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| Various authors have written about the events of 20th-century ]s, which have resulted in excess deaths, such as ]. Some authors posit that there is a communist death toll, whose death estimates vary widely, depending on the definitions of the deaths that are included in them, ranging from lows of 10–20 millions to highs over 100 millions, which have been criticized by several scholars as ideologically motivated and inflated; they are also criticized for being inaccurate due to incomplete data, inflated by counting any excess death, and for the body counting itself. The higher estimates of mass killings account for the crimes that communist governments committed against civilians, including executions, man-made famines, and deaths that occurred during, or resulted from, imprisonment and forced deportations and labor. | |||
| {{legend|#FF5253|Communist states that existed in the past}}{{legend|#8B2D2D|Communist states that exist in the present day}}|280x280px]] | |||
| {{communism sidebar|related}} | |||
| {{genocide}} | |||
| ''']s under communist regimes''' occurred through a variety of means during the 20th century, including ]s, ], deaths through ], ], ], and ]. Some of these events have been classified as ]s or ]. Other terms have been used to describe these events, including ], ], ], and ]. The mass killings have been studied by authors and academics and several of them have postulated the potential causes of these killings along with the factors which were associated with them. Some authors have tabulated a total death toll, consisting of all of the excess deaths which cumulatively occurred under the rule of ]s, but these death toll estimates have been criticised. Most frequently, the states and events which are studied and included in death toll estimates are the ] and the ] in the ], the ] and the ] in the ], and the ] in ] (now ]). Estimates of individuals killed range from a low of 10–20 million to as high as 148 million. | |||
| The concepts of connecting disparate killings to the status of the communist states which committed them, and of trying to ascribe common causes and factors to them, have been both supported and criticized by the academic community. Some academics view these concepts as an indictment of ] as an ], while other academics view them as being overly simplistic and rooted in ]. There is academic debate over whether the killings should be attributed to the political system, or primarily to the individual leaders of the ]s; similarly, there is debate over whether all the ]s which occurred during the rule of communist states can be considered mass killings. Mass killings which were committed by communist states have been compared to killings which were committed by other types of states. Monuments to individuals and groups considered to be victims of ] exist in almost all the capitals of ], as well as many other cities in the world. | |||
| There is no consensus among ] and ] about whether some, most, or all the events constituted a ]. There is also no consensus on a common terminology, and the various events have been variously referred to as '']'' or ''mass deaths''; other terms that are used to define some or all of such killings include '']'', '']'', '']'', '']'', '']'', and '']''. Several scholars argue that most communist states did not engage in mass killings, and some in particular, such as ], propose instead the category of ], alongside ethnic and colonial mass killing, as a subtype of ], in an attempt to distinguish it from ]. | |||
| == Terminology and usage == | |||
| ] have been done on how the events are memorized. The victims of communism narrative, as popularized by and named after the ], has become accepted scholarship, as part of the ], in Eastern Europe and among ] in general but is rejected by most Western European and other scholars. It has been criticized by several scholars as an oversimplification and politically motivated as well as of ] for equating the events with ], positing a communist or red Holocaust. | |||
| {{see also|Genocide definitions|Mass killing#Terminology}} | |||
| {{TOC limit|3}} | |||
| Several different terms are used to describe the intentional killing of large numbers of noncombatants.{{sfn|Wheatcroft|1996|pp=1320-1321}}{{sfn|Krain|1997|pp=331–332}}{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=9}}{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=6}}{{sfn|Sémelin|2009|p=318}}{{sfn|Su|2011|pp=7–8}} According to historian ], the field of comparative ] has very "little consensus on defining principles such as definition of genocide, typology, application of a comparative method, and timeframe."{{sfn|Weiss-Wendt|2008|p=42}} According to professor of economics Attiat Ott, ''mass killing'' has emerged as a "more straightforward" term.{{sfn|Ott|2011|p=53}} | |||
| == Attempts to propose a common terminology == | |||
| {{see also|Genocide definitions}} | |||
| Several different terms are used to describe the intentional killing of large numbers of noncombatants.{{sfn|Wheatcroft|1996|pp=1320-1321}}{{efn|name=Krain terms 1997}}{{efn|name=Valentino terms 2005}}{{efn|name=Karlsson terms 2008}}{{efn|name=Semelin terms 2009a}}{{efn|name=Su terms 2011a}} According to ], the field of comparative genocide studies has very "little consensus on defining principles such as definition of genocide, typology, application of a comparative method, and timeframe."{{sfn|Weiss-Wendt|2008|p=42}}{{efn|name=Weiss-Wendt terms 2008}} According to Attiat Ott, ''mass killing'' has emerged as a "more straightforward" term.{{efn|name=Ott terms 2011}} | |||
| The following terminology has been used by individual authors to describe mass killings of unarmed civilians by ], individually or as a whole: | The following terminology has been used by individual authors to describe mass killings of unarmed civilians by ], individually or as a whole: | ||
| * ] – |
* ] – sociologist ] has proposed ''classicide'' to mean the "intended mass killing of entire ]es."{{sfn|Mann|2005|p=17}}{{sfn|Sémelin|2009|p=37}} ''Classicide'' is considered "] mass killing" narrower than ''genocide'' in that it targets a part of a population defined by its social status, but broader than ''politicide'' in that the group is targeted without regard to their political activity.{{sfn|Sangar|2007|p=1, paragraph 3}}<!-- Under this ... interesting ,,, interpretation of genocide, wouldn't the freeing of American slaves come under "classicide" ? --> | ||
| * ] – |
* ] – historian ] uses ''crimes against humanity'', which includes "the direct mass killings of politically undesirable elements, as well as forced deportations and forced labour." Karlsson acknowledges that the term may be misleading in the sense that the regimes targeted groups of their own citizens, but he considers it useful as a broad legal term which emphasizes attacks on civilian populations and because the offenses demean humanity as a whole.{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=104}} Historian ], as well as Michael Mann,{{sfn|Sémelin|2009|p=344}} believe that ''crime against humanity'' is more appropriate than ''genocide'' or ''politicide'' when speaking of violence by communist regimes.{{sfn|Sémelin|2009|p=318}} | ||
| * ] – |
* ] – political scientist ] defined ''democide'' as "the intentional killing of an unarmed or disarmed person by government agents acting in their authoritative capacity and pursuant to government policy or high command."{{sfn|Harff|2017|p=112}} His definition covers a wide range of deaths, including ] and ] victims, killings by "unofficial" private groups, extrajudicial ]s, and mass deaths due to the governmental acts of criminal omission and neglect, such as in deliberate famines as well as killings by '']'' governments, such as warlords or rebels in a civil war.{{sfn|Harff|2017|pp=112, 116}} This definition covers any murder of any number of persons by any government,{{sfn|Harff|2017|p=116}} and it has been applied to killings that were perpetrated by communist regimes.{{sfn|Fein|1993a|p=75}}{{sfn|Rummel|1993}} | ||
| * ] – |
* ] – under the ], the ] generally applies to the ] of ] rather than political or social groups. The clause which granted protection to political groups was eliminated from the ] resolution after a second vote because many states, including the ] under ],{{sfn|Harff|2003|p=50}}{{sfn|Jones|2010|p=137}} feared that it could be used to impose limitations on their right to suppress internal disturbances.{{sfn|van Schaack|1997|p=2267}}{{sfn|Staub|2000|p=368}} Scholarly studies of genocide usually acknowledge the UN's omission of economic and political groups and use mass political killing datasets of ''democide'' and ''genocide and politicide'' or ''geno-politicide''.{{sfn|Wayman|Tago|2010|pp=3-4}} The killings that were committed by the ] in ] has been labeled a ''genocide'' or an '']'', and the deaths that occurred under ] and ] in the Soviet Union, as well as those that occurred under ] in ], have been controversially investigated as possible cases. In particular, the ] and the ], which occurred during the ], have both been "depicted as instances of mass killing underpinned by genocidal intent."{{sfn|Williams|2008|p=190}} | ||
| * |
* {{visible anchor|Red holocaust}} – the term, which was coined by the '']'',{{sfn|Möller|1999}}{{sfn|Hackmann|2009}} has been used by professor of comparative economic systems ] for communist "peacetime state killings", while stating that it "could be defined to include all murders (judicially sanctioned terror-executions), criminal manslaughter (lethal forced labor and ]), and felonious negligent homicide (terror-starvation) incurred from insurrectionary actions and civil wars prior to state seizure, and all subsequent felonious state killings."{{sfn|Rosefielde|2010|p=3}} According to historian Jörg Hackmann, this term is not popular among scholars in Germany or internationally.{{sfn|Hackmann|2009}} Historian ] writes that usage of this term "allows the reality it describes to immediately attain, in the Western mind, a status equal to that of the ] by the ]."{{sfn|Rousso|Goslan|2004|p=157}}{{sfn|Shafir|2016|p=64}} Political scientist ] writes that the use of the term supports the "competitive martyrdom component of ]", a theory whose worst version is ] obfuscation.{{sfn|Shafir|2016|pp=64, 74}} Professor of political science George Voicu wrote that Leon Volovici, a literary historian of Jewish culture, has "rightfully condemned the abusive use of this concept as an attempt to 'usurp' and undermine a symbol specific to the history of ]."{{sfn|Voicu|2018|p=46}} | ||
| * ] – |
* ] – professor of psychology ] defined ''mass killing'' as "killing members of a group without the intention to eliminate the whole group or killing large numbers of people without a precise definition of group membership. In a mass killing the number of people killed is usually smaller than in genocide."{{sfn|Staub|1989|p=8}}{{sfn|Staub|2011|p=1000}} Referencing earlier definitions,{{sfn|Charny|1999}} Professors of economics Joan Esteban, Massimo Morelli, and Dominic Rohner have defined ''mass killings'' as "the killings of substantial numbers of human beings, when not in the course of military action against the military forces of an avowed enemy, under the conditions of the essential defenselessness and helplessness of the victims."{{sfn|Esteban|Morelli|Rohner|2010|p=6}} The term has been defined by political scientist ] as "the intentional killing of a massive number of noncombatants", where a "massive number" is defined as at least 50,000 intentional deaths over the course of five years or less.{{sfn|Valentino|Huth|Bach-Lindsay|2004|p=387}} This is the most accepted quantitative minimum threshold for the term.{{sfn|Esteban|Morelli|Rohner|2010|p=6}} He applied this definition to the cases of ], ] and Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge while admitting that "mass killings on a smaller scale" also appear to have been carried out by regimes in ], ], ] (in specific nations of the Warsaw Pact, like Poland) and various nations in ].{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=91}} Alongside Valentino, political scientist ] has used a threshold of 1,000 killed.{{sfn|Ulfelder|Valentino|2008|p=2}} Professor of ] ] states that 14 of the 38 instances of "mass killing since 1945 perpetrated by non-democratic states outside the context of war" were by communist governments.{{sfn|Bellamy|2010|p=102}} Professor of political science Atsushi Tago and professor of international relations Frank W. Wayman used ''mass killing'' from Valentino and concluded that even with a lower threshold (10,000 killed per year, 1,000 killed per year, or even 1 killed per year) "] regimes, especially communist, are prone to mass killing generically, but not so strongly inclined (i.e. not statistically significantly inclined) toward geno-politicide."{{sfn|Wayman|Tago|2010|pp=4, 11, 12–13}} According to professor of economics Attiat F. Ott and associate professor of economics Sang Hoo Bae, there is a general consensus that ''mass killing'' constitutes the act of intentionally killing a number of non-combatants, but that number can range from as few as four to more than 50,000 people.{{sfn|Ott|2011|p=55}} Sociologist Yang Su used a definition of ''mass killing'' from Valentino but allows as a "significant number" more than 10 killed in one day in one town.{{sfn|Su|2003|p=4}} He used ''collective killing'' for analysis of mass killing in areas smaller than a whole country that may not meet Valentino's threshold.{{sfn|Su|2011|p=13}} | ||
