the state government. This stance alienated many anti-Prohibition Republicans. Another damaging incident was Foraker's claim, based on documents he procured which turned out to be forged, that Campbell had supported the uniform use of one company's ] in federal elections, in which the Democrat supposedly had a financial interest. The documents also proved to bear signatures of Sherman, McKinley, and other Foraker enemies; they were later shown to have been taken from ]ed mail. Campbell was not in fact involved with the company, and the affair cost Foraker votes. A congressional committee conducted an investigation in 1891 and cleared all of those whose signatures had ben reproduced. However, it blamed Foraker for using the documents without verifying their authenticity. By then, Foraker was no longer governor, having been defeated by Campbell by 10,873 votes out of some 750,000 cast.{{sfn|Walters|pp=91–95}} According to McKinley biographer ], "when Foraker lost his bid for a third statehouse term, McKinley became Ohio's next-in-line presidential favorite son".{{sfn|Phillips|pp=62–63}} While the lack of support from part of his own party hurt Foraker in 1889, events also caused him to lose support against his Democratic opponent ]. A law for the Sunday closing of saloons had been passed under Foraker in 1886, when Cleveland Mayor John B. Mosby proposed to enforce the law against local opposition, Foraker wired to Mosby the support of the state government. This stance alienated many anti-Prohibition Republicans. Another damaging incident was Foraker's claim, based on documents he procured which turned out to be forged, that Campbell had supported the uniform use of one company's ] in federal elections, in which the Democrat supposedly had a financial interest. The documents also proved to bear signatures of Sherman, McKinley, and other Foraker enemies; they were later shown to have been taken from ]ed mail. Campbell was not in fact involved with the company, and the affair cost Foraker votes. A congressional committee conducted an investigation in 1891 and cleared all of those whose signatures had ben reproduced. However, it blamed Foraker for using the documents without verifying their authenticity. By then, Foraker was no longer governor, having been defeated by Campbell by 10,873 votes out of some 750,000 cast.{{sfn|Walters|pp=91–95}} According to McKinley biographer ], "when Foraker lost his bid for a third statehouse term, McKinley became Ohio's next-in-line presidential favorite son".{{sfn|Phillips|pp=62–63}}

Revision as of 06:11, 17 July 2012

Joseph Benson Foraker
37th Governor of Ohio
In office
January 14, 1886 – January 12, 1890
Lieutenant
Preceded byGeorge Hoadly
Succeeded byJames E. Campbell
United States Senator from Ohio
In office
March 4, 1897 – March 3, 1909Serving with John Sherman, Mark Hanna, Charles Dick
Preceded byCalvin S. Brice
Succeeded byTheodore E. Burton
Personal details
Born(1846-07-05)July 5, 1846
Highland County, Ohio
DiedMay 10, 1917(1917-05-10) (aged 70)
Cincinnati, Ohio
Resting placeSpring Grove Cemetery
Nationality United States
Political partyRepublican
SpouseJulia A. P. Bundy (1870 –1917, survived as widow)
ChildrenJoseph Benson Jr., Florence Margaret, Clara Louise, Julia Bundy, Arthur St. Clair
Alma mater
ProfessionLawyer
NicknameFire Alarm Joe
Signature
Military service
AllegianceUnited States
Branch/serviceUnion Army
Years of serviceJuly 14, 1862 –
June 13, 1865
RankCaptain
Unit89th Ohio Infantry

Joseph Benson Foraker (July 5, 1846 – May 10, 1917) was a United States Senator from Ohio from 1897 to 1909. A Republican politician, he was the 37th Governor of Ohio from 1886 to 1890.

Early life and career

Boyhood and Civil War

Joseph Benson Foraker was born on July 5, 1846 on a farm about 1 mile (1.6 km) north of Rainsboro, Ohio, in Highland County, the son of Henry and Margaret (Reece) Foraker, and one of 11 children, of whom nine reached adulthood. Henry Foraker was the first in his line (said to descend from Devon in England, though with German and Scots-Irish influences) to spell his name that way; his father, named John, had spelled it "Fouracre", or sometimes "Foreacer". David Reece, Joseph's maternal grandfather, was of English descent and had come west from Grayson County, Virginia to become a miller and farmer, marrying Sarah Weyer, of German descent, and becoming prominent in the community, serving in the Ohio Legislature.

