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Iraq War
Part of the U.S. "War on Terrorism"
U.S. soldiers drive by burning oil fields while convoying to Al Jawala, Iraq, during an operation.
Date March 20, 2003 to Present Location Iraq Result Conflict ongoing Overthrow of Saddam Hussein government and capture of Saddam Hussein. Occupation of Iraq by coalition forces. Emergence of Iraqi insurgency and Sectarian violence in Iraq. Massive civilian casualties Widespread damage to Iraqi infrastructure Privatisation of Iraqi services in ongoing attempt to reconstruct Iraq Election of a new government
Belligerents
Resistance Forces: Ba'athist Iraq Ba'ath Loyalists Al-Qaeda in Iraq Mahdi Army Other insurgent groups and militias	Coalition Forces: United States United Kingdom South Korea Australia New Iraqi Army Kurdish forces Multinational forces in Iraq SCIRI others
Commanders and leaders
Saddam Hussein Abu Musab al-Zarqawi† Moqtada al-Sadr Abu Ayyub al-Masri Mujahideen Shura Council others	George W. Bush Tommy Franks George Casey Brian Burridge Peter Wall others
Strength
375,000+ initial (figure only includes regular Iraqi forces)	263,000 coalition, 50,000 Kurdish fighters (peak)
Casualties and losses
Iraqi military dead (Saddam-era): 4,900-6,375 Insurgents dead: No verifiable tally.	Coalition dead (inc. 2,851 US, 125 UK, 121 other, 647 contractors): 3,744 Iraqi Security Forces dead (post-Saddam era): 5736 (from media reports. The source says it is way low) Coalition Wounded in action (inc. 21,485 U.S., 891+ UK, 3,963+ contractors): 26,339
*Total deaths of all Iraqis, Johns Hopkins: 392,979 - 942,636 War-related deaths (civilian and non-civilian), and deaths from criminal gangs. Iraq Health Minister: 100,000-150,000 Civilian deaths due to insurgent/military action and increased criminal violence, Iraq Body Count (IBC): 43,850-48,693
*Total deaths (civilian and non-civilian) include all excess deaths due to increased lawlessness, degraded infrastructure, poor healthcare, etc.. The IBC count is from English-language media reports. For more info, casualty estimates, and explanations for the wide variation in results, see: Casualties of the conflict in Iraq since 2003

The Iraq War (2003 to the present), also known as the Second Gulf War (and by the U.S. military as Operation Iraqi Freedom and the UK military as Operation TELIC), started with the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Subsequent occupation of Saddam Hussein's Ba'athist Iraq by a United States-led coalition has resulted in ongoing asymmetric warfare between resistance forces and coalition forces. Both resistance and coalition forces include fighters from several countries. The New Iraqi Army was created to replace the old one that was disbanded after the U.S. led invasion. In the midst of fighting between resistance, coalition, and Iraqi forces, sectarian war between the majority Shia and minority Sunni populations continues today. The causes and consequences of the war remain controversial.

Timeline of the War

Prior to invasion

Prior to invasion, the United States and other coalition forces involved in the 1991 Persian Gulf War had been engaged in a low-level conflict with Iraq, by enforcing the two Iraqi no-fly zones in the north and the south of the country. Iraqi air-defense installations repeatedly targeted American and British air patrols and were often engaged by the coalition aircraft shortly afterwards. Approximately nine months after the 9/11 attacks, the U.S. initiated Operation Southern Focus as a change to its response strategy, by increasing the overall number of missions and selecting targets throughout the no-fly zones in order to disrupt the military command structure in Iraq.

The weight of bombs dropped increased from none in March 2002 and 0.3 in April 2002 to between 8 and 14 tons per month in May-August, reaching a pre-war peak of 54.6 tons in September - prior to Congress' 11 October authorization of the invasion. In retaliation for the Iraqi's now-daily air defense attacks on coalition aircraft, the September attacks included a 5 September 100-aircraft attack on the main air defence site in western Iraq. According to an editorial by Michael Smith for the New Statesman, this was "Located at the furthest extreme of the southern no-fly zone, far away from the areas that needed to be patrolled to prevent attacks on the Shias; it was destroyed not because it was a threat to the patrols, but to allow allied special forces operating from Jordan to enter Iraq undetected." U.S. military personnel stationed at Southern Watch headquarters during this time, recall that this attack, on this particular Iraqi air defense unit, was taken solely in reaction to Iraq's continued attack on coalition aircraft operating in compliance with the UN-mandated overflights of the Iraq "no-fly" zone.