| * ] – |
* ] – genocide scholar ] defines ''genocide'' and ''politicide'', sometimes shortened as ''geno-politicide'', to include the killing of political, economic, ethnic, and cultural groups, some of whom would not otherwise be covered by the Genocide Convention.{{sfn|Harff|Gurr|1988|p=360}}{{sfn|Harff|2003|p=58}}{{sfn|Wayman|Tago|2010|p=4}} Political science Manus I. Midlarsky uses ''politicide'' to describe an arc of large-scale killing from the western parts of the Soviet Union to China and Cambodia.{{sfn|Midlarsky|2005|pp=22, 309, 310}} In his book ''The Killing Trap: Genocide in the Twentieth Century'', Midlarsky raises similarities between the killings of Stalin and ].{{sfn|Midlarsky|2005|p=321}} | ||
| * ] – Professor ] states that in the case of the Soviet Union, terms such as '']'', ''the purges'', and ''repression'' are used to refer to the same events. Wheatcroft believes the most neutral terms are ''repression'' and ''mass killings'', although in Russian the broad concept of repression is commonly held to include mass killings and it is sometimes assumed to be synonymous with it, which is not the case in other languages.{{sfn|Wheatcroft|1996|p=1320}} | |||
| == Estimates == | == Estimates == | ||
| ]'']] | |||
| According to ], discussion of the number of victims of communist regimes has been "extremely extensive and ideologically biased."{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=8}} ] and Mark Bradley have written that, while the exact numbers have been in dispute, the ] is not.{{efn|name=Rummel estimate 1993}}{{efn|name=Bradley estimate 2017}} Although any attempt to estimate a total number of killings under communist regimes depends greatly on definitions,{{sfn|Dallin|2000|pp=882‒883}} attempted estimates have been made: | |||
| According to historian ], discussions of the number of victims of communist regimes have been "extremely extensive and ideologically biased."{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=8}} Any attempt to estimate a total number of killings under communist regimes depends greatly on definitions,<ref>Dallin, Alexander (2000). "Reviewed Work(s): ''The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression'' by Stéphane Courtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartošek, Jean-Louis Margolin, Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer". ''Slavic Review''. '''59''' (4): 882‒883. {{doi|10.2307/2697429}}. {{JSTOR|2697429}}.</ref> ranging from a low of 10–20 million to as high as 148 million.<ref>Valentino, Benjamin (2005). '']''. Cornell University Press. pp. 75, 91, 275. {{ISBN|9780801472732}}.</ref><ref>{{cite web |date=24 November 2008 |title=Reevaluating China's Democide to 73,000,000 |url=https://democraticpeace.wordpress.com/2008/11/24/reevaluating-chinas-democide-to-73000000/}}</ref> Political scientist ] and historian Mark Bradley have written that, while the exact numbers have been in dispute, the ] is not.{{sfn|Rummel|1993}}{{sfn|Bradley|2017|pp=151–153}} Professor ] says that Rummel and other ] are focused primarily on establishing patterns and testing various theoretical explanations of ]s and ]s. They work with large data sets that describe mass mortality events globally and have to rely on selective data provided by country experts; researchers cannot expect absolute precision, and it is not required as a result of their work.{{sfn|Harff|2017}} | |||
| * In 1978, journalist Todd Culbertson wrote an article in '']'', republished in '']'', in which he stated that "vailable evidence indicates that perhaps 100 million persons have been destroyed by the Communists; the imperviousness of the Iron and Bamboo curtains prevents a more definitive figure."{{efn|name=Culbertson estimate 1978}}{{efn|name=Valentino estimate notes 2005}} | |||
| * In 1985, ], director of European and Soviet Affairs at the ], wrote an article in '']'' in which he stated that the "number of people murdered by communist regimes is estimated at between 60 million and 150 million, with the higher figure probably more accurate in light of recent scholarship."{{efn|name=Lenczowski estimate 1985}} | |||
| Any attempt to estimate a total number of killings under communist regimes depends greatly on definitions. Historian ] argued that the idea to group together different countries such as Afghanistan and Hungary has no adequate explanation.{{sfn|Dallin|2000}} During the ] era, some authors (Todd Culberston), dissidents (]), and ] in general have attempted to make both country-specific and global estimates. ] have mainly focused on individual countries, and genocide scholars have attempted to provide a more global perspective, while maintaining that their goal is not reliability but establishing patterns.{{sfn|Harff|2017}} Scholars of communism have debated on estimates for the Soviet Union, not for all communist regimes, an attempt which was popularized by the introduction to '']'' which was controversial.{{sfn|Dallin|2000}} Among them, Soviet specialists ] and ] have criticized the estimates for relying on '']'' sources, hearsay, and rumor as evidence,{{sfn|Getty|1985|p=5}} and cautioned that historians should instead utilize archive material.{{sfn|Ellman|2002}} Such scholars distinguish between historians who base their research on archive materials, and those whose estimates are based on witnesses evidence and other data that they consider unreliable.{{sfn|Ellman|2002|p=1151}} Soviet specialist ] says that historians relied on Solzhenitsyn to support their higher estimates but research in the state archives supported the lower estimates, and that the popular press has continued to include serious errors that should not be cited, or relied on, in academia.{{sfn|Wheatcroft|1999|p=341|ps=: "For decades, many historians counted Stalin' s victims in 'tens of millions', which was a figure supported by Solzhenitsyn. Since the collapse of the USSR, the lower estimates of the scale of the camps have been vindicated. The arguments about excess mortality are far more complex than normally believed. R. Conquest, ''The Great Terror: A Re-assessment'' (London, 1992) does not really get to grips with the new data and continues to present an exaggerated picture of the repression. The view of the 'revisionists' has been largely substantiated ({{harvnb|Getty|Manning|1993}}). The popular press, even ''TLS'' and ''The Independent'', have contained erroneous journalistic articles that should not be cited in respectable academic articles."}} Rummel was also another widely used and cited source.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=275}}{{sfn|Harff|2017}} | |||
| * In 1993, ], former ] to ], wrote that "the failed effort to build communism in the twentieth century consumed the lives of almost 60,000,000."{{sfn|Brzezinski|1993|p=16}}{{efn|name=Valentino estimate notes 2005}}{{efn|name=Brzezinski estimate 2010}} | |||
| * In 1994, ]'s book ''Death by Government'' included about 110 million people, foreign and domestic, killed by communist ] from 1900 to 1987.{{sfn|Rummel|1994|p=15, Table 1.6}} This total did not include deaths from the ] of 1958–1961 due to Rummel's then belief that "although Mao's policies were responsible for the famine, he was mislead about it, and finally when he found out, he stopped it and changed his policies."{{sfn|Rummel|2005a}}{{sfn|Rummel|2005b}} In 2004, Tomislav Dulić criticized Rummel's estimate of the number killed in ] as an overestimation based on the inclusion of low quality sources and stated that Rummel's other estimates may suffer from the same problem if he used similar sources for them.{{sfn|Dulić|2004|p=85}} | |||
| Notable estimate attempts include the following:{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=275}} | |||
| * In 1997<!-- the French edition was published in 1997, the English edition was published in 1999. The 1999 English edition copyright page notes the 1997 year. -->, the ] introduction to '']'' gave a "rough approximation, based on unofficial estimates" approaching 100 million killed. The subtotals listed by Courtois added up to 94.36 million killed.{{efn|name=Courtois estimate 1999}} ] and ], contributing authors to the book, criticized Courtois as obsessed with reaching a 100 million overall total.{{sfn|Rutland|1999|p=123}} In his foreword to the 1999 English edition, ] wrote that "a grand total of victims variously estimated by contributors to the volume at between 85 million and 100 million."{{efn|name=Malia estimate 1999}} | |||
| * In 1993, ], former ] to ], wrote that "the failed effort to build communism in the twentieth century consumed the lives of almost 60,000,000."{{sfn|Brzezinski|1993|p=16}} | |||
| * In 2005, ] stated that the number of non-combatants killed by communist regimes in the Soviet Union, People's Republic of China, and Cambodia alone ranged from a low of 21 million to a high of 70 million.{{efn|name=Valentino estimate 2005}}{{efn|name=Valentino estimate table 2005}} Citing Rummel and others, Valentino stated that the "highest end of the plausible range of deaths attributed to communist regimes" was up to 110 million."{{efn|name=Valentino estimate 2005}}{{efn|name=Valentino estimate notes 2005}} | |||
| * In |
* In 1994, Rummel's book ''Death by Government'' included about 110 million people, foreign and domestic, killed by communist ] from 1900 to 1987.{{sfn|Rummel|1994|p=15, Table 1.6}} This total excluded deaths from the ] of 1958–1961 due to Rummel's then belief that "although Mao's policies were responsible for the famine, he was misled about it, and finally when he found out, he stopped it and changed his policies."{{sfn|Rummel|2005a}}{{sfn|Rummel|2005b}} Rummel would later revise his estimate from 110 million to about 148 million due to additional information about Mao's culpability in the Great Chinese Famine from '']'', including ] and ]'s estimated 38 million famine deaths.{{sfn|Rummel|2005a}}{{sfn|Rummel|2005b}} | ||
| ** In 2004, historian ] criticized Rummel's estimate of the number killed in ] as an overestimation based on the inclusion of low-quality sources, and stated that Rummel's other estimates may suffer from the same problem if he used similar sources for them.{{sfn|Dulić|2004|p=85}} Rummel responded with a critique of Dulić's analysis.{{sfn|Rummel|2004}} Karlsson says that Rummel's thesis of "extreme intentionality in Mao" for the famine is "hardly an example of a serious and empirically-based writing of history",{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=79}} and describes Rummel's 61,911,000 estimate for the Soviet Union as being based on "an ideological preunderstanding and speculative and sweeping calculations".{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=35}} | |||
| * In 2010, ] wrote in '']'' that communism's internal contradictions "caused to be killed" approximately 60 million people and perhaps tens of millions more.{{sfn|Rosefielde|2010|pp=1, 7}} | |||
| * In 1997<!-- The French edition was published in 1997, the English edition was published in 1999. The 1999 English edition copyright page notes the 1997 year. -->, historian ]'s introduction to '']'', an impactful yet controversial{{sfn|Dallin|2000}} work written about the ] in the 20th century,{{sfn|Aronson|2003}} gave a "rough approximation, based on unofficial estimates". The subtotals listed by Courtois added up to 94.36 million killed.{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=4}} ] and ], contributing authors to the book, criticized Courtois as obsessed with reaching a 100 million overall total.{{sfn|Rutland|1999|p=123}} | |||
| * In 2011, ] published his rough total of 70 million "people who died under communist regimes from execution, labor camps, famine, ethnic cleansing, and desperate flight in leaky boats," not counting those killed in wars.{{efn|name=White estimate 2011}} | |||
| ** In his foreword to the 1999 English edition, ] wrote that "a grand total of victims variously estimated by contributors to the volume at between 85 million and 100 million."{{sfn|Malia|1999|p=x}} Historian ] states that Malia is able to link disparate regimes, from radical Soviet industrialists to the anti-urbanists of the ], under the guise of a "generic communism" category "defined everywhere down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals."{{sfn|David-Fox|2004}} Courtois's attempt to equate ] and communist regimes was controversial.{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|pp=53–54}} | |||