The house in which Joseph Foraker was born was a comfortable two-story residence, although his later campaign publications often depicted it as a log cabin. When Joseph was age 2, David Reece died, and the Foraker family purchased the mill and adjacent farm. On that farm, Joseph (often called "Benson"; he was named for Joseph Benson, author of a book of Bible commentaries owned by the Forakers) grew up as a typical Ohio farm boy. He received little formal schooling as a boy, attending the local school for three or four months each winter. Despite the limited education, young Joseph acquired a taste for military history, and a gift for speaking. He also became interested in politics; at age 10, he became an adherent of the newly-formed Republican Party. Four years later, he supported the Republican candidate, former Illinois representative Abraham Lincoln, in the 1860 presidential race, marching in processions of the Wide Awakes and other pro-Lincoln groups. He attended as many rallies as he could, and impressed by one speaker enough to follow him to a neighboring town the following night, learned not to make the same speech twice—at least, not in venues close to each other.

In October 1861, Foraker left his parents' home to go to the county seat of Hillsboro and live with his uncle, James Reece, auditor of Highland County. Joseph Foraker was a replacement for his older brother, Burch, by then enlisted in the Union Army as the American Civil War was raging. The young clerk was impressed by his brother's letters home, and was anxious to join the army despite his youth. Soon after his 16th birthday, Joseph Foraker learned that a family friend was organizing a volunteer company, and sought to enlist. His uncle gave reluctant consent, and on July 14, 1862. Foraker was mustered in Company "A", 89th Ohio Volunteer Infantry; in late August, after training, he became second sergeant. With Confederate forces moving through Kentucky and threatening Cincinnati, the 89th was hurried into defenses set up across the Ohio River in Newport, Kentucky. The Confederates did not reach the Ohio, having been forced back well to the south, and the 89th moved to Fort Shaler, near Newport. While Foraker was at Fort Shaler, President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation; Foraker recounted in his memoirs that he and his comrades felt that the proclamation meant that they were fighting for the end of slavery, not just to preserve the Union

Later in September 1862, the 89th was sent to Western Virginia (today West Virginia) to join Union forces there, and joined in their advance for a month. The regiment settled into winter quarters, but were called out for transport to Tennessee, where they helped relieve Fort Donelson in February 1863. Foraker had as yet seen little actual fighting, and the bloody scenes there were a shock to him; he wrote his parents, "To know how dreadful war is you must see it yourself." The 89th remained at Donelson only a few days before being sent to join the Army of the Cumberland under the command of Major General William S. Rosecrans near Carthage; there, Foraker was promoted to second lieutenant. In June, Foraker lead an advance guard which clashed with the Confederate rear guard in what developed into the Battle of Hoover's Gap, and the Union forces slowly advanced across Tennessee, reaching Chattanooga in September. From Chattanooga, Foraker and two other officers were sent home to collect new soldiers who were expected to be drafted, but the plan to draft recruits was abandoned due to political opposition. In November he returned to Chattanooga, where the 89th was now under Brigadier General William Tecumseh Sherman, in time to fight in the Battle of Missionary Ridge.