2003: Invasion

The 2003 invasion of Iraq began on March 19, later the invasion was changed to "Operation Iraqi Freedom" by the Bush administration. They cooperated with Kurdish forces in the north which numbered upwards of 50,000. Other nations also participated in part of a coalition force to help with the operation by providing equipment, services and security as well special forces. The 2003 Iraq invasion marked the beginning of what is commonly referred to as the Iraq War.

Post-invasion, early and mid 2003

On May 1, 2003, President Bush made a dramatic visit to the aircraft carrier U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln while the ship was a few miles west of San Diego. The Lincoln was on its way home to Everett, Washington from a long deployment which had included service in the Persian Gulf. The visit climaxed at sunset with his now-legendary "Mission Accomplished" speech. This nationally-televised speech was delivered before the sailors and airmen on the flight deck. Bush essentially declared victory at this time (even though, admittedly, Saddam Hussein was still at large and significant pockets of resistance remained plus more resistance would form for years to come.)

In May of 2003, after the defeat of Iraq's conventional forces, the coalition military noticed a gradually increasing flurry of attacks on the multinational troops in various regions, such as the "Sunni Triangle". In the initial chaos after the fall of the Iraqi government, there was massive looting of infrastructure, including government buildings, official residences, museums, banks, and military depots. According to The Pentagon, 250,000 tons (of 650,000 tons total) of ordnance was looted, providing a significant source of ammunition for the Iraqi insurgency. The hundreds of weapons caches already created by the conventional Iraqi army and Republican Guard further strengthened these looted supplies for the insurgents.

At first the resistance stemmed from fedayeen and loyalists of Saddam Hussein or the Ba'ath Party, but soon religious radicals and Iraqis angered by the occupation contributed to the insurgency. In late 2004, foreign fighters from around the Middle East as well as al-Qaeda in Iraq (a group that is separate from al-Qaeda but which changed its name for propaganda purposes), led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi would help to drive the insurgency. The insurgents are generally known to the Coalition forces as "Anti-Iraqi Forces."

The initial insurgency in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle. This location includes Baghdad. The three provinces that had the highest number of attacks were Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah Ad Din--these provinces account for 35% of the population. This resistance has been described as a type of guerrilla warfare. Insurgent tactics include mortars, suicide bombers, improvised explosive devices (IEDs), roadside bombs, car bombs, small arms fire (usually with assault rifles), and RPGs (rocket-propelled grenades), as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure.

The post-invasion environment began after the Hussein regime had been overthrown. It centers on Coalition and U.N. efforts to establish a stable democratic state capable of defending itself and holding itself together and overcoming insurgent attacks and internal divisions.

Coalition military forces launched several operations around Tigris River peninsula and in the Sunni Triangle. A series of similar operations were launched throughout the summer in the Sunni Triangle. Toward the end of 2003, the intensity and pace of insurgent attacks began to increase. A sharp surge in guerrilla attacks ushered in an insurgent effort that was termed the "Ramadan Offensive", as it coincided with the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Coalition forces brought to bear the use of air power for the first time since the end of the invasion.

Suspected ambush sites and mortar launching positions struck from the air and with artillery fire. Surveillance of major routes, patrols, and raids on suspected insurgents were stepped up. In addition, two villages, including Saddam’s birthplace of al-Auja and the small town of Abu Hishma were wrapped in barbed wire and carefully monitored. On July 22, 2003, during a raid by the U.S. 101st Airborne Division and soldiers from Task Force 20, Saddam Hussein's sons (Uday and Qusay) and one of his grandsons were killed.

In the wave of intelligence information fueling the raids on remaining Ba'ath Party members connected to insurgency, Saddam Hussein himself was captured on December 13 2003 on a farm near Tikrit in Operation Red Dawn. The operation was conducted by the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task Force 121.

see also: Military operations of the Iraq War for a list of all Coalition operations for this period

Late 2003

With the capture of Saddam and a drop in the number of insurgent attacks (an average of 18 a day), some concluded the multinational forces were prevailing in the fight against the insurgency. With the weather growing cooler, Coalition forces were able to operate in full armor which reduced their casualty rate. The provisional government began training a security force intended to defend critical infrastructure, and the United States promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Of this, less than half a billion dollars had been spent in 10 months after it had been promised. Oil revenues were also used for rebuilding schools and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure.

However, the failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption, and decaying infrastructure had left major cities functioning at much-reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council. On July 2 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would remain in Iraq in spite of the attacks, challenging the insurgents with "My answer is, bring 'em on", a line the President later expressed misgivings about having used. In the summer of 2003, the multinational forces focused on hunting down the remaining leaders of the former regime, culminating in the shooting deaths of Saddam's two sons in July. In all, over 300 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel.