| * In 2012, ] wrote that a "conservative estimate puts the total number of civilians deliberately killed by communists after the Second World War between 6.7 million and 15.5 million people, with the true figure probably much higher."{{efn|name=Bellamy estimate 2012}} | |||
| * In |
* In 2005, professor ] stated that the number of non-combatants killed by communist regimes in the Soviet Union, China, and Cambodia alone ranged from a low of 21 million to a high of 70 million.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|pp=75, 91}} | ||
| * In 2010, professor of economics ] wrote in '']'' that the internal contradictions of communist regimes caused the killing of approximately 60 million people and perhaps tens of millions more.{{sfn|Rosefielde|2010|pp=1, 7}} | |||
| * In 2016, the Dissident blog of the ] made an effort to compile ranges of estimates using sources from 1976 to 2010 and concluded that the overall range "spans from 42,870,000 to 161,990,000" killed, with 100 million the most commonly cited figure.{{efn|name=Dissident estimate 2016}} | |||
| * In 2012, academic ] wrote that a "conservative estimate puts the total number of civilians deliberately killed by communists after the Second World War between 6.7 million and 15.5 million people, with the true figure probably much higher."{{sfn|Bellamy|2012|p=949}} | |||
| * In 2017, Professor ] wrote in '']'' that communism killed at least 65 million people between 1917 and 2017: "Though communism has killed huge numbers of people intentionally, even more of its victims have died from starvation as a result of its cruel projects of social engineering."{{efn|name=Kotkin estimate 2017}}{{sfn|ChicagoTribune|2017}} | |||
| * In 2014, professor of Chinese politics Julia Strauss wrote that while there was the beginning of a scholarly consensus on figures of around 20 million killed in the Soviet Union and 2–3 million in Cambodia, there was no such consensus on numbers for China.{{sfn|Strauss|2014|pp=360–361}} | |||
| * In 2017, historian ] wrote in '']'' that 65 million people died prematurely under communist regimes according to demographers, and those deaths were a result of "mass deportations, forced labor camps and police-state terror" but mostly "from starvation as a result of its cruel projects of social engineering."{{sfn|Chicago Tribune|2017}}{{sfn|Kotkin|2017}} | |||
| === Criticism of estimates === | |||
| Criticism of the estimates is mostly focused on three aspects, namely that the estimates are based on sparse and incomplete data, making significant errors inevitable;{{sfn|Harff|1996|p=118}}{{sfn|Dulić|2004|p=98}}{{sfn|Harff|2017|pp=113-114}} the figures are skewed to higher possible values;{{sfn|Harff|1996|p=118}}{{sfn|Weiner|2002|p=450}}{{sfn|Aronson|2003}} and victims of civil wars, ] and other famines, and wars involving communist governments should not be counted.{{sfn|Harff|1996|p=118}}{{sfn|Paczkowski|2001|p=34}}{{sfn|Kuromiya|2001|p=195}} Criticism also includes arguments that these estimates ignore lives saved by communist modernization{{sfn|Ghodsee|2014}} and that they engage in comparisons and equations with Nazism,<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Yd8mDAAAQBAJ |title=The Oxford Handbook of European History, 1914–1945 |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2016 |isbn=9780191017759 |editor-last=Doumanis |editor-first=Nicholas |edition=E-book |location=Oxford, England |pages=377–378 |quote=At first sight, accusations that Hitler and Stalin mirrored each other as they 'conducted wars of annihilation against internal and external enemeis ... of class, race, and nation,' seem plausible. But such a perspective, in reality a recapitulation of the long-discredited totalitarian perspective equating Stalin's Soviet Union with Hitler's National Socialist Germany, is not tenable. It betrays a profound misunderstanding of the distinct natures of the Stalinist and Nazi regimes, which made them mortal enemies. Stalin's primary objective was to forge an autarkic, industrialized, multinational state, under the rubric of 'socialism in one country'. Nationalism and nation-building were on Stalin's agenda, not genocide; nor was it inherent in the construction of a non-capitalist, non-expansionary state—however draconian. |access-date=2 December 2021 |via=Google Books}}</ref> which are described by scholars as ],{{sfn|Shafir|2016}}<ref>{{cite book |last=Radonić |first=Ljiljana |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ks7nDwAAQBAJ |title=The Holocaust/Genocide Template in Eastern Europe |publisher=Routledge |year=2020 |isbn=9781000712124 |location=London, England |access-date=2 December 2021 |via=Google Books}}</ref> ], and ] oversimplifications.{{sfn|Neumayer|2018}}{{sfn|Dujisin|2020}} In addition, the communist grouping as applied by Courtois and Malia in ''The Black Book of Communism'' has been claimed to have no adequate explanation by historian ],<ref>{{harvnb|Dallin|2000}}: "Whether all these cases, from Hungary to Afghanistan, have a single essence and thus deserve to be lumped together—just because they are labeled Marxist or communist—is a question the authors scarcely discuss."</ref> and Malia is able to link disparate regimes, from radical Soviet industrialists to the anti-urbanists of the Khmer Rouge, under the guise of a "generic communism" category "defined everywhere down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals."{{sfn|David-Fox|2004}} | |||
| Criticism of Rummel's estimates have focused on two aspects, namely his choice of data sources and his statistical approach. According to ], the historical sources Rummel based his estimates upon can rarely serve as sources of reliable figures.{{sfn|Harff|1996}} The statistical approach Rummel used to analyze big sets of diverse estimates may lead to dilution of useful data with noisy ones.{{sfn|Harff|1996}}{{sfn|Dulić|2004}} | |||
| Another criticism, as articulated by ethnographer and ] ] scholar ] and political scientist ], is that the body-counting reflects an anti-communist point of view,{{sfn|Ghodsee|Sehon|2018}} is mainly approached by anti-communist scholars, and is part of the popular "]" narrative,{{sfn|Ghodsee|2014}}{{sfn|Neumayer|2018}} who have frequently used the 100 million figure from the introduction to ''The Black Book of Communism'',{{sfn|Engel-Di Mauro|2021}} which is used not only to discredit the ], but the whole ].{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=xvii}}{{failed verification|date=September 2023|reason=The cited text is not contained on page xvii, nor on surrounding pages.}} They say the same body-counting can be easily applied to other ideologies or systems, such as ] and ]. However, alongside philosopher ], Ghodsee wrote that "quibbling about numbers is unseemly. What matters is that many, many people were killed by communist regimes."{{sfn|Ghodsee|Sehon|2018}}{{Sfn|Jones|2018}} | |||
| Criticism of some of the estimates is mostly focused on three aspects, namely that the estimates are based on sparse and incomplete data when significant errors are inevitable,{{sfn|Harff|1996|p=118}}{{sfn|Dulić|2004|p=98}}{{sfn|Harff|2017|pp=113-114}} the figures are skewed to higher possible values,{{sfn|Harff|1996|p=118}}{{sfn|Weiner|2002|p=450}}{{efn|name=Aronson estimate 2003}} and victims of civil wars, ] and other man-made famines, and wars by communist governments should not be counted.{{sfn|Harff|1996|p=118}}{{sfn|Paczkowski|2001|p=34}}{{sfn|Kuromiya|2001|p=195}} | |||
| == Proposed causes == | == Proposed causes and enabling factors == | ||
| {{main|Criticism of communist party rule}} | |||
| <!-- {{POV section|date=November 2020}} | |||
| Communist party mass killings have been criticized by members of the political right, who state that the mass killings are an indictment of communism as an ideology, and has also been criticized by other socialists such as ], ], ], ], and ].{{sfn|Ghodsee|Sehon|2018}}{{sfn|Engel-Di Mauro|2021}} Opponents of this hypothesis, including those on the ] and ] members, state that these killings were aberrations caused by specific ] regimes, and not caused by communism itself, and point to mass deaths that they say were caused by anti-communism and ]{{sfn|Ghodsee|Sehon|2018}}{{sfn|Engel-Di Mauro|2021}} as a counterpoint to those killings.{{sfn|Bevins|2020|pp=238–240}} | |||
| It only discusses one side of historiography and give undue weight to non-experts such as George Watson and Stephen Hicks, among others who are not notable to have an article; and some of this may also be synthesis because they may be talking about "crimes" rather than the "mass killings"; those are not the exact same thing. It also selectively cites scholars such as Fitzpatrick when they do not actually agree or support this. --> | |||
| === Ideology === | === Ideology === | ||
| ] writes: "Ideologies are systems of ideas, which cannot commit crimes independently. However, individuals, collectives and states that have defined themselves as communist have committed crimes in the name of communist ideology, or without naming communism as the direct source of motivation for their crimes."{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=5}} |
Historian ] writes: "] are systems of ideas, which cannot commit crimes independently. However, individuals, collectives and states that have defined themselves as communist have committed crimes in the name of communist ideology, {{sic|or without|expected=with or without}} naming communism as the direct source of motivation for their crimes."{{sfn|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=5}} ],{{sfn|Gray|1990|p=116}} ],{{sfn|Goldhagen|2009|p=206}} and ]{{sfn|Pipes|2001|p=147}} consider the ideology of communism to be a significant causative factor in mass killings. In the introduction to '']'', ] claims an association between communism and ], stating that "Communist regimes ... turned mass crime into a full-blown system of government",{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=4}} while adding that this criminality lies at the level of ideology rather than state practice.{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=2}} | ||
| ], printed in red ink, of Karl Marx's journal ''Neue Rheinische Zeitung'' from 19 May 1849]] | ], printed in red ink, of Karl Marx's journal ''Neue Rheinische Zeitung'' from 19 May 1849]] | ||
| Professor Mark Bradley writes that communist theory and practice has often been in tension with ] and most communist states followed the lead of ] in rejecting "Enlightenment-era inalienable individual political and civil rights" in favor of "collective economic and social rights."{{ |
Professor Mark Bradley writes that communist theory and practice has often been in tension with ] and most communist states followed the lead of ] in rejecting "Enlightenment-era inalienable individual political and civil rights" in favor of "collective economic and social rights."{{sfn|Bradley|2017|pp=151–153}} Christopher J. Finlay posits that Marxism legitimates violence without any clear limiting principle because it rejects moral and ethical norms as constructs of the dominant class, and states that "it would be conceivable for revolutionaries to commit atrocious crimes in bringing about a socialist system, with the belief that their crimes will be retroactively absolved by the new system of ethics put in place by the ]."{{sfn|Jahanbegloo|2014|pp=117–118}} ] states that Marx had alluded to the possibility of peaceful revolution; after the failed ], Singh states that Marx emphasized the need for violent revolution and '']''.{{sfn|Jahanbegloo|2014|pp=120–121}} | ||
| Literary historian ] cited an 1849 article written by ] called "The Hungarian Struggle" and published in Marx's journal '']'', |
Literary historian ] cited an 1849 article written by ] called "The Hungarian Struggle" and published in Marx's journal '']'', and commented that "entire nations would be left behind after a workers' revolution against the bourgeoisie, feudal remnants in a socialist age, and since they could not advance two steps at a time, they would have to be killed. They were racial trash, as Engels called them, and fit only for the dung-heap of history."{{sfn|Watson|1998|p=77}} One book review criticized this interpretation, maintaining that "what Marx and Engels are calling for is ... at the very least a kind of ]; but it is not obvious, at least from Watson's citations, that actual mass killing, rather than (to use their phraseology) mere 'absorption' or 'assimilation', is in question."{{sfn|Grant|1999|p=558}} Talking about Engels's 1849 article, historian ] states: "It is difficult to deny that this was an outright call for genocide."{{sfn|Walicki|1997|p=154}} ] writes that Joseph Stalin recommended study of the 1849 Engels article in his 1924 book ''On Lenin and Leninism''.{{sfn|Revel|2009|pp=94–95}} | ||