In May 1864, Sherman began his Atlanta Campaign. Foraker fought in a number of fierce battles in that campaign, including Resaca, New Hope Church, and Kennesaw Mountain. Atlanta, or at least what was left of it after devastating fires, fell on September 2. Foraker was detailed to the Signal Corps school which was set up by the army at Atlanta, and spent a month there. He was then assigned to Major General Henry W. Slocum's division, and remained with that division as it participated in Sherman's March to the Sea, leaving a swath of destruction behind. In late December 1864, the army reached Savannah, and Foraker, despite it being a stormy night, was able to communicate with US Navy ships offshore to alert them to the presence of Sherman's army. After a month, the army marched north into South Carolina, determined to bring even more devastation to the state which had first seceded. Foraker was in charge of maintaining signals between the wings of the army, and was stationed on a gunboat as it moved up the Savannah River. He saw more active duty as a courier between Sherman's main army and Slocum's forces in March 1865 as they met Confederate forces in North Carolina in the Battle of Bentonville. On the day of the battle, March 19, 1865, Foraker was promoted to brevet captain, and was soon thereafter made aide de camp to General Slocum. In April, as Sherman's army moved slowly northward, word came of the surrender of Confederate General Robert E. Lee and his forces at Appomattox, Virginia, effectively ending the war. In early May, Sherman's Army of Georgia journeyed north towards Washington, passing in review on May 23 before the new president, Andrew Johnson, sworn in after Lincoln's assassination the previous month. Foraker soon thereafter returned to Ohio, and was mustered out.

Education and early career

Foraker had been ambitious to become a lawyer while a clerk for his uncle; with peace restored he enrolled for a year at Salem Academy and then in 1866 Ohio Wesleyan University in Delaware, Ohio. He found the students who had not served in the army to be immature. He took the usual course, mostly of classics, with a few classes in the sciences, and registered as a clerk for a local attorney. Foraker courted Julia Bundy, daughter of Congressman Hezekiah Bundy and a student at nearby Ohio Wesleyan Female College; the two would marry in 1870. In 1868, he learned that newly-founded Cornell University in Ithaca, New York was offering entrance by examination to students willing to transfer. Along with fellow Ohio Wesleyan students Morris Lyon Buchwalter and John Andrew Rea, Foraker enrolled at Cornell; the three founded the first New York State chapter of Phi Kappa Psi fraternity and in 1869, graduated as part of Cornell's inaugural class, consisting of eight students. Foraker, in later years, served as a trustee of Cornell, elected by his fellow alumni.

After graduating from Cornell, Foraker moved to Cincinnati, where he resumed his study of law with a local firm; he was admitted to the bar in October 1869. Foraker's first job in the legal profession was as a notary public; he wrote in his memoirs how time consuming depositions were in the days before typewriters.. He soon joined with fellow attorney Charles W. Cole in a partnership; in 1871, he partnered with P.J. Donham instead, remaining in that firm for seven years. Foraker wrote that he earned $600 in his first year as a lawyer, but by the fourth year was earning $2,700, "after that it was easy".

The Forakers lived in a boarding house on Elm Street in Cincinnati for two years after their wedding in 1870. They then moved to a house in the suburb of Norwood and in 1879 built a home in upscale Mount Auburn Joseph Foraker had initially intended to concentrate on his law practice, but in the early 1870s became a well-regarded speaker for the Republicans. In 1872, Foraker campaigned vigorously for President Ulysses Grant's successful re-election bid. In 1875, he was for the first time a delegate to the Republican state convention, supporting fellow Cincinnatian Alfonso Taft; however, Taft was defeated for the nomination by Governor Rutherford Hayes who that fall broke Ohio precedent by winning a third two-year term. The following year, he attended the 1876 Republican National Convention as a spectator, and listened spellbound as Robert Ingersoll dramatically nominated Maine Senator James G. Blaine for president, calling him a "plumed knight". While Ingersoll's speech gained Blaine a lasting nickname, it did not procure him the nomination, which fell to Governor Hayes. Foraker supported Hayes, who was elected that fall in a close and controversial election.

Foraker began to run for elective office as a Republican himself. In 1876, he ran for judge of the Court of Common Pleas. Election fraud by Democratic political boss Eph Howard defeated Foraker and the rest of the Republican ticket. In 1878, he ran for state's attorney for Hamilton County (where Cincinnati is located) but was defeated in another Democratic sweep. In 1879, Foraker won his first elective office, as judge of the Superior Court for Hamilton County. He served three years of a four-year term, resigning in 1882 due to an illness, though he recovered after several months' rest.