Shortly after the capture of Saddam, elements left out of the Coalition Provisional Authority began to agitate for elections and the formation of an Iraqi Interim Government. Most prominent among these was the Shia cleric Ali al-Sistani. More insurgents stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad to Basra in the south.

see also: Military operations of the Iraq War for a list of all Coalition operations for this period

2004: Increased insurgent activity and the First Battle of Fallujah

The start of 2004 was marked by a relative lull in violence. Insurgent forces reorganized during this time, studying the multinational forces' tactics and planning a renewed offensive. Guerrilla attacks were less intense.

Insurgent activity soon increased, however, as hundreds of Iraqi civilians and police were killed over the next few months in a series of massive bombings. One hypothesis for these increased bombings is that the relevance of Saddam Hussein and his followers was diminishing in direct proportion to the influence of radical Islamists, both foreign and Iraqi. An organized Sunni insurgency, with deep roots and both nationalist and Islamist motivations, was becoming more powerful throughout Iraq. The Mahdi Army also began launching attacks on coalition targets in an attempt to seize control from Iraqi security forces. The southern and central portions of Iraq were beginning to erupt in urban guerrilla combat as multinational forces attempted to keep control and prepared for a counteroffensive.

The coalition and the Coalition Provisional Authority decided to face the growing insurgency with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque that had become the focal point for the Mahdi Army and its activities. Just before the attack on Fallujah, four private military contractors, working for Blackwater USA, were ambushed and their corpses mutilated by a large crowd, receiving a great deal of media attention. The attention elicited a violent reaction from Donald Rumsfeld who then ordered Lt. General Conway to attack Fallujah at the earliest opportunity.

After this incident, the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force began plans to re-establish a coalition presence in Fallujah. On April 4, the multinational forces began assaults to clear Fallujah of insurgents. On April 9, the multinational force allowed more than 70,000 women, children and elderly residents to leave the besieged city, reportedly also allowing males of military age to leave. Meanwhile, insurgents were taking advantage of the lull in combat to prepare defenses for a second assault. On April 10, the military declared a unilateral truce to allow for humanitarian supplies to enter Fallujah. Troops pulled back to the outskirts of the city; local leaders reciprocated the ceasefire, although lower-level intense fighting on both sides continued.

The usage by the U.S. of white phosphorus in Fallujah attracted controversy. In the documentary "Fallujah: The Hidden Massacre", aired on the Italian state television network RAI, a former soldier testified "I saw the burned bodies of women and children. The phosphorus explodes and forms a plume. Who ever is within a 150 metre radius has no hope." The U.S. State department first dismissed such claims, but was later corrected in other reports. Lt Col Barry Venable stated to the BBC, "it is an incendiary weapon and may be used against enemy combatants." According to Protocol III of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, white phosphorus can be used, but only against enemy combatants and not civilians. The Independent later reported that "there remain widespread reports of civilians suffering extensive burn injuries. While U.S. commanders insist they always strive to avoid civilian casualties, the story of the battle of Fallujah highlights the intrinsic difficulty of such an endeavour."

When the Iraqi Governing Council protested against the U.S. assault to retake Fallujah, the U.S. military halted its efforts. In the April battle for Fallujah, Coalition troops killed about 600 insurgents and a number of civilians, while 40 Americans died and hundreds were wounded in a fierce battle. The Marines were ordered to stand-down and cordon off the city, maintaining a perimeter around Fallujah. A compromise was reached in order to ensure security within Fallujah itself by creating the local "Fallujah Brigade". While the Marines attacking had a clear advantage in ground firepower and air support, LtGen Conway decided to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Baathist general in complete charge of the town's security. The Fallujah Brigade's responsibility was to secure Fallujah and put a stop to insurgent mortar attacks on the nearby U.S. Marine bases. This compromise soon fell apart and insurgent attacks returned, causing Marine commanders to begin preparations for a second attack in the coming fall. By the end of the spring uprising, the cities of Fallujah, Samarra, Baquba, and Ramadi had been left under guerrilla control with coalition patrols in the cities at a minimum.

see also: Military operations of the Iraq War for a list of all Coalition operations for this period

Early-mid 2004 – the Shi'ite south

Meanwhile, the fighting continued in the Shiite south, and Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. United States Marines were then shifted there to put down the overt rebellion and proceeded to rout Muqtada al-Sadr's Shiite militia. In all, April, May and early June saw more fighting. Over the next three months, the multinational forces took back the southern cities. Also, various insurgent leaders entered into negotiations with the provisional government to lay down arms and enter the political process.

see also: Military operations of the Iraq War for a list of all Coalition operations for this period

June 2004: The new Iraqi government

Main article: Iraqi coalition counter-insurgency operations

Toward the end of June 2004, the Coalition Provisional Authority transferred the "sovereignty" of Iraq to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. However, fighting continued in the form of the Iraqi insurgency. The new government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, has led to delays. Militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr took control of Najaf and, after negotiations broke down, the government asked the United States for help dislodging him.