| According to Rummel, the killings committed by communist regimes can best be explained as the result of the marriage between absolute power and the absolutist ideology of Marxism.{{sfn|Totten|Jacobs|2002|p=168}} Rummel states that "communism was like a fanatical religion. It had its revealed text and its chief interpreters. It had its priests and their ritualistic prose with all the answers. It had a heaven, and the proper behavior to reach it. It had its appeal to faith. And it had its crusades against nonbelievers. What made this secular religion so utterly lethal was its seizure of all the state's instruments of force and coercion and their immediate use to destroy or control all independent sources of power, such as the church, the professions, private businesses, schools, and the family."{{sfn|Totten|Jacobs|2002|p=169}} Rummels writes that |
According to Rummel, the killings committed by communist regimes can best be explained as the result of the marriage between absolute power and the absolutist ideology of Marxism.{{sfn|Totten|Jacobs|2002|p=168}} Rummel states that "communism was like a fanatical religion. It had its revealed text and its chief interpreters. It had its priests and their ritualistic prose with all the answers. It had a heaven, and the proper behavior to reach it. It had its appeal to faith. And it had its crusades against nonbelievers. What made this secular religion so utterly lethal was its seizure of all the state's instruments of force and coercion and their immediate use to destroy or control all independent sources of power, such as the church, the professions, private businesses, schools, and the family."{{sfn|Totten|Jacobs|2002|p=169}} Rummels writes that Marxist communists saw the construction of their ] as "though a war on poverty, exploitation, imperialism and inequality. And for the greater good, as in a real war, people are killed. And, thus, this war for the communist utopia had its necessary enemy casualties, the clergy, bourgeoisie, capitalists, wreckers, counterrevolutionaries, rightists, tyrants, rich, landlords, and noncombatants that unfortunately got caught in the battle. In war millions may die, but the cause may be well justified, as in the defeat of Hitler and an utterly racist Nazism. And to many communists, the cause of a communist utopia was such as to justify all the deaths."{{sfn|Totten|Jacobs|2002|p=168}} | ||
| ] writes that mass killing |
] writes that "apparently high levels of political support for murderous regimes and leaders should not automatically be equated with support for mass killing itself. Individuals are capable of supporting violent regimes or leaders while remaining indifferent or even opposed to specific policies that these regimes and carried out." Valentino quotes Vladimir Brovkin as saying that "a vote for the Bolsheviks in 1917 was not a vote for Red Terror or even a vote for a dictatorship of the proletariat."{{sfn|Valentino|2005|pp=33–34}} According to Valentino, such strategies were so violent because they economically dispossess large numbers of people,{{sfn|Valentino |2005|pp=91, 93}}{{sfn|Bellamy|2010|p=102}} commenting: "Social transformations of this speed and magnitude have been associated with mass killing for two primary reasons. First, the massive social dislocations produced by such changes have often led to ], ]s, and, most important, widespread famines. ... The second reason that communist regimes bent on the radical transformation of society have been linked to mass killing is that the revolutionary changes they have pursued have clashed inexorably with the fundamental interests of large segments of their populations. Few people have proved willing to accept such far-reaching sacrifices without intense levels of coercion."{{sfn|Valentino|2005|pp=93–94}} According to ], "communist systems emerging in the twentieth century ended up destroying their own populations, not because they planned to annihilate them as such, but because they aimed to restructure the 'social body' from top to bottom, even if that meant purging it and recarving it to suit their new ] political ''imaginaire.''"{{sfn|Sémelin|2009|p=331}} | ||
| ] and ] write that, especially in ]'s Soviet Union, ]'s China, and ]'s Cambodia, a fanatical certainty that socialism could be made to work motivated communist leaders in "the ruthless ] of their enemies, who could be suppressed because they were 'objectively' and 'historically' wrong. Furthermore, if events did not work out as they were supposed to, then that was because ], foreign spies and ], or worst of all, internal traitors were wrecking the plan. Under no circumstances could it be admitted that the vision itself might be unworkable, because that meant capitulation to the forces of reaction."{{ |
] and ] write that, especially in ]'s Soviet Union, ]'s China, and ]'s Cambodia, a fanatical certainty that socialism could be made to work motivated communist leaders in "the ruthless ] of their enemies, who could be suppressed because they were 'objectively' and 'historically' wrong. Furthermore, if events did not work out as they were supposed to, then that was because ], foreign spies and ], or worst of all, internal traitors were wrecking the plan. Under no circumstances could it be admitted that the vision itself might be unworkable, because that meant capitulation to the forces of reaction."{{sfn|Chirot|McCauley|2010|p=42}} Michael Mann writes that ] members were "ideologically driven, believing that in order to create a new socialist society, they must lead in socialist zeal. Killings were often popular, the rank-and-file as keen to exceed killing quotas as production quotas."{{sfn|Mann|2005|pp=318, 321}} According to ], "the Communist project, in such countries as the USSR, China, Cuba, Romania, or Albania, was based precisely on the conviction that certain social groups were irretrievably alien and deservedly murdered."{{sfn|Tismăneanu|2012|p=14}} Alex Bellamy writes that "communism's ideology of selective extermination" of target groups was first developed and applied by Joseph Stalin but that "each of the communist regimes that massacred large numbers of civilians during the Cold War developed their own distinctive account",{{sfn|Bellamy|2012|p=950}} while ] states that distinctions based on class and nationality, stigmatized and stereotyped in various ways, created an "otherness" for victims of communist rule that was important for legitimating oppression and death.{{sfn|Katz|2013|p=267}} ] writes that "nationalist ideas were at the heart of many mass killings by Communist states", beginning with Stalin's "new nationalist doctrine of 'socialism in one country'", and killing by revolutionary movements in the Third World was done in the name of national liberation.{{sfn|Shaw|2015a|p=115}} | ||
| Alex Bellamy writes that "communism's ideology of selective extermination" of target groups was first developed and applied by Joseph Stalin but that "each of the communist regimes that massacred large numbers of civilians during the Cold War developed their own distinctive account",{{efn|name=Bellamy motive 2012}} while ] states that distinctions based on class and nationality, stigmatized and stereotyped in various ways, created an "otherness" for victims of communist rule that was important for legitimating oppression and death.{{efn|name=Katz motive 2013}} Martin Shaw writes that "nationalist ideas were at the heart of many mass killings by Communist states", beginning with Stalin's "new nationalist doctrine of 'socialism in one country'", and killing by revolutionary movements in the Third World was done in the name of national liberation.{{efn|name=Shaw motive 2015}} | |||
| === Political system === | === Political system === | ||
| {{see|Communist state}} | |||
| ] (centre) reading the 1937 indictment against ] during the second ]]] | ] (centre) reading the 1937 indictment against ] during the second ]]] | ||
| ] |
] writes that "without exception, the ] belief in the ] was and is characteristic of every communist regime" and "the ] use of violence was repeated in every communist revolution." Phrases which were first uttered by ] and ] founder ] were uttered all over the world. Applebaum states that as late as 1976, ] unleashed a ].{{sfn|Hollander|2006|p=xiv}} To his colleagues in the Bolshevik government, Lenin was quoted as saying: "If we are not ready to shoot a saboteur and ], what sort of revolution is that?".{{sfn|Fitzpatrick|2008|p=77}} | ||
| ] |
] stated that Stalin's purges were not contrary to the principles of ], rather, they were a natural consequence of the system which was established by Lenin, who personally ordered the killing of local groups of class enemy hostages.{{sfn|Conquest|2007|p=xxiii}} ], architect of ] and ] and later head of the Presidential Commission for the Victims of Political Repression, elaborates on this point, stating: "The truth is that in punitive operations Stalin did not think up anything that was not there under Lenin: executions, hostage taking, concentration camps, and all the rest."{{sfn|Yakovlev|2002|p=20}} Historian ] concurs, commenting: "To put it another way, Stalin initiated very little that Lenin had not already introduced or previewed."{{sfn|Ray|2007}} | ||
| ] of ] ascribes the violence characteristic of 20th-century socialist rule to these collectivist regimes' abandonment of protections of ] and rejection of the values of ]. Hicks writes that whereas "in practice every liberal capitalist country has a solid record for being humane, for by and large respecting rights and freedoms, and for making it possible for people to put together fruitful and meaningful lives", in socialism "practice has time and again proved itself more brutal than the worst dictatorships prior to the twentieth century. Each socialist regime has collapsed into dictatorship and begun killing people on a huge scale."{{sfn|Hicks|2009|pp= |
] of ] ascribes the violence characteristic of 20th-century socialist rule to these collectivist regimes' abandonment of protections of ] and rejection of the values of ]. Hicks writes that whereas "in practice every liberal capitalist country has a solid record for being humane, for by and large respecting rights and freedoms, and for making it possible for people to put together fruitful and meaningful lives", in socialism "practice has time and again proved itself more brutal than the worst dictatorships prior to the twentieth century. Each socialist regime has collapsed into dictatorship and begun killing people on a huge scale."{{sfn|Hicks|2009|pp=87–88}} | ||
| ] |
] states that the mass killing in communist states is a natural consequence of the failure of the rule of law, commonly seen during periods of social upheaval in the 20th century. For both communist and non-communist mass killings, "genocides occurred at moments of extreme social crisis, often generated by the very policies of the regimes",{{sfn|Weitz|2003|pp=251–252}} and are not inevitable but are political decisions.{{sfn|Weitz|2003|pp=251–252}} ] writes that communist rulers had to choose between changing course and "terror-command" and more often than not, they chose the latter.{{sfn|Rosefielde|2010|p=xvi}} Michael Mann posits that a lack of institutionalized authority structures meant that a chaotic mix of both centralized control and party factionalism were factors which contributed to the killings.{{sfn|Mann|2005|pp=318, 321}} | ||
| === Leaders === | === Leaders === | ||
| ] in 1959]] | |||
| Professor Matthew Krain states that many scholars have pointed to ]s and ]s as providing the opportunity for radical leaders and ideologies to gain power and the preconditions for mass killing by the state.{{efn|name=Krain motives 1997}} Professor Nam Kyu Kim writes that exclusionary ideologies are critical to explaining mass killing, but the organizational capabilities and individual characteristics of revolutionary leaders, including their attitudes towards risk and violence, are also important. Besides opening up political opportunities for new leaders to eliminate their political opponents, revolutions bring to power leaders who are more apt to commit large-scale acts of violence against civilians in order to legitimize and strengthen their own power.{{sfn|Kim|2016|pp=23–24}} Genocide scholar ] states that the ] was very influential on the emergence of leaders like Stalin and it also accustomed people to "harshness, cruelty, terror."{{efn|name=Jones motive 2010}} ] called the "brutal conditioning" of the two World Wars important to understanding communist violence, although not its source.{{sfn|Malia|1999|p=xviii}} | |||