Seeking the governorship (1883–1885)

In 1883, Ohio Governor Charles Foster, a Republican who had held the office since 1880, sought a Republican contender to succeed him. Foster, during his time in office, had sought increased regulation of the liquor trade. He had offended German-Americans over the issue, who were deemed likely to vote Democratic, and who were especially concentrated in Cincinnati. Few expected the Republicans to retain the governorship, and prominent candidates such as Senator John Sherman and Congressman Benjamin Butterworth declined to run. Foster saw Foraker as a candidate likely to do well: he was a Civil War veteran with a good record as a lawyer and a promising public speaker—and his Cincinnati residence might win back some votes. Others agreed; the local United States Attorney wrote to Ohio Senator John Sherman that the Republicans should nominate "Foraker or some other unobjectionable man". Foster accordingly wrote to Foraker, offering him the chance at "honorable distinction and useful service." Foraker came to Columbus just before the 1883 state convention, and sounded out state Republican leaders such as Sherman and Congressman William McKinley. When Foraker found them willing to support him, he allowed his name to be placed in nomination, and once it was clear that Sherman would not run, the convention nominated Foraker by acclamation. The Democratic Cincinnati Enquirer summed up the Republican strategy: "They determined to sacrifice as little as possible, so they sacrificed Foraker."

The Democrats nominated George Hoadly, another Cincinnatian, with whom Foraker was friendly. The major issue in the campaign was alcohol–the legislature had passed a law authorizing localities to license saloons, and had authorized two referenda which would allow it to pass additional regulation. Hoadly, though ill part of the campaign with malaria deftly maneuvered the politically-inexperienced Foraker into stating that he would not vote for the referenda. This offended "dry" Republicans, splitting the party. Foraker campaigned throughout the state, reaching nearly every county and generally speaking at least twice a day. At that time, most campaign travel was by scheduled trains, and Foraker would generally speak to a crowd at a rural county seat in the afternoon, catch a train, and address a city meeting in the evening. Nevertheless, Foraker was defeated by over 12,000 votes, losing most counties, including Hamilton, though according to Walters, "although defeated in this campaign, Foraker gained by it; he won political repute through the state; no longer was he an 'unknown.' " One reason cited for Foraker's defeat was a failure to appeal to African-Americans, who constituted about two percent of Ohio's population and who then mostly voted Republican.

Foraker returned to the practice of law (he had formed a new partnership with Cincinnati lawyer L.C. Black in 1882), initially vowing to avoid politics; however, he received a number of letters offering him support in a gubernatorial race in 1885. The 1884 Republican state convention elected Foraker a delegate-at-large to the national convention along with Congressman McKinley and Cleveland industrialist Mark Hanna. Sherman's political managers asked Foraker to play an active role in Sherman's campaign, and to place his name in nomination at the convention, which he did, though Walters describes his speech as "weak and unimpressive" by comparison with Foraker's later efforts. Other candidates for the nomination included President Chester A. Arthur and John A. Logan, but the convention was dominated by the Blaine forces. Sherman received 30 votes, mostly from Ohio, on the first ballot, but thereafter declined, and Blaine secured the nomination on the fourth ballot. There was talk of Foraker for vice president; he received one vote, from New York delegate and Cornell president Andrew D. White. The nominating speech, despite its flaws, made Foraker a national figure. At the convention, Foraker had worked with Hanna and with Charles G. Kurtz of Columbus: both would support Foraker in the years ahead, though in the case of Hanna, only for a time. In the fall campaign, both Foraker and Hanna supported Blaine, accompanying the New Englander when he toured Ohio in October. However, Blaine was defeated by the Democratic candidate, New York Governor Grover Cleveland.