Through the months of July and August, a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imam Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by Grand Ayatollah Sistani in late August. The new Iraq Grain Board has started to import wheat from Australia Wheat Board which had been long banned by Saddam Hussein.

November 2004: The Second Battle of Fallujah

see: Operation Phantom Fury

The abortive U.S. operation to recapture control of the city, Operation Vigilant Resolve, led to Operation Phantom Fury in November 2004 which resulted in the reputed death of over 5,000 insurgent fighters and the loss of 92 American Marines and over 500 wounded. According to local sources, hundreds of civilians were among those killed.

2005: Iraqi elections and aftermath

On January 31, an election for a government to draft a permanent constitution took place. Although some violence and lack of widespread Sunni Arab participation marred the event, most of the eligible Kurd and Shia populace participated. On February 4, Paul Wolfowitz announced that 15,000 U.S. troops whose tours of duty had been extended in order to provide election security would be pulled out of Iraq by the next month. February, March and April proved to be relatively peaceful months compared to the carnage of November and January, with insurgent attacks averaging 30 a day from the prior average of 70.

Hopes for a quick end to an insurgency and a withdrawal of U.S. troops were dashed at the advent of May, Iraq's bloodiest month since the invasion by U.S. forces in March and April of 2003. Suicide bombers, believed to be mainly disheartened Iraqi Sunni Arabs, Syrians and Saudis, tore through Iraq. Their targets were often Shia gatherings or civilian concentrations mainly of Shias. As a result, over 700 Iraqi civilians died in that month, as well as 79 U.S. soldiers.

During early and mid-May, the U.S. also launched Operation Matador, an assault by around 1,000 Marines in the ungoverned region of western Iraq. Its goal was the closing of suspected insurgent supply routes of volunteers and material from Syria, and with the fight they received their assumption proved correct. Fighters armed with flak jackets (unseen in the insurgency before this time) and using sophisticated tactics met the Marines, eventually inflicting 30 U.S. casualties by the operation's end, and suffering 125 casualties themselves. The Marines succeeded, recapturing the whole region and even fighting insurgents all the way to the Syrian border, where they were forced to stop (Syrian residents living near the border heard the American bombs very clearly during the operation). The vast majority of these armed and trained insurgents quickly dispersed before the U.S. could bring the full force of its firepower on them, as it did in Fallujah.

August 2005: Announcements and renewed fighting

On August 14, 2005 the Washington Post quoted one anonymous U.S. senior official expressing that "the United States no longer expects to see a model new democracy, a self-supporting oil industry or a society in which the majority of people are free from serious security or economic challenges... 'What we expected to achieve was never realistic given the timetable or what unfolded on the ground'". On September 22, 2005, Prince Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, said that he had warned the Bush administration in recent days that Iraq was hurtling toward disintegration, and that the election planned for December was unlikely to make any difference. U. S. officials immediately made statements rejecting this view .

2006: Growing sectarian violence

The beginning of 2006 was marked by government creation talks, growing sectarian violence, and continuous anti-coalition attacks.

February 2006: Al-Askari shrine bombing and Sunni-Shia fighting

See Al Askari Mosque bombing

On February 22 2006, at 6:55 a.m. local time (0355 UTC) two bombs were set off by five to seven men dressed as personnel of the Iraqi Special forces who entered the Al Askari Mosque during the morning. Explosions occurred at the mosque, effectively destroying its golden dome and severely damaging the mosque. Several men, one wearing a military uniform, had earlier entered the mosque, tied up the guards there and set explosives, resulting in the blast.

Shiites across Iraq expressed their anger by destroying Sunni mosques and killing dozens. Religious leaders of both sides called for calm amid fears this could erupt into a long-feared Sunni-Shia civil war in Iraq.

On March 2 the director of the Baghdad morgue fled Iraq explaining, "7,000 people have been killed by death squads in recent months." The Boston Globe reported that around eight times the number of Iraqis killed by terrorist bombings during March 2006 were killed by sectarian death squads during the same period. A total of 1,313 were killed by sectarian militias while 173 were killed by suicide bombings. The LA Times later reported that about 3,800 Iraqis were killed by sectarian violence in Baghdad alone during the first three months of 2006. During April 2006, morgue numbers showed that 1,091 Baghdad residents were killed by sectarian executions. Insurgencies, frequent terrorist attacks and sectarian violence led to harsh criticism of U.S. Iraq policy and fears of a failing state and civil war. The concerns were expressed by several U.S. think tanks as well as the U.S. ambassador to Iraq, Zalmay Khalilzad.

In early 2006, a handful of high-ranking retired generals began to demand United States Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's resignation due in part to the aforementioned chaos that resulted from his management of the war.