| Professor Matthew Krain states that many scholars have pointed to ]s and ]s as providing the opportunity for radical leaders and ideologies to gain power and the preconditions for mass killing by the state.{{sfn|Krain|1997|p=334}} Professor Nam Kyu Kim writes that exclusionary ideologies are critical to explaining mass killing, but the organizational capabilities and individual characteristics of revolutionary leaders, including their attitudes towards risk and violence, are also important. Besides opening up political opportunities for new leaders to eliminate their political opponents, revolutions bring to power leaders who are more apt to commit large-scale acts of violence against civilians in order to legitimize and strengthen their own power.{{sfn|Kim|2016|pp=23–24}} Genocide scholar ] states that the ] was very influential on the emergence of leaders like Stalin and it also accustomed people to "harshness, cruelty, terror."{{sfn|Jones|2010|p=126}} ] called the "brutal conditioning" of the two World Wars important to understanding communist violence, although not its source.{{sfn|Malia|1999|p=xviii}} | |||
| Historian ] describes ], the bureaucrat who was in charge of the NKVD during the ], as a physically diminutive figure of "limited intelligence" and "narrow political understanding. ... Like other instigators of mass murder throughout history, compensated for his lack of physical stature with a pathological cruelty and the use of brute terror."{{sfn|Rappaport|1999|pp=82–83}} ] and ] scholar John M. Thompson places personal responsibility directly on ]. According to him, "much of what occurred only makes sense if it stemmed in part from the disturbed mentality, pathological cruelty, and extreme paranoia of Stalin himself. Insecure, despite having established a dictatorship over the party and country, hostile and defensive when confronted with criticism of the excesses of collectivization and the sacrifices required by high-tempo industrialization, and deeply suspicious that past, present, and even yet unknown future opponents were plotting against him, Stalin began to act as a person beleaguered. He soon struck back at enemies, real or imaginary."{{sfn|Thompson|2008|pp=254–255}} Professors Pablo Montagnes and Stephane Wolton |
Historian ] describes ], the bureaucrat who was in charge of the NKVD during the ], as a physically diminutive figure of "limited intelligence" and "narrow political understanding. ... Like other instigators of mass murder throughout history, compensated for his lack of physical stature with a pathological cruelty and the use of brute terror."{{sfn|Rappaport|1999|pp=82–83}} ] and ] scholar John M. Thompson places personal responsibility directly on ]. According to him, "much of what occurred only makes sense if it stemmed in part from the disturbed mentality, pathological cruelty, and extreme paranoia of Stalin himself. Insecure, despite having established a dictatorship over the party and country, hostile and defensive when confronted with criticism of the excesses of collectivization and the sacrifices required by high-tempo industrialization, and deeply suspicious that past, present, and even yet unknown future opponents were plotting against him, Stalin began to act as a person beleaguered. He soon struck back at enemies, real or imaginary."{{sfn|Thompson|2008|pp=254–255}} Professors Pablo Montagnes and Stephane Wolton posit that the purges in the Soviet Union and China can be attributed to the ] leadership of Stalin and Mao, who were incentivized by having both control of the security apparatus used to carry out the purges and control of the appointment of replacements for those purged.{{sfn|Montagnes|Wolton|2019|p=27}} Slovenian philosopher ] attributes Mao allegedly viewing human life as disposable to his "cosmic perspective" on humanity.{{sfn|Žižek|2006}} | ||
| American historian and author ] wrote that "Most of the millions who perished at the hands of Stalin, ], Pol Pot and the other communist dictators died because the party's leaders believed they belonged to a dangerous or subversive social class or political grouping."{{sfn|Rubinstein|2014}} | |||
| == By state == | |||
| === Soviet Union === | |||
| {{main article|Political repression in the Soviet Union}} | |||
| ], a memorial about repression in the Soviet Union at ] which was erected in 1990 by the human rights group ] in remembrance of the more than 40,000 innocent people shot in Moscow during the Great Terror]] | |||
| Adam Jones claims that "there is very little in the record of human experience to match the violence which was unleashed between 1917, when the ] took power, and 1953, when Joseph Stalin died and the Soviet Union moved to adopt a more restrained and largely non-murderous domestic policy." Jones states that the exceptions to this were the ] (in relative terms) and Mao's rule in China (in absolute terms).{{sfn|Jones|2010|p=124}} | |||
| == Debate over famines == | |||
| ] asserts that prior to the opening of the ] for historical research, "our understanding of the scale and the nature of Soviet repression has been extremely poor" and that some scholars who wish to maintain pre-1991 high estimates are "finding it difficult to adapt to the new circumstances when the archives are open and when there are plenty of irrefutable data" and instead "hang on to their old ] methods with round-about calculations based on odd statements from emigres and other informants who are supposed to have superior knowledge", although he acknowledged that even the figures estimated from the additional documents are not "final or definitive."{{sfn|Wheatcroft|1996|p=1330}}{{sfn|Wheatcroft|2000|pp=1146-1147}} In the 2007 revision of his book ''],'' ] estimates that while exact numbers will never be certain, the communist ] were responsible for no fewer than 15 million deaths.{{efn|name=Conquest USSR 2007}} | |||
| {{Unbalanced section|{{subst:December 2022}}|date=December 2022}} | |||
| {{further|Soviet and communist studies}} | |||
| ], with areas where the effects of famine were most severe shaded]] | |||
| According to historian ], over half of the 100 million deaths which are attributed to communism were due to famines.{{sfn|Ghodsee|2014|p=124}} ] posits that many communist regimes caused famines in their efforts to forcibly collectivize agriculture and systematically used it as a weapon by controlling the food supply and distributing food on a political basis. Courtois states that "in the period after 1918, only communist countries experienced such famines, which led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands, and in some cases millions, of people. And again in the 1980s, two African countries that claimed to be ], ] and ], were the only such countries to suffer these deadly famines."{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=9}} | |||
| ], ], and Mark Tauger reject the idea that the ] was an act of genocide that was intentionally inflicted by the Soviet government.{{sfn|Davies|Wheatcroft|2009|p=xiv}}{{sfn|Tauger|2001|p=46}} Wheatcroft says that the Soviet government's policies during the famine were criminal acts of fraud and manslaughter, though not outright murder or genocide.{{sfn|Wheatcroft|2020}} ] biographer ] supports a similar view, stating that while "there is no question of Stalin's responsibility for the famine" and many deaths could have been prevented if not for the "insufficient" and counterproductive Soviet measures, there is no evidence for Stalin's intention to kill the Ukrainians deliberately.{{sfn|Aldous|Kotkin|2017}} According to history professor ], most scholars view the famine in Ukraine not as a genocide but rather as the result of badly conceived and miscalculated Soviet economic policies.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Suny |first=Ronald Grigor |title=Red Flag Unfurled: History, Historians, and the Russian Revolution |publisher=Verso |year=2017 |pages=94–95|isbn=978-1784785642|quote=Most scholars rejected this claim, seeing the famine as following from a badly conceived and miscalculated policy of excessive requisitioning of grain, but not as directed specifically against ethnic Ukrainians.}}</ref> Getty posits that the "overwhelming weight of opinion among scholars working in the new archives is that the terrible famine of the 1930s was the result of Stalinist bungling and rigidity rather than some genocidal plan."{{sfn|Ghodsee|2014|p=124}} | |||
| Some historians attempt to make separate estimates for different periods of ], with casualty estimates varying widely from 6 million (the ]){{sfn|Snyder|2011|p=}} to 8.1 million (ending in 1937){{sfn|Nove|1993|p=265}} to 20 million{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=4}}{{efn|name=Yakovlev USSR 2002}} to 61 million (the 1917–1987 period).{{sfn|Rummel|1994|pp=10, 15, 25}} | |||
| In contrast, according to ], a scholarly consensus classifies the Holodomor in the former Soviet Ukraine as a ].{{sfn|Payaslian|2021}} Some historians conclude that the famine was planned and exacerbated by ] in order to eliminate a ] movement.{{sfn| Britannica Holodomor}}<ref>{{cite book |last=Engerman |first=David |title=Modernization from the Other Shore: American Intellectuals and the Romance of Russian Development |publisher=] |date=2003 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UkFlO7hoxOMC&pg=PA194 |page=194 |isbn=9780674036529 |via=]}}</ref> Oleksandr Kramarenko argues that this conclusion is supported by ]'s original definition of genocide, which included "the deliberate extermination of social groups." The ], which Lemkin campaigned to establish, did not include political killing in its definition of genocide under pressure from the USSR.<ref name="lemkin-holodomor" /> Lemkin, ], ], ] and ] have called the Holodomor a genocide and the intentional result of Stalinist policies.{{sfn|Lemkin|2008}}{{sfn|Mace|1986|p=12}}{{sfn|Naimark|2010|pp=134–135}}{{sfn|Snyder|2010|p=vii}} According to Lemkin, Holodomor "is a classic example of the Soviet genocide, the longest and most extensive experiment in ], namely the extermination of the Ukrainian nation". Lemkin said that in order for the Soviet Union to accomplish its aims of Russification and collectivization in Ukraine, it did not need to follow the pattern of the ]. Because Ukraine was so populous, and its religious, intellectual and political leadership was comparatively small, Instead the "Soviet genocide" consisted of four steps: 1) extermination of the Ukrainian national elite 2) liquidation of the ] 3) extermination of a significant part of the Ukrainian peasantry as "custodians of traditions, folklore and music, national language and literature 4) populating the territory with other nationalities with intent of mixing Ukrainians with them, which would eventually lead to the dissolvance of the Ukrainian nation.{{sfn|Lemkin|2008}}<ref name="lemkin-holodomor">{{Cite web|url=https://www.istpravda.com.ua/columns/2010/11/26/6400/|title=Holodomor was a genocide, according to the author of the term|access-date=9 December 2022}}</ref><ref name="lemkin-holodomor2">{{Cite news|url=https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/1349371.html|title=Soviet Genocide in Ukraine|newspaper=Радіо Свобода |date=28 November 2008 |access-date=9 December 2022|last1=Свобода |first1=Радіо }}</ref> | |||
| ==== Red Terror ==== | |||
| {{main article|Decossackization|Execution of the Romanov family|Lenin's Hanging Order|Red Terror|Tambov Rebellion}} | |||
| The Red Terror was a period of political repression and executions carried out by ]s after the beginning of the ] in 1918. During this period, the political police (the ]) conducted ]s of tens of thousands of "]."{{sfn|Melgunov|1975}}{{sfn|Melgunov|1927|p=205}}{{sfn|Lincoln|1999|pp=383‒385}}{{sfn|Leggett|1987|pp=197–198}}{{sfn|Figes|1997|p=647}} Many victims were "] hostages" rounded up and held in readiness for ] in reprisal for any alleged ] provocation.{{sfn|Figes|1997|p=643}} Many were put to death during and after the suppression of revolts, such as the ] of ] sailors and the ] of Russian ]. Professor ] claims that "the repression that followed the rebellions in Kronstadt and Tambov alone resulted in tens of thousands of executions."{{sfn|Rayfield|2004|p=85}} A large number of Orthodox clergymen were also killed.{{sfn|Yakovlev|2002|p=156}}{{sfn|Pipes|1994|p=356}} | |||
| ] writes: "Although not all the deaths due to famine in these cases were intentional, communist leaders directed the worst effects of famine against their suspected enemies and used hunger as a weapon to force millions of people to conform to the directives of the state."{{sfn|Valentino|2005|pp=93–94}} ] says that in some cases deaths from famine should not be distinguished from mass murder, commenting: "Whenever governments have not alleviated famine conditions, political leaders decided not to say no to mass death – in other words, they said yes." Goldhagen says that instances of this occurred in the ], the ], the ], the ], and the ].{{sfn|Goldhagen|2009|pp=29–30}} ] posits that if a leader knew the ultimate result of their policies would be mass death by famine, and they continue to enact them anyway, these deaths can be understood as ].{{sfn|Shaw|2015b|loc="Structural contexts and unintended consequences"}} | |||