Foraker received early support for a second run for governor in 1885, but said little publicly until the state convention in Springfield in June. One charge he did respond to was a claim that he had discriminated against African-Americans in his law practice and that he had withdrawn from Ohio Wesleyan because a black student had been admitted. Foraker refuted these charges without stating that he was a candidate for office. He arrived at the convention to the strains of "Marching Through Georgia", in reference to his Civil War service, and won an easy first-ballot victory: according to Walters, "the Springfield convention of 1885 marked the arrival of Foraker, the politician." The major issues in the fall campaign were again the liquor question, at which Foraker proved more adept than two years previously, and treatment of the African-American voter, prompted by an incident in Cincinnati in 1884 when a Democratic-minded policeman, Mike Mullen locked up 150 African-Americans the night before the general election to prevent them from voting. Foraker was again opposed by Hoadly, who had pardoned Mullen, and who had accepted a $150,000 fee from the city-owned Cincinnati Southern Railway, though the governor professed not to know how he had earned the fee. Foraker forged an alliance with African-American editor Harry C. Smith, who would be a supporter though his political career. On October 13, 1885, Foraker defeated Hoadly by 17,451 votes. Although he won much of the state, he did not carry Hamilton County due to election fraud.

Governor of Ohio (1886–1890)

Policies as governor

Joseph Foraker was sworn in as governor on January 12, 1886, during an intense blizzard, which prevented many of the political marching clubs which hoped to honor him from reaching Columbus. In his inaugural address, he urged election reform, creation of a liquor licensing bureau, the abolition of laws which discriminated against African Americans, and the establishment of a state board of health. With a Republican majority in both houses, the legislature enacted many of his proposals, including the Poorman Law, requiring voter registration in Cleveland and Cincinnati (and later in all large cities), as well as the Pugsley Law, which established nonpartisan boards to appoint election officials. The Ohio State Journal commented, "Not all that is needed in the way of amendments to the election laws of Ohio, but it will do for a starter." The Dow law imposed an annual tax on businesses in the alcohol trade; most of the proceeds would go for poor relief and to the police fund. With Foraker's support, the remaining laws which allowed racial discrimination were repealed.

Foraker became politically popular during his governorship for "waving the bloody shirt", that is, castigating the South for the Civil War. President Cleveland in 1887 requested northern governors to return captured Confederate battle flags. When Foraker was asked by a supporter if he would allow the banners to go South, he responded by telegraph, "No rebel flags will be returned while I am governor." Cleveland backed down, and Foraker was hailed as a hero by many, receiving thousands of congratulatory messages. Foraker criticized the President for vetoing a bill increasing war pensions and for going fishing on Decoration Day, and when the governor visited Philadelphia later that year for the celebration of the centennial of the Constitution, he rode at the head of a regiment of Ohio militia past the reviewing stand on which Cleveland stood. When Foraker saluted, Cleveland removed his hat, but did not bow slightly as he had for other state governors. Later that day, Foraker led a troop of Grand Army of the Republic veterans past Cleveland's reviewing stand, bearing an array of captured battle flags.

Until mid-1888, Foraker had the enthusiastic support of Hanna, who, while still boosting John Sherman for president, was a generous contributor to the governor's 1885 and 1887 campaigns. Hanna hoped to be able to dispense patronage in northern Ohio. According to Hanna biographer William T. Horner, however, "unfortunately for Hanna, Foraker largely refused to grant Hanna the authority that by tradition he probably had earned." One example, later cited by Foraker as a reason his close relationship with Hanna ended was the question of the position of state oil inspector, a position whose fees were paid, not by the taxpayer, but by the oil companies, and who was permitted to appoint large numbers of deputies. In 1885, soon after Foraker's inauguration, Hanna advocated the appointment of William M. Bayne, while Congressman McKinley pressed the name of Louis Smithnight. Hanna agreed to withdraw Bayne, not to accommodate McKinley, but to save Foraker from a difficulty, "I had a call from Major McKinley and his oil inspector candidate. The Major is never behind-hand with his claims. I tell him he 'wants the earth …" One of the men appointed deputy oil inspector was Harry Smith, the African-American editor who had supported Foraker in the 1885 election. McKinley again approached Foraker after his re-election in 1887; this time Foraker appointed George B. Cox, Republican boss of Cincinnati, though Smithnight was retained as a deputy. In later years, Foraker suggested the dispute over the oil inspectorship was a reason for Hanna breaking from him and allying with McKinley, stating after Hanna's death in 1904, "I have often thought since that my appointment of Cox made McKinley president."