In September 2006, The Washington Post reported that the commander of the Marine forces in Iraq filed "an unusual secret report" concluding that the prospects for securing the Anbar province are dim, and that there is almost nothing the U.S. military can do to improve the political and social situation there.

Iraq was listed fourth on the 2006 Failed States Index compiled by the American Foreign Policy magazine and the Fund for Peace think-tank. The list was topped by Sudan.

As of October 20 the U.S military announced that operation Together Forward had failed to stem the tide of violence in Baghdad, and Shiite Militants Under al-Sadr seized several southern Iraq Cities .

On November 8, 2006, Donald Rumsfeld tendered his resignation as United States Secretary of Defense. President George W. Bush then appointed former CIA chief William Gates to replace him.

Troop Deployment 2003 to Current

Template:Operation Iraqi Freedom Troop Deployment

Iraqi insurgency

When the ruling Ba'ath party organization disintegrated after the fall of the Iraqi government, elements of the secret police and Republican Guard formed guerrilla units, since some had simply gone home rather than openly fight the multinational forces. Many of these smaller units formed the center of the initial anti-coalition insurgency, based primarily around the cities of Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah.

The militants and guerrilla units favored attacking unarmored vehicles and avoiding major battles. The early Iraqi insurgency was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by the Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle which includes Baghdad.

By the fall of 2003, these insurgent groups began using typical guerrilla tactics such as ambushes, bombings, kidnappings, and improvised explosive devices. Other tactics included mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure. Multi-national Force-Iraq statistics (see detailed BBC graphic) show that the insurgents primarily targeted coalition forces, Iraqi security forces and infrastructure, and lastly civilians and government officials. The civilian death log reveals that a large majority of the deaths were by car bombs, booby traps, throat slitting, beheading and other techniques that are known to be associated with insurgents. These irregular forces favored attacking unarmored or lightly armored Humvee vehicles, the U.S. military's primary transport vehicle. In November 2003, some of these forces successfully attacked U.S. rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market. Insurgent groups such as the al-Abud Network have even attempted to constitute their own chemical weapons programs, attempting to weaponize traditional mortar rounds with ricin and mustard toxin.

There is evidence that some guerrilla groups are organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign fighters. On February 23, 2005 Al-Iraqiya TV (Iraq) aired transcripts of confessions by Syrian intelligence officer Anas Ahmad Al-Issa and Iraqi insurgent Shihab Al-Sab'awi concerning their booby-trap operations, explosions, kidnappings, assassinations, and details of beheading training in Syria. The insurgents are known by the Coalition military (especially in the United States armed forces) as Anti-Iraqi Forces (AIF).

Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was killed on June 7 2006 in the town of Baquba, north of Baghdad, when U.S. warplanes dropped two 500-pound bombs on his isolated safe house. President George W. Bush said the killing was "a severe blow to al-Qaida and it is a significant victory in the war on terror" but cautioned: "We have tough days ahead of us in Iraq that will require the continuing patience of the American people." His death corresponded with no decrease in the level of violence.

Al-Qaeda in Iraq vowed to continue its "holy war", according to a statement posted on a Web site announcing: "We want to give you the joyous news of the martyrdom of the mujahed sheik Abu Musab al-Zarqawi." With over 1,600 Iraqi deaths in the month of June, the highest monthly total since the Al Askari Mosque bombing, the death of Zarqawi appears to have had little impact on the violence in Iraq.

A violent break between Muqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi Army and the rival Badr Organization of Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, as seen in the fighting in the town of Amarah on October 20, 2006, would severely complicate the efforts of Iraqi and American officials to quell the soaring violence in Iraq.

see also: History of Iraqi insurgency, Sectarian violence in Iraq, Private militias in Iraq

Casualties

Casualty figures, especially Iraqi ones, are highly disputed. This section gives a brief overview. "There are now at least 8 independent estimates of the number or rate of deaths induced by the invasion of Iraq." The merits, and even the existence, of those studies are hotly disputed. See this Iraq Body Count project page for example: . For more information, see the information box at the top right of this article.

United States

The Associated Press reports the death toll in the last four years as over 2,800 American lives (as of November 1, 2006).

Iraqi

Estimates of Iraqi deaths are highly disputed. A study in The Lancet estimates 654,965 Iraqi deaths (with a range of 392,979 to 942,636) from March 2003 to July 2006, based on national surveys of mortality. That total number of deaths (civilian and non-civilian) includes all excess deaths due to increased lawlessness, degraded infrastructure, poor healthcare, etc.. The Washington Post says that the methodology of the Lancet study has been disputed, that "President Bush earlier put the number at 30,000 but gave no sources" and went on to say "Indices drawing only on the deaths reported by news organizations put the figure closer to 50,000." That figure is from the Iraq Body Count project (IBC). The IBC records civilian deaths due to insurgent/military action and increased criminal violence, as reported by English-language media.