| According to Nicolas Werth, the policy of ] amounted to an attempt by Soviet leaders to "eliminate, exterminate, and deport the population of a whole territory."{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=98}} In the early months of 1919, perhaps 10,000 to 12,000 ] were executed{{sfn|Holquist|1997|p=138}}{{sfn|Figes|1997|p=660}} and many more deported after their villages were razed to the ground.{{sfn|Gellately|2007|pp=70-71}} According to historian Michael Kort: "During 1919 and 1920, out of a population of approximately 1.5 million ], the Bolshevik regime killed or deported an estimated 300,000 to 500,000."{{sfn|Kort|2001|p=133}} | |||
| Economics professor ] is critical of the fixation on a "uniquely Stalinist evil" when it comes to excess deaths from famines. Ellman posits that mass deaths from famines are not a "uniquely Stalinist evil", commenting that throughout ], famines, and droughts have been a ], including the ], which occurred before Stalin came to power. He also states that famines were widespread throughout the world in the 19th and 20th centuries in countries such as India, Ireland, Russia and China. According to Ellman, the ] "are guilty of mass manslaughter or mass deaths from criminal negligence because of their not taking obvious measures to reduce mass deaths" and Stalin's "behaviour was no worse than that of many rulers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries."{{sfn|Ellman|2002|p=1172}} | |||
| ==== Joseph Stalin ==== | |||
| {{see also|Excess mortality in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin}} | |||
| Estimates of the number of deaths which were brought about by Stalin's rule are hotly debated by scholars in the fields of ].{{sfn|Haynes|Klehr|2003|p=23}}{{sfn|Keep|1997|p=94}} Prior to the ] and the archival revelations which followed it, some historians estimated that the number of people who were killed by Stalin's regime was 20 million or higher.{{Sfn|Snyder|2011|p=}}{{Sfn|Keller|1989}}{{sfn|Rummel|2017|p=xii}} ] writes that estimates on the Stalinist death toll vary widely in part because such estimates are based on anecdotes in absence of reliable evidence and "speculations by writers who never reveal how they arrive at such figures."{{sfn|Parenti|1997|pp=77-78}} | |||
| == Memorials and museums == | |||
| After the Soviet Union dissolved, evidence from the ] became available, containing official records of the execution of approximately 800,000 prisoners under Stalin for either political or criminal offenses, around 1.7 million deaths in the Gulags and some 390,000 deaths which occurred during ] ], for a total of about 3 million officially recorded victims in these categories.{{efn|name=Wheatcroft USSR 1999}} According to Golfo Alexopoulos, ], ], and ], official Soviet documentation of Gulag deaths is widely considered inadequate, as they write that the government frequently released prisoners on the edge of death in order to avoid officially counting them.{{sfn|Ellman|2002|p=1153}}{{sfn|Alexopoulos|2013}} A 1993 study of archival data by ] et al. showed that a total of 1,053,829 people died in the Gulag from 1934 to 1953.{{sfn|Getty|Rittersporn| Zemskov|1993|p=1024}} Subsequently, ] asserted that this number has to be augmented by 19.4 percent in light of more complete archival evidence to 1,258,537, with the best estimate of Gulag deaths being 1.6 million from 1929 to 1953 when ] is taken into account.{{sfn|Rosefielde|2010|pp=67,77}} Alexopolous estimates a much higher total of at least 6 million dying in the Gulag or shortly after release.{{sfn|Alexopoulos|2017|p=16}} Dan Healey has called her work a "challenge to the emergent scholarly consensus",{{efn|name=Healey USSR 2018}} while Jeffrey Hardy has criticized Alexopoulos for basing her assertions primarily on indirect and misinterpreted evidence.{{sfn|Hardy|2018|pp=269–270}} | |||
| {{see also|Black Ribbon Day|Double genocide theory|Prague Declaration}} | |||
| ]" in ]]] | |||
| Monuments to ''the victims of communist states'' exist in almost all the capitals of Eastern Europe and there are several museums documenting communist rule such as the ] in Lithuania, the ] in Riga, and the ] in Budapest, all three of which also document Nazi rule.<ref>Gille, Zsuzsa; Todorova, Maria (2012). ''Post-Communist Nostalgia''. Berghahn Books. p. 4. {{ISBN|978-0-857-45643-4}}.</ref><ref>Ghodsee, Kristen (Fall 2014). . ''History of the Present: A Journal of Critical History''. '''4''' (2): 124. {{doi|10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115}}. {{JSTOR|10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115}}.</ref> In Washington D.C., a bronze statue based upon the ] '']'' sculpture was dedicated as the ] in 2007, having been authorized by the ] in 1993.<ref>{{cite act |url=http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-103hr3000enr/pdf/BILLS-103hr3000enr.pdf |date=1993 |title=Friendship Act (HR3000) |legislature=United States Congress |page=15 at §905a1 |access-date=14 November 2020 |via=U.S. Government Publishing Office}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |first=Omar |last=Fekeiki |date=13 June 2007 |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/12/AR2007061201125.html |title=The Toll of Communism |newspaper=] |access-date=19 November 2020}}</ref> The ] plans to build an International Museum on Communism in Washington. As of 2008, Russia contained 627 memorials and memorial plaques dedicated to victims of the communist states, most of which were created by private citizens and did not have a national monument or a national museum.<ref>Satter, David (2011). ''It Was a Long Time Ago, and It Never Happened Anyway: Russia and the Communist Past''. ]. {{ISBN|978-0-300-17842-5}}.</ref> The ] in Moscow, inaugurated in October 2017, is Russia's first monument for victims of political persecution by Stalin during the country's Soviet era.<ref>. BBC News. 30 October 2017. Retrieved 19 November 2020.</ref> In 2017, Canada's ] approved the design for a memorial to the victims of communism to be built at the ] in Ottawa.<ref>. CBC News. 19 March 2018. Retrieved 19 November 2020.</ref> On 23 August 2018, Estonia's Victims of Communism 1940–1991 Memorial was inaugurated in ] by President ].<ref>. Kommunismiohvrite memoriaal. 23 August 2018. 2018. Retrieved 19 November 2020.</ref> The memorial construction was financed by the state and is managed by the ].<ref>. ERR News. 4 May 2018. Retrieved 19 November 2020.</ref> The opening ceremony was chosen to coincide with the official ].<ref>. ERR News. 24 August 2018. Retrieved 19 November 2020.</ref> The ] enshrines in its 1992 constitution a prison sentence for anyone who "denies, doubts, approves or even tries to justify the communist genocide, as well as the Nazi genocide".<ref>{{Cite web |title=Expanding Holocaust Denial and Legislation Against It |url=https://jcpa.org/article/expanding-holocaust-denial-and-legislation-against-it/ |access-date=2024-06-15 |website=Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs |language=en-US}}</ref> | |||
| According to anthropologist ], efforts to institutionalize the victims of communism narrative, or the moral equivalence between the ] (race murder) and the victims of communism (class murder), and in particular the push at the beginning of the ] for commemoration of the latter in Europe, can be seen as the response by economic and political elites to fears of a ] resurgence in the face of devastated economies and extreme ] in both the East and West as the result of the excesses of ]. Ghodsee argues that any discussion of the achievements under communist states, including literacy, education, women's rights, and social security is usually silenced, and any discourse on the subject of ] is focused almost exclusively on Stalin's crimes and the ].<ref>Ghodsee, Kristen (Fall 2014). . ''History of the Present: A Journal of Critical History''. '''4''' (2): 115–142. {{doi|10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115}}. {{JSTOR|10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115}}.</ref> According to Laure Neumayer, this is used as an ] narrative "based on a series of categories and figures" to "denounce Communist state violence (qualified as 'Communist crimes', 'red genocide' or 'classicide') and to honour persecuted individuals (presented alternatively as 'victims of Communism' and 'heroes of anti totalitarian resistance')."<ref>Neumayer, Laure (2018). ''The Criminalisation of Communism in the European Political Space after the Cold War''. London: Routledge. {{ISBN|9781351141741}}.</ref> | |||
| According to historian ], Stalin's regime can be charged with causing the "purposive deaths" of about a million people.{{sfn|Wheatcroft|1996|p=1348}} Wheatcroft excludes all famine deaths as "purposive deaths" and claims those that do qualify fit more closely the category of ''execution'' rather than ''murder''.{{sfn|Wheatcroft|1996|p=1348}} Others posit that some of the actions of Stalin's regime, not only those during the ], but also ] and ] against particular ethnic groups, can be considered as genocide{{sfn|Naimark|2010|pp=133–135}}{{sfn|Applebaum|2010}} at least in its loose definition.{{sfn|Ellman|2007|p=690}} Modern data for the whole of Stalin's rule was summarized by ], who concluded that Stalinism caused six million direct deaths and nine million in total, including the deaths from deportation, hunger and ] deaths.{{efn|name=Snyder estimate USSR 2011}} ] attributes roughly 3 million deaths to the Stalinist regime, excluding excess mortality from famine, disease, and war.{{sfn|Ellman|2002|p=1172}} Several present scholars, among them Stalin biographer ], Soviet/Russian historian ], and the director of ]'s "Annals of Communism" series ], still put the death toll from Stalin at about 20 million.{{efn|name=Montefiore USSR 2005}}{{efn|name=Volkogonov USSR 1999}}{{efn|name=Gellately USSR 2007}}{{efn|name=Brent USSR 2008}}{{efn|name=Rosefielde USSR 2010}} | |||
| == Related crimes == | |||
| ===== Mass deportations of ethnic minorities ===== | |||
| {{main article|Population transfer in the Soviet Union}} | |||
| ] and ] (in the foreground), who was responsible for mass deportations of ethnic minorities as head of the ]]] | |||
| The Soviet government during Stalin's rule conducted a series of deportations on an enormous scale that significantly affected the ethnic map of the Soviet Union. Deportations took place under extremely harsh conditions, often in cattle carriages, with hundreds of thousands of deportees dying en route.{{sfn|Boobbyer|2000|p=130}} Some experts estimate that the proportion of deaths from the deportations could be as high as one in three in certain cases.{{efn|name=Deportations USSR}}{{sfn|Conquest|1970}} ], a lawyer of Polish-Jewish descent who initiated the ] and coined the term ''genocide'' himself, assumed that genocide was perpetrated in the context of the mass deportation of the ], ], ], ], ], and ].{{sfn|Courtois|2010|pp=121–122}} | |||
| During the mass killing events, in addition to the people who were killed, many others were victimized but did not die. The crimes against them have been described as ].<ref name="Rosefielde, Steven">Rosefielde, p. 6.</ref><ref name="Karlsson, Klas-Göran">Karlsson, p. 5.</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide Approved and proposed for signature and ratification or accession by General Assembly resolution 260 A (III) of 9 December 1948 Entry into force: 12 January 1951, in accordance with article XIII|url=https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.1_Convention%20on%20the%20Prevention%20and%20Punishment%20of%20the%20Crime%20of%20Genocide.pdf |website=United Nations Office on Genocide Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect}}</ref> For instance, the 2008 ] stated that crimes which were committed in the name of ] should be assessed as crimes against humanity. The government of ] has prosecuted former members of the ],<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/10/world/asia/cambodia-khmer-rouge-united-nations-tribunal.html|title=11 Years, $300 Million and 3 Convictions. Was the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Worth It?|first=Seth|last=Mydans|date=10 April 2017|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=26 December 2019}}</ref> and the governments of ], ] and ] have passed laws that have led to the prosecution of several perpetrators for their crimes against the Baltic peoples.<!-- Who are these alleged perpetrators who were convicted? --> They were tried for crimes which they committed during the ] in ] as well as for crimes which they committed during the ] which occurred after World War II.<ref name="Naimark, Norman M.">Naimark p. 25.</ref> | |||