1888 convention; defeat for third term

Walters traces fissures between Foraker's supporters and those of Sherman from as early as 1887. Foraker's meteoric rise in Ohio politics was a threat to Sherman, especially as Foraker was likely to seek other office after completing his time as governor. Walters noted, "Sherman's adherents felt that Foraker … crowded their field by becoming too influential, politically and personally; his name was prominently mentioned for the vice presidency and even the presidency. In 1888 the problem for the Shermanites was to control the popular young governor and to circumvent any ambitions he might have at the convention." In 1887, McKinley, Hanna, Sherman, and others met at the congressman's home in Canton, deciding to push for Sherman's endorsement by the 1887 Republican state convention in Toledo, and to threaten Foraker should he refuse to get in line. Despite some anti-Sherman feeling in Ohio, the resolution was adopted unanimously by the same convention which renominated Foraker, and later that year, the governor was re-elected.

Sherman was a leading candidate for the nomination, commanding the support of Ohio, much of Pennsylvania, and the South. Uncertainty over whether Blaine would be a candidate hung over the 1888 Republican National Convention in June. Although Blaine had made it clear he was not a candidate, and he was in Scotland visiting Andrew Carnegie at the time of the Chicago convention, his devotees hoped he might change his mind. Sherman did not fully trust Foraker, and gave over the management of his campaign to Hanna. The senator also declined to have Foraker place his name in nomination in favor of Daniel H. Hastings of Pennsylvania. At the convention, Foraker seconded Hastings' nomination of Sherman, but the senator, on the first ballot, received few votes outside the states known to support him. Sherman's southern support was discounted, as those states would not support the Republican nominee, and Sherman had paid those (mostly African-American) delegates' travel expenses.

By the fourth ballot, on Saturday, June 23, Sherman had about the same number of votes he had started with, but was being challenged by a surge from Indiana Governor Benjamin Harrison. The convention then adjourned until Monday, June 25. With almost two days for intrigue, rumors swept through the convention that Blaine would be a candidate after all. Late on Saturday night, Foraker released a statement that he would support Blaine. Walters proffered several reasons for the switch: that Foraker felt Sherman had no chance, together with resentment at not being thanked by Sherman for the seconding speech, and annoyance at the trickle of votes which McKinley had received. Foraker might also secure a place on the ticket, either for president or vice president, though he stated he would not accept a nomination without Sherman's consent. The switch wounded Sherman's candidacy by showing that his own state's governor did not support him, and even though Foraker switched back to Sherman when Blaine wired reiterating that he was not a candidate, the damage was done; Governor Harrison gained the nomination on the eighth ballot.

According to Horner, Foraker's temporary abandonment of Sherman was "the move that seems to have shattered his relationship with Hanna permanently". However, Foraker gave other reasons for the break, stating after Hanna's death that one reason for it was that Hanna bought up the extra tickets of Southern black convention delegates, a practice which the governor considered corrupt. However, J.B. Morrow, the newspaper publisher who took Foraker's statement as source material for Herbert Croly's 1912 biography of Hanna, disagreed: "it was understood at the time that his heart was not in Sherman's candidacy … his outraged feelings over Hanna's bargaining with Southern delegates can't be believed by me." According to Horner, "the split between Foraker and Hanna had a profound impact on the subsequent behavior of both men, their careers in politics, and the Republican Party in Ohio, which was fractured by the dispute."

Harrison was elected president in November 1888 over President Cleveland. By 1889, a faction of Ohio Republicans, led by Hanna, Sherman and McKinley was openly opposed to Foraker. He felt relieved at the break, writing to a friend, "From Toledo to Chicago, my neck was under a yoke, but now I am free." Despite the factional opposition, Foraker sought a third term in 1889, hoping to be elected to the Senate as Sherman's junior colleague in the legislative election to be held in January 1890. He was renominated at the 1889 state convention in Columbus on the second ballot, as the opposition to him was divided.