The Lancet study states: "Aside from Bosnia, we can find no conflict situation where passive surveillance recorded more than 20% of the deaths measured by population-based methods . In several outbreaks, disease and death recorded by facility-based methods underestimated events by a factor of ten or more when compared with population-based estimates. Between 1960 and 1990, newspaper accounts of political deaths in Guatemala correctly reported over 50% of deaths in years of low violence but less than 5% in years of highest violence."

Damage to Iraq's infrastructure

Healthcare

A November 11, 2006 Los Angeles Times article reports:

The nation's health has deteriorated to a level not seen since the 1950s, said Joseph Chamie, former director of the U.N. Population Division and an Iraq specialist. "They were at the forefront", he said, referring to healthcare just before the 1991 Persian Gulf War. "Now they're looking more and more like a country in sub-Saharan Africa."

Financial costs

Dollar figures

As of September 29, 2006, over $379 billion has been allocated by the U.S. Congress for the Iraq war. The direct costs of the war and occupation have not been included in the regular defense spending request (with the exception of FY 2007); instead, President Bush has submitted emergency spending bills to Congress to cover those costs. The current rate of U.S. expenditure in Iraq is approximately $6.4 billion a month.

As of March 2006, approximately £4.5 billion had been spent by the United Kingdom in Iraq. All of this money has come from a government fund called the "Special Reserve" which has a current allocation of £6.44 billion.

It is not known how much more money has been spent by other members of the coalition; however, the US's share of the cost is by far the largest.

Joseph Stiglitz, former chief economist of the World Bank has suggested the total costs of the Iraq War on the U.S. economy will be $1 trillion in a conservative scenario and could top $2 trillion in a moderate one. Additionally, the extended combat and equipment loss have placed a severe financial strain on the U.S Army, causing the elimination of non-essential expenses such as travel and civilian hiring. The CIA World Factbook lists a 2005 estimate of U.S. military expenditure as 4.06% of GDP (the 26th position in a listing of 167 countries). The Congressional Research Service recently estimated weekly spending at almost $2 billion per week, and that total expenditures have now topped $1 trillion. The Office of Management and Budget's pie chart shows that the discretionary defense spending is 20% of government outlays

U.S. equipment losses

In addition to the human casualties suffered in the war, the U.S. has also lost a number of pieces of military equipment. This total includes those vehicles lost in non-combat related accidents - numbers are an approximation. Recently, the Army has said that the cost of replacing its depleted equipment has tripled from that of 2005.

Combat losses: Land equipment

• 20 M1 Abrams tanks
• 55 Bradley fighting vehicles
• 20 Stryker wheeled combat vehicles
• 20 M113 armored personnel carriers
• 250 Humvees
• 500+ Fuchs wheeled recon. vehicles, mine clearing vehicles, heavy/medium trucks, and trailers
• 10 Amphibious Assault Vehicles

Combat losses: Air equipment

• 27 Apache attack helicopters
• 21 Blackhawk utility helicopters
• 14 Chinook cargo helicopters
• 23 Kiowa surveillance helicopters
• 4 CH-46E Sea Knight cargo helicopters
• 1 A-10 Thunderbolt II ground attack aircraft
• 1 F-15E Strike Eagle fighter aircraft
• 2 UH-1N Huey utility helicopters
• 8 AH-1 Cobra attack helicopters
• 5 CH-53E Super Stallion or MH-53 Pave Low helicopters
• 2 H-3 Sea King helicopters
• 25+ RQ-1 Predator unmanned aerial vehicles
• 3 F/A-18 Hornet fighter aircraft

Criticism

Criticism of military strategy

Withdraw from Iraq

A growing number of citizens in coalition nations have urged their governments to withdraw from Iraq. Supporters of withdrawal argue that the Iraq war is unwinnable, that it has no purpose, or that it has become another Vietnam war. Those who oppose the war also argue that the huge financial cost, as well as the loss of innocent human life, will be ended by a withdrawal of troops. Another consideration is the destabilization to the Middle East region that will almost certainly occur as a consequence of the sudden departure of the United States military. Given the strained relations between the United States and Iraq's neighbor, Iran, and considering the powerful influence of Iran among Iraq's Shi'a Muslim community along with the civil strife between the Sunni and Shi'a communities, the sudden departure of the United States from the region will most likely result in a power vacuum that converts Iraq into a client state of Iran.