| Regarding the fate of the Crimean Tatars, Amir Weiner of Stanford University writes that the policy could be classified as '']''. In the book ''Century of Genocide'', Lyman H. Legters writes: "We cannot properly speak of a completed genocide, only of a process that was genocidal in its potentiality."{{sfn|Totten|Parsons|Charny|1997|p=120}} In contrast to this view, Jon K. Chang contends that the deportations had been in fact based on genocides based on ethnicity and that "social historians" in the West have failed to champion the rights of marginalized ethnicities in the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Chang|2019|p=270}} This view is supported by several countries. On 12 December 2015, the ] issued a resolution recognizing the 1944 ] (the ''Sürgünlik'') as genocide and established the 18th of May as the Day of Remembrance for the victims of the Crimean Tatar Genocide.{{sfn|RFE/RL|2015}} The ] recognized the event as an act of genocide on 9 May 2019.{{sfn|RFE/RL|2019}}{{sfn|Saeima|2019}} The ] did the same on 6 June 2019.{{sfn|BalticTimes|2019}} The ] passed a motion on 10 June 2019, recognizing the Crimean Tatar deportation as a genocide perpetrated by Soviet dictator Stalin, designating the 18th of May to be a day of remembrance.{{sfn|Wrzesnewskyj|2019}} The ] was acknowledged by the ] as an act of genocide in 2004, stating:{{sfn|UNPO|2004}} "Believes that the deportation of the entire Chechen people to Central Asia on 23 February 1944 on the orders of Stalin constitutes an act of genocide within the meaning of the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907 and the Convention for the Prevention and Repression of the Crime of Genocide adopted by the UN General Assembly on 9 December 1948."{{sfn|EuropeanParliament|2004}} | |||
| === Soviet Union === | |||
| {{see|Soviet war crimes|Political repression in the Soviet Union|Human rights in the Soviet Union|Holodomor genocide question}} | |||
| {{main article|Dekulakization|Holodomor|Holodomor genocide question|Soviet famine of 1932–33}} | |||
| ] | |||
| {{see also|Collectivization in the Soviet Union}} | |||
| Some scholars (such as ], ], ] and ]) consider the ], a famine in ] from 1932 to 1933 that killed millions of ], as an act of ] or a crime against humanity, although others, such as ] and ], argue that the famine was man-made but unintentional. Stalin's "]" of 1937 is often considered a crime against humanity, with deaths of 700,000<ref name="Kuhr">{{Cite journal|last=Kuhr|first=Corinna|date=1998|title=Children of "Enemies of The People" as Victims of the Great Purges|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/20171081|journal=Cahiers du Monde russe|volume=39|issue=1/2|pages=209–220|doi=10.3406/cmr.1998.2520|jstor=20171081|issn=1252-6576|quote=According to latest estimates 2,5 million people were arrested and 700,000 of them shot. These figures are based on reliable archival materials |via=]}}</ref><ref name="Xavier">{{Cite web|last=François-Xavier|first=Nérard|date=27 February 2009|title=The Levashovo cemetery and the Great Terror in the Leningrad region|url=https://www.sciencespo.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance/en/document/levashovo-cemetery-and-great-terror-leningrad-region.html|access-date=|website=]|language=en|quote=The Yezhovshchina or Stalin’s Great Terror The precise end result of these operations is difficult to establish, but the total of the condemnations is estimated at roughly 1,300,000 of which 700,000 were sentenced to death, most of the others were sentenced to ten years in the camps (document translated in Werth, 2006: 143).}}</ref> to 1.2 million.<ref name="EllmanComment">{{cite journal|last=Ellman|first=Michael|date=2002|title=Soviet Repression Statistics: Some Comments|url=http://sovietinfo.tripod.com/ELM-Repression_Statistics.pdf|journal=Europe-Asia Studies|volume=54|issue=7|pages=1151–1172|doi=10.1080/0966813022000017177|quote=The best estimate that can currently be made of the number of repression deaths in 1937–38 is the range 950,000–1.2 million, i.e. about a million. This is the estimate which should be used by historians, teachers and journalists concerned with twentieth century Russian—and world—history|s2cid=43510161|ref=none}}</ref> | |||
| Within the Soviet Union, forced changes in agricultural policies (]), confiscations of grain and droughts caused the ] in ] (]), ], ], and ].{{sfn|Kulchytsky|2007}}{{sfn|Wheatcroft|2001|p=885, Приложение № 2}}{{sfn|Kremlin|1998}} The famine was most severe in the ], where it is often referenced as the ]. A significant portion of the famine victims (3.3 to 7.5 million) were Ukrainians.{{sfn|Britannica1|2008}}{{sfn|Davies|Wheatcroft|2004|p=401}}{{sfn|Ellman|2005|pp=833–834}} Another part of the famine was the ], known as the Kazakh catastrophe, when more than 1.3 million ethnic ] (about 38% of the population) died.{{sfn|Pianciola|2001|p=237}}{{sfn|Volkava|2012}} | |||
| The war crimes which were perpetrated by the ]'s armed forces from 1919 to 1991 include acts which were committed by the ] (later called the ]) as well as acts which were committed by the country's secret police, ], including its ]. In many cases, these acts were committed upon the orders of the Soviet leaders ] and ] in pursuance of the early Soviet government's policy of '']''. In other instances they were committed without orders by Soviet troops against prisoners of war or civilians of countries that had been in ] with the USSR, or they were committed during ].<ref name="Statiev2010">{{cite book|last=Statiev|first=Alexander|title=The Soviet Counterinsurgency in the Western Borderlands|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YIRSwRDVqu4C&pg=PA277|year=2010|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-76833-7|page=277}}</ref> | |||
| While there is still debate on the ], some scholars say the Stalinist policies that caused the famine may have been designed as an attack on the rise of ]{{sfn|Amstutz|2005|p=96}} and may fall under the legal definition of ''genocide'' by the ].{{sfn|Kulchytsky|2007}}{{sfn|Finn|2008}}{{sfn|Bilinsky|1999|p=147}}{{sfn|Snyder|2010|p=vii}} The famine was officially recognized as genocide by the Ukraine and other governments.{{sfn|Maksymiuk|Dratch|2006}}{{efn|name=Governments USSR famine}} In a draft resolution, the ] declared the famine was caused by the "cruel and deliberate actions and policies of the Soviet regime" and was responsible for the deaths of "millions of innocent people" in Ukraine, ], Kazakhstan, ] and Russia. Relative to its population, Kazakhstan is believed to have been the most adversely affected.{{sfn|RIAN|2010}} Regarding the ], Michael Ellman states that it "seems to be an example of 'negligent genocide' which falls outside the scope of the UN Convention of ]."{{sfn|Ellman|2007|p=682}} | |||
| A significant number of these incidents occurred in Northern, Central, and Eastern Europe recently before, and during, the aftermath of World War II, involving summary executions and the mass murder of prisoners of war, such as in the ] and ] of the Red Army in ]. | |||
| ===== Great Purge ===== | |||
| {{main article|Great Purge}} | |||
| {{see also|Mass graves from Soviet mass executions|Mass operations of the NKVD|Stalinist repressions in Mongolia}} | |||
| ] | |||
| Stalin's attempts to solidify his position as leader of the Soviet Union led to an escalation of detentions and executions, climaxing in 1937–1938, a period sometimes referred to as the ''Yezhovshchina{{'}}'' after Cheka official ], or Yezhov era, and continuing until Stalin's death in 1953. Around 700,000 of these were executed by a gunshot to the back of the head.{{sfn|McLoughlin|2002|p=141}} Others perished from beatings and torture while in "investigative custody"{{sfn|Gellately|2007|p=256}} and in the ] due to starvation, disease, exposure, and overwork.{{efn|name=Ellman USSR 2002}} | |||
| When the ] founded the post-war ] to examine war crimes committed during the conflict by ], with officials from the Soviet Union taking an active part in the judicial processes, there was no examination of the Allied forces' actions and no charges were ever brought against their troops, because they were undefeated powers which then held Europe under military occupation, marring the historical authority of the Tribunal's activity as being, in part, ].<ref name="Davies2006">{{cite book|last=Davies|first=Norman|author-link=Norman Davies|title=Europe at War 1939–1945 : No Simple Victory|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8xtTkaQhHYEC|year=2006|publisher=Macmillan|isbn=978-0-333-69285-1|page=198}}</ref> | |||
| Arrests were typically made citing ] about ] laws, which included failure to report treasonous actions and in an amendment added in 1937 failing to fulfill one's appointed duties. In the cases investigated by the State Security Department of the NKVD from October 1936 to November 1938, at least 1,710,000 people were arrested and 724,000 people executed.{{sfn|Okhotin|Roginsky|2007}} Modern historical studies estimate a total number of repression deaths during 1937–1938 as 950,000–1,200,000. These figures take into account the incompleteness of official archival data and include both execution deaths and Gulag deaths during that period.{{efn|name=Ellman USSR 2002}} Former ] and their families made up the majority of victims, with 669,929 people arrested and 376,202 executed.{{sfn|Figes|2007|p=240}} | |||
| In the 1990s and 2000s, war crimes trials held in the Baltic states led to the prosecution of some Russians and Ukrainians, mostly ''in absentia'', and some Latvians, Lithuanians and Estonians, for crimes against humanity committed during or shortly after World War II, including killings or deportations of civilians.<ref name="Naimark, Norman M."/> | |||
| The ] conducted a series of national operations which targeted some ethnic groups.{{sfn|Ellman|2007|p=686}} A total of 350,000 were arrested and 247,157 were executed.{{sfn|Montefiore|2005|p=229}} Of these, the ], which targeted the members of '']'', appears to have been the largest, with 140,000 arrests and 111,000 executions.{{sfn|Ellman|2007|p=686}} Although these operations might well constitute genocide as defined by the United Nations convention,{{sfn|Ellman|2007|p=686}} or "a mini-genocide" according to ],{{sfn|Montefiore|2005|p=229}} there is as yet no authoritative ruling on the legal characterization of these events.{{sfn|Ellman|2007|p=690}} Citing church documents, ] has estimated that over 100,000 priests, monks, and nuns were executed during this time.{{sfn|Yakovlev|2002|p=165}}{{sfn|Pipes|2001|p=66}} Regarding the persecution of clergy, ] has stated that "the 1937–38 terror against the clergy of the ] and of other religions (Binner & Junge 2004) might also qualify as genocide."{{sfn|Ellman|2007|p=687}} In the summer and autumn of 1937, Stalin sent NKVD agents to the ] and engineered a Mongolian Great Terror{{sfn|Kuromiya|2007|p=2}} in which some 22,000{{sfn|Kaplonski|2002|p=156}} or 35,000{{sfn|White|2010}} people were executed. Around 18,000 victims were Buddhist ]s.{{sfn|Kaplonski|2002|p=156}} In ], mass graves for several thousand civilians killed by the NKVD between 1937 and 1941 were discovered in 1988 at ].{{sfn|Alexandra|2008}} | |||
| === China === | |||
| ===== Soviet killings during World War II ===== | |||
| {{main article|Katyn massacre|NKVD prisoner massacres|Soviet war crimes}} | |||
| Following the ] in September 1939, NKVD task forces started removing "Soviet-hostile elements" from the conquered territories.{{sfn|Strzembosz|2001|p=2}} The NKVD systematically practiced torture which often resulted in death.{{sfn|Gross|2002|pp=181‒182}}{{sfn|Allen|1996|p=155}} According to the ], 150,000 Polish citizens perished due to ] during the war.{{sfn|AFP|2009}}{{sfn|Materski|Szarota|2009}} The most notorious killings occurred in the spring of 1940, when the NKVD executed some 21,857 Polish POWs and intellectual leaders in what has become known as the ].{{sfn|Fischer|1999|p=69}}{{sfn|Parrish|1996|pp=324, 325}}{{sfn|Montefiore|2005|pp=197‒198, 332, 334}} Executions were also carried out after the ].{{sfn|Montefiore|2005|p=334}} During the initial phases of ], the NKVD and attached units of the ] ] by the tens of thousands before fleeing from the advancing ] forces.{{sfn|Gellately|2007|p=391}} Memorial complexes have been built at NKVD execution sites at ] and ] in Russia, as well as a "third killing field" at ], Ukraine.{{sfn|Fischer|1999|pp=68-69}} | |||
| ====Under Mao Zedong==== | |||
| <gallery mode="packed" heights="180"> | |||