While the lack of support from part of his own party hurt Foraker in 1889, events also caused him to lose support against his Democratic opponent James E. Campbell. A law for the Sunday closing of saloons had been passed under Foraker in 1886, when Cleveland Mayor John B. Mosby proposed to enforce the law against local opposition, Foraker wired to Mosby the support of the state government. This stance alienated many anti-Prohibition Republicans. Another damaging incident was Foraker's claim, based on documents he procured which turned out to be forged, that Campbell had supported the uniform use of one company's ballot box in federal elections, in which the Democrat supposedly had a financial interest. The documents also proved to bear signatures of Sherman, McKinley, and other Foraker enemies; they were later shown to have been taken from franked mail. Campbell was not in fact involved with the company, and the affair cost Foraker votes. A congressional committee conducted an investigation in 1891 and cleared all of those whose signatures had ben reproduced. However, it blamed Foraker for using the documents without verifying their authenticity. By then, Foraker was no longer governor, having been defeated by Campbell by 10,873 votes out of some 750,000 cast. According to McKinley biographer Kevin Phillips, "when Foraker lost his bid for a third statehouse term, McKinley became Ohio's next-in-line presidential favorite son".

United States Senate

Foraker was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1896 representing Ohio, and served two terms, from 1897 to March 3, 1909. He sponsored the Organic Act of 1900, also known as the Foraker Act, which established civil government in the newly-acquired island of Puerto Rico. Foraker served as one of Ohio's two senators from 1897 to March 3, 1909. Although the senator had competed with McKinley for political influence in Ohio, he supported the president's policies as a member of Congress. Foraker voted in favor of the Spanish-American War in 1898 and served as chairman of the committee on the Pacific Islands and Puerto Rico. When Theodore Roosevelt became president, Foraker was not as supportive. He was the only Republican to vote against the Hepburn Act of 1906, which regulated railroads. He also criticized Roosevelt's actions in the Brownsville case, in which the president ordered that an company of the African-American 25th Infantry Regiment (United States) be discharged without formal charges filed against them in 1906. {The dishonorable discharge order was reversed in 1972}. Foraker was unsuccessful in obtaining a third term as senator in 1908. During his first term as senator, Foraker had taken money from the Standard Oil Company in exchange for providing some legal advice to the company. In the nineteenth century, this kind of arrangement between politicians and businesses had been acceptable. By the early twentieth century, many Americans viewed such a relationship as a conflict of interest. When news of his involvement with Standard Oil became public in 1908, Foraker was forced to retire from politics.

In the Senate, he was Chairman, Committee to Examine Branches of the Civil Service (Fifty-fifth Congress); Committee on Pacific Islands and Puerto Rico (Fifty-sixth through Sixtieth Congresses). Foraker was an unsuccessful candidate for re-election in 1908, and was a candidate for the Republican nomination in the United States presidential election, 1908, losing to William Howard Taft. After leaving the Senate, Foraker returned to private legal practice in Cincinnati, Ohio. He once again attempted to enter politics in 1914, unsuccessfully running against Warren G. Harding for the Republican senatorial nomination. He published his memoirs, Notes of a Busy Life, in 1916. Foraker died in Cincinnati on May 10, 1917. He was buried in the Spring Grove Cemetery, 69 paces away from fellow founder of New York Alpha, the Honorable Morris Lyon Buchwalter.

Reputation within the Republican Party

Although Foraker was an influential member of the Republican Party in Ohio, he did not get along with such prominent Republicans as John Sherman, Marcus Hanna, and William McKinley. For example, in 1892, Foraker unsuccessfully attempted to contest Sherman's appointment as a United States senator. Several years later, Foraker and McKinley engaged in a power struggle for control of the Ohio Republican Party. Instead, Foraker gained the support of prominent city boss George Cox of Cincinnati.

Family

On October 4, 1870, Foraker married Julia A. P. Bundy. They met as students at Ohio Wesleyan, where Julia graduated in 1868. She was the daughter of Hezekiah S. Bundy, member of Congress, and friend of Lincoln. They had two sons and three daughters. In 1893, his son, Benson, was the first child of a Cornell alumnus to graduate from that school.