Stay in Iraq

In addition to the criticism of the war itself, there is also a large amount of criticism from people that support the war, but who criticize the current military strategy, believing that the current strategy causes unnecessary deaths and injuries of coalition and iraqi troops, as well as civilian contractors, and does not kill enough insurgents. Included within this is the criticism that, if the military strategy were much more effective, then there would be much more support for the war among the people of the coalition countries, especially the United States, except in the case of the strict pacifists and isolationists, who are always opposed to foreign wars regardless of the efficacy of the strategy.

Many specific strategic criticisms have been made by various individuals and publications. Some major criticisms include:

• Prisoners in Iraq detained by U.S. troops are treated badly, and it is estimated that about 1/4th of them are innocent, and many prisoners are subsequently released. The bad treatment of those prisoners makes more enemies of the U.S. . Therefore the prisoners should be treated humanely. (this criticism was made on Nightline , among other places)

• There is a very large number of explosion-induced injuries to soldiers' arms, legs, and faces, including many loses of limbs. Such injuries can be greatly reduced if the soldiers wore light-weight, ventilated, heat-resistant polymer (such as aramid) over their arms and legs, and transparent polycarbonate face masks, which are not strong enough to stop an AK-47 bullet (as that would require them to be too heavy), but can prevent much of the damage from the hot particles of explosives. This goes doubly for the iraqi police, who are severely under-equipped , and who suffer far more deaths and injuries than coalition troops , despite the fact that they are the permanent stabilizing force that, when strong enough, will allow the coalition troops to withdraw. (this criticism was made in discover magazine , among other places)

• Most injuries and deaths to coalition troops and iraqi police are due to covertly-placed roadside bombs (often called IEDs) and car bombs. In any case, the casualties of coalition troops and iraqi police depend on the fact that such troops are clearly marked by their uniforms. That not only provides the insurgents with targets, but it also shows them who to avoid when conducting covert activities such as bomb placement. If the coalition troops and iraqi police used more covert tactics, including the use of plain-clothes iraqi police posing as militia men (it would not work for coalition members, due to the conspicuousness of both their race and their language), the use of hidden cameras with nightvision capability, and constant aerial surveillance of roads (such as by predator drones), then coalition and iraqi forces would be able to kill many insurgents while in the act of planting bombs. It is only by watching such insurgents when they think that they are not being watched, that they can be seen and killed. Covert surveillance and plainclothes iraqi troops in a perimeter around overt coalition and iraqi troop positions would also be effective in sniper attacks and gun battles.

• Many civilian contractors in Iraq, who are involved in rebuilding Iraq, are killed by insurgents , and the improvements that they build are often destroyed soon after they are made. Such contractors and their projects are often not protected. Protecting the contractors and their projects, especially with plainclothes iraqi troops, would both reduce contractor deaths and injuries, and kill insurgents. Another option is to pull out the contractors except for those that are working on military and security projects, until most of the insurgents are dead and it is much safer.

• The pentagon has refused to tabulate the number of insurgents killed . That gives the impression to many people that no progress is being made, which in turn reduces support for the war. It also gives both the government and the people much less to go on when determining the efficacy of their strategy, such that they can not determine the all-important kill ratio, and what that kill ratio is in different situations and different areas of Iraq, such that they can not adjust their strategy accordingly, nor can the public pressure them to do so.

It is notable that Geraldo Rivera is one of the major critics of the military strategy in Iraq. Geraldo advised, among other things, that U.S. troops should only use roads that are monitored 24-7, so as to avoid roadside bombs, and that civilian contractors, except for those working on military and security projects, should pull out until most insurgents are dead and it is safe to build .

Criticisms of U.S. media coverage

Concerns have been raised of insufficiently critical coverage of the activities of U.S. forces in Iraq. However, the argument has also been made that coverage has been unfair to U.S. forces, and has failed to send a message adequately supportive of U.S. forces.

Some critics suggest that the U.S. news media is extremely reluctant to criticise the conduct of American soldiers, for fear of upsetting their viewers and thus losing profits. This could hypothetically keep certain concerns over soldiers' conduct off the U.S. political agenda.

Thus it has been often reported in European media, including countries involved in operations in Iraq, that a large minority of American soldiers and marines in Iraq have been able to behave irresponsibly in Iraq, causing unnecessary deaths of civilians. At the same time, many believe that U.S. forces have come under little U.S. media scrutiny, except in the most extreme cases.

Even in the most extreme cases, such as the Haditha massacre, U.S. media coverage has been considerably less than in European countries such as the United Kingdom. This is especially the case during the early stage when the massacre was a rumour. At this early point, the rumour was rejected by the U.S. media.

The killing of Nicola Calipari by an American soldier, which Italian prosecutors are now classifying murder, received U.S. media coverage because the victim was an Italian Major-General. However the killing fits a pattern of widespread unprovoked fatal incidents which has been suggested by most of the mainstream European media for some time (among many others, in the British Guardian newspaper and French Le Monde newspaper).