Honors

Mount Foraker in Alaska and Governor Foraker Place, a street in the county seat of Highland County, Hillsboro, Ohio, about 10 miles west of Rainsboro, are named in his honor.

Foraker, Oklahoma, a town in Osage County, Oklahoma was named for Senator Foraker.

Notes

  1. In the post-Civil War era, men who had served in the war as officers were often referred to by their onetime rank. Thus Major McKinley, Captain Foraker, General Benjamin Harrison, etc.

References

  1. Walters, p. 111.
  2. Phillips, p. 61.
  3. ^ Reed Randall & Greve, pp. 467–470.
  4. Walters, pp. 4–6.
  5. Joseph Foraker vol. 1, pp. 1–5.
  6. Walters, pp. 5–7.
  7. Joseph Foraker vol. 1, p. 12.
  8. Walters, pp. 8–9.
  9. Joseph Foraker vol. 1, p. 26.
  10. Walters, pp. 9–10.
  11. Walters, pp. 10–12.
  12. Walters, pp. 12–14.
  13. Walters, p. 8.
  14. Walters, pp. 14–17.
  15. Joseph Foraker vol. 1, p. 80.
  16. Joseph Foraker vol. 1, p. 83.
  17. Walters, p. 18.
  18. Joseph Foraker vol. 1, p. 35.
  19. Walters, p. 13.
  20. Walters, pp. 18–21.
  21. Walters, p. 20.
  22. Walters, pp. 21–22.
  23. Walters, p. 22.
  24. ^ Walters, pp. 22–23.
  25. Joseph Foraker vol. 1, pp. 115–116.
  26. Walters, p. 25.
  27. Murray, p. 60.
  28. Walters, pp. 20, 27–28, 80.
  29. Walters, pp. 30, 33.
  30. Walters, pp. 30–33.
  31. Walters, pp. 33–34.
  32. Murray, pp. 171, 173.
  33. Walters, p. 35.
  34. Walters, pp. 36–39.
  35. Walters, p. 39.
  36. ^ Murray, p. 174.
  37. Walters, p. 53.
  38. Walters, pp. 53–54, 59.
  39. Horner, p. 66.
  40. Walters, p. 81.
  41. ^ Horner, p. 67.
  42. Murray, p. 173.
  43. Walters, pp. 52, 54, 62.
  44. Walters, p. 57.
  45. Horner, pp. 70–71.
  46. Walters, pp. 65–67.
  47. Walters, pp. 69–70.
  48. Walters, pp. 73–76.
  49. Horner, p. 75.
  50. Horner, p. 76.
  51. Horner, p. 77.
  52. Horner, p. 78.
  53. ^ Walters, p. 80.
  54. Walters, p. 83.
  55. Walters, p. 89.
  56. Walters, pp. 91–95.
  57. Phillips, pp. 62–63.
  58. Walters.
  59. Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture.

Bibliography

Books

Other sources

  • Kendrick, Benjamin B. (December 1916). "McKinley and Foraker". Political Science Quarterly. 31 (4). The Academy of Political Science: 590–604. doi:10.2307/2141630. JSTOR 2141630.
  • May, Jon D. "Foraker". Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture. Oklahoma Historical Society. Retrieved 1 July 2012.
  • Murray, Percy E. (Spring 1983). "Harry C. Smith—Joseph B. Foraker alliance: Coalition politics in Ohio". The Journal of Negro History. 68 (2). Association for the Study of African American Life and History, Inc.: 171–184. doi:10.2307/2717720. JSTOR 2717720.

External links

Offices and distinctions
Political offices
Preceded byGeorge Hoadly Governor of Ohio
1886–1890
Succeeded byJames E. Campbell
U.S. Senate
Preceded byCalvin S. Brice U.S. senator (Class 3) from Ohio
1897–1909
Served alongside: John Sherman, Marcus A. Hanna, Charles W. F. Dick
Succeeded byTheodore E. Burton
Party political offices
Preceded byCharles Foster Republican Party nominee for Governor of Ohio
1883, 1885, 1887, 1889
Succeeded byWilliam McKinley
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  • Joseph Benson Foraker (1886–1888)
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