Another example of such a killing is the killing of British reporter Terry Lloyd, who was (according to the report of the British coroner hearing the inquest into his death) unlawfully killed by U.S. marines in Iraq. The Independent on Sunday (15th October 2006) suggested that this death was the result of U.S. soldiers' hostility to his decision to report independently rather than being "embedded "with coalition forces.

Human rights abuses

Throughout the entire Iraq war there have been numerous human rights abuses on all sides of the conflict.

U.S. Armed Forces

WARNING: These links have graphic content depicting a decapitation; some of the most publicized abuses include:

• Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse
• Haditha killings - alleged murder of 24 civilians, including women and children (Under investigation)
• Ishaqi incident - alleged murder of 11 civilians, including five children (Under investigation)
• Hamadiya incident - alleged kidnapping and murder of an Iraqi man named Hashim Ibrahim Awad (Under investigation)
• Mahmudiyah incident - alleged gang-rape and murder of a 14 year old girl, the murder of her parents and 7 year old sister. (Under investigation)
• Mukaradeeb - alleged bombing and shooting of at least 42 civilians (Under investigation)

Private Military Contractors

There have also been reported human rights abuses by some of the thousands of private military contractors working in Iraq. The most famous incident involving contractors was the Abu Ghraib incident.

Insurgent forces

A 2005 Human Rights Watch report analysed the insurgency in Iraq and highlighted, "The groups that are most responsible for the abuse, namely al-Qaeda in Iraq, Ansar al-Sunna and the Islamic Army in Iraq, have all targeted civilians for abductions and executions. The first two groups have repeatedly boasted about massive car bombs and suicide bombs in mosques, markets, bus stations and other civilian areas. Such acts are war crimes and in some cases may constitute crimes against humanity, which are defined as serious crimes committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population."

The regular Iraqi insurgents and other groups such as the Sunni Islamic militant groups Al-Qaeda in Iraq and Ansar al-Islam are responsible for numerous abuses and killings, including:

• Killing over 12,000 Iraqis over the period of January 2005 - June 2006, according to Iraqi Interior Minister Bayan Jabr, giving the first official count for the largest category of victims of bombings, ambushes and other increasingly deadly attacks. The insurgents have also conducted numerous suicide attacks on the Iraqi civilian population, mostly targeting the majority Shia community, such as the Attack on the Shia district of Sadr City, Baghdad, on 02/07/2006 which claimed at least 66 lives. An October 2005 report from Human Rights Watch examines the range of civilian attacks and their purported justification.
• The bombing of the U.N. headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003 which killed the top U.N. representative in Iraq and 21 other UN staff members.
• The February 2006 bombing of the al-Askari Mosque, destroying one of the holiest Shiite shrines, killing over 165 worshipers and igniting sectarian strife and reprisal killings.
• Beheading several diplomats: two Algerian diplomatic envoys Ali Belaroussi and Azzedine Belkadi, Egyptian diplomatic envoy al-Sherif, and four Russian diplomats.
• The publicized murders of several non-military persons including; construction contractor Eugene Armstrong, supply contractor Jack Hensley, translator Kim Sun-il, supply contractor Kenneth Bigley, Bulgarian truck drivers Ivaylo Kepov and Georgi Lazov , Shosei Koda, Italian Fabrizio Quattrocchi, charity worker Margaret Hassan, reconstruction engineer Nick Berg, Italian photographer, 52 year old Salvatore Santoro and Iraqi supply worker Seif Adnan Kanaan. Most of these civilians were subjected to brutal torture and/or beheading.
• Torture or murder of members of the New Iraqi Army, and assassination of civilians associated with the Coalition Provisional Authority, such as Fern Holland, or the Iraqi Governing Council, such as Aqila al-Hashimi and Ezzedine Salim, or other foreign civilians, such as those from Kenya.

Iraqi government

Other abuses have been blamed on the new Iraqi government, including:

• The widespread use of torture by Iraqi security forces.
• Shiite-run death squads run out of the Interior Ministry that are accused of committing numerous massacres of Sunni Arabs and the police collusion with militias in Iraq have compounded the problems.

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See also

External articles

Media Echo

• Eliot Weinberger: What I Heard About Iraq in 2005, and What I Heard about Iraq (a collage of various statements concerning the war) dead link; these links active as of Oct 01 2006 link1 and link2

• Tatham, Steve (2006), 'Losing Arab Hearts & Minds: The Coalition, Al-Jazeera & Muslim Public Opinion' Hurst & Co (London) Published 1 Jan 06

• Current events
• 2003 Iraq conflict
• George W. Bush administration controversies