| ] was the ] of the ] (CCP) which took control of China in 1949 until his death in September 1976. During this time, he instituted several reform efforts, the most notable of which were the ] and the ]. In January 1958, Mao launched the second five-year plan, which was known as the Great Leap Forward. The plan was intended to expedite production and ] as a supplement to economic growth similar to the Soviet model and the defining factor behind Mao's ] policies. Mao spent ten months touring the country in 1958 to gain support for the Great Leap Forward and inspect the progress that had already been made. What this entailed was the humiliation, public castigation and torture of all who questioned the leap. The five-year-plan first instituted the division of farming communities into communes. The Chinese National Program for Agricultural Development (NPAD) began to accelerate its drafting plans for the countries industrial and agricultural outputs. The drafting plans were initially successful as the Great Leap Forward divided the Chinese workforce and production briefly soared.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9pPxwn6EvR4C|title=Mao's Crusade: Politics and Policy Implementation in China's Great Leap Forward|last=Chan|first=Alfred L.|date=7 June 2001|publisher=OUP Oxford|isbn=9780191554018|page=13}}</ref> | |||
| File:01941 Opfer des NKWD im Hof des Geheimpolizeigefängnisses von Lemberg am 06.07.1941.jpg|Victims of the Soviet NKVD in Lviv, June 1941 | |||
| File:Katyń, ekshumacja ofiar.jpg|] 1943 exhumation (photo by ] delegation) | |||
| File:PlaqueMemorizingEstonianGovernment.jpg|Plaque on the building of ], ], commemorating government members killed by communist terror | |||
| </gallery> | |||
| Eventually CCP planners developed even more ambitious goals such as replacing the draft plans for 1962 with those for 1967 and the industries developed supply bottlenecks, but they could not meet the growth demands. Rapid industrial development came in turn with a swelling of urban populations. Due to the furthering of collectivization, heavy industry production and the stagnation of the farming industry that did not keep up with the demands of population growth in combination with a year (1959) of unfortunate weather in farming areas, only 170 million tons of grain were produced, far below the actual amount of grain which the population needed. Mass starvation ensued and it was made even worse in 1960, when only 144 million tons of grain were produced, a total amount which was 26 million tons lower than the total amount of grain that was produced in 1959.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/modern-world-history-1918-to-1980/china-1900-to-1976/the-great-leap-forward/|title=The Great Leap Forward – History Learning Site|website=History Learning Site|access-date=14 April 2016}}</ref> The government instituted rationing, but between 1958 and 1962 it is estimated that at least 10 million people died of starvation. The famine did not go unnoticed and Mao was fully aware of the major famine that was sweeping the countryside, but rather than try to fix the problem he blamed it on counterrevolutionaries who were "hiding and dividing grain".<ref name=":0">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LQfeXVU_EvgC|title=Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the 20th Century|last=Valentino|first=Benjamin A.|date=8 December 2005|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=0801472733|pages=127–132|ref=none}}</ref> Mao even symbolically decided to abstain from eating meat in honor of those who were suffering.<ref name=":0"/> | |||
| === People's Republic of China === | |||
| {{main article|History of the People's Republic of China (1949–1976)}} | |||
| {{see also|Mass killings of landlords under Mao Zedong|List of massacres in China}} | |||
| ] at ]]] | |||
| The ] came to power in China in 1949 after a long and bloody ] between communists and ]. There is a general consensus among historians that after ] seized power, his policies and political purges directly or indirectly caused the deaths of tens of millions of people.{{sfn|Short|2001|p=631}}{{sfn|Chang|Halliday|2005|p=3}}{{sfn|Rummel|1991|p=205}} Based on the Soviets' experience, Mao considered violence to be necessary in order to achieve an ideal society that would be derived from Marxism and as a result he planned and executed violence on a grand scale.{{sfn|Rummel|2007|p=223}}{{sfn|Goldhagen|2009|p=344}} | |||
| An original estimate of the final death toll ranged from 15 to 40 million. According to ], a chair professor of humanities at the ] and the author of ''Mao's Great Famine'', a book which details the Great Leap Forward and the consequences of the strong armed implementation of the economic reform, the total number of people who were killed in the famine which lasted from 1958 to 1962 ran upwards of 45 million. Of those who were killed in the famine, 6–8% of them were often tortured first and then prematurely killed by the government, 2% of them committed suicide and 5% of them died in Mao's ] which were built to hold those who were labelled "]".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.frankdikotter.com/books/maos-great-famine/synopsis.html|title=Synopsis|website=Frankdikotter.com|access-date=14 April 2016}}</ref> In an article for '']'', Dikötter also references severe punishments for slight infractions such as being buried alive for stealing a handful of grain or losing an ear and being branded for digging up a potato.<ref name=":1">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5NsMWCHDStQC|title=Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958–1962|last=Dikötter|first=Frank|date=1 October 2010|publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing USA|isbn=9780802779281|page=88}}</ref> Dikotter claims that a chairman in an executive meeting in 1959 expressed apathy with regard to the widespread suffering, stating: "When there is not enough to eat, people starve to death. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill".<ref name=":1"/> Anthony Garnaut clarifies that Dikötter's interpretation of Mao's quotation, "It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill." not only ignores the substantial commentary on the conference by other scholars and several of its key participants, but defies the very plain wording of the archival document in his possession on which he hangs his case.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Garnaut |first1=Anthony |title=Hard facts and half-truths: The new archival history of China's Great Famine |journal=China Information |date=2013 |volume=27 |issue=2 |pages=223–246|doi=10.1177/0920203X13485390 |s2cid=143503403 }}</ref> | |||
| ==== Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries ==== | |||
| {{main article|Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries|Chinese Land Reform}} | |||
| The first large-scale killings under Mao took place during his ] and the campaign to suppress ]. According to ], official study materials published in 1948 show that Mao envisaged that "one-tenth of the peasants", or about 50,000,000, "would have to be destroyed" to facilitate agrarian reform.{{sfn|Goldhagen|2009|p=608|ps=. It is based on a quote from the 1958 Wuchang conference, where Mao was quoted as saying: "In this kind of situation, I think if we do half of China's population unquestionably will die; and if it's not a half, it'll be a third or ten percent, a death toll of 50 million people. ... If with a death toll of 50 million, you didn't lose your jobs, I at least should lose mine; head would be open to question. Anhui wants to do so many things, it's quite all right to do a lot, but make it a principle to have no deaths."}} The exact number of people who were killed during Mao's land reform is believed to have been lower; according to ] and ], at least one million people were killed.{{sfn|Rummel|2007|p=223}}{{sfn|Short|2001|pp=436‒437}} The suppression of counter-revolutionaries targeted mainly former ] officials and intellectuals who were suspected of disloyalty.{{sfn|Mosher|1992|pp=72‒73}} | |||
| According to ], at least 712,000 people were executed and 1,290,000 were imprisoned in labor camps known as ].{{sfn|Kuisong|2008|p=120}} | |||
| ====Under Xi Jinping==== | |||
| ==== Great Leap Forward and the Great Chinese Famine ==== | |||
| {{See also|Persecution of Uyghurs in China|UN Human Rights Office report on Xinjiang}} | |||
| {{main|Great Leap Forward|Great Chinese Famine}} | |||
| Since 2014, the ] (CCP), under the ] of ] ], has pursued policies in its ] region that have resulted in the incarceration of more than an estimated one million ] ] in ] without any ].<ref name="aj2018">{{cite news |date=10 August 2018 |title=One million Muslim Uighurs held in secret China camps: UN panel |publisher=] |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/8/10/one-million-muslim-uighurs-held-in-secret-china-camps-un-panel |access-date=1 September 2022 |archive-date=28 October 2021 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20211028144800/https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/8/10/one-million-muslim-uighurs-held-in-secret-china-camps-un-panel |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Welch |first1=Dylan |last2=Hui |first2=Echo |last3=Hutcheon |first3=Stephen |date=24 November 2019 |title=The China Cables: Leak reveals the scale of Beijing's repressive control over Xinjiang |publisher=] |url=https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-11-25/china-cables-beijings-xinjiang-secrets-revealed/11719016 |access-date=1 September 2022 |archive-date=15 April 2021 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20210415200557/https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-11-25/china-cables-beijings-xinjiang-secrets-revealed/11719016 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="hrw._UN:U">{{Cite web |date=10 July 2019 |title=UN: Unprecedented Joint Call for China to End Xinjiang Abuses |url=https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/07/10/un-unprecedented-joint-call-china-end-xinjiang-abuses |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191217070044/https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/07/10/un-unprecedented-joint-call-china-end-xinjiang-abuses |archive-date=17 December 2019 |access-date=18 December 2020 |publisher=]}}</ref> This is the largest-scale detention of ethnic and religious minorities since ].<ref name="Finley-2020">{{cite journal |last=Finley |first=Joanne |year=2020 |title=Why Scholars and Activists Increasingly Fear a Uyghur Genocide in Xinjiang |journal=] |volume=23 |issue=3 |pages=348–370 |doi=10.1080/14623528.2020.1848109 |s2cid=236962241}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Kirby |first=Jen |date=25 September 2020 |title=Concentration camps and forced labor: China's repression of the Uighurs, explained |work=] |url=https://www.vox.com/2020/7/28/21333345/uighurs-china-internment-camps-forced-labor-xinjiang |quote=It is the largest mass internment of an ethnic-religious minority group since World War II. |access-date=1 September 2022 |archive-date=6 December 2020 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20201206013427/https://www.vox.com/2020/7/28/21333345/uighurs-china-internment-camps-forced-labor-xinjiang |url-status=live }}</ref> Experts estimate that, since 2017, some sixteen thousand mosques have been razed or damaged,<ref>{{Cite magazine |last=Khatchadourian |first=Raffi |date=3 April 2021 |title=Surviving the Crackdown in Xinjiang |url=https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/04/12/surviving-the-crackdown-in-xinjiang |magazine=] |language=en-US |access-date=2022-03-04 |archive-date=10 April 2021 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20210410193233/https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/04/12/surviving-the-crackdown-in-xinjiang |url-status=live }}</ref> and hundreds of thousands of children have been forcibly separated from their parents and sent to ].<ref name="2018FTFamily">{{cite news |last1=Feng |first1=Emily |date=9 July 2018 |title=Uighur children fall victim to China anti-terror drive |work=] |url=https://www.ft.com/content/f0d3223a-7f4d-11e8-bc55-50daf11b720d |access-date=1 September 2022 |archive-date=10 July 2018 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20180710120341/https://www.ft.com/content/f0d3223a-7f4d-11e8-bc55-50daf11b720d |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |author=] |date=July 2019 |title=Break Their Roots: Evidence for China's Parent-Child Separation Campaign in Xinjiang. |url=https://www.jpolrisk.com/break-their-roots-evidence-for-chinas-parent-child-separation-campaign-in-xinjiang/ |journal=The Journal of Political Risk |volume=7 |issue=7 |access-date=1 September 2022 |archive-date=25 May 2021 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20210525232757/https://www.jpolrisk.com/break-their-roots-evidence-for-chinas-parent-child-separation-campaign-in-xinjiang/ |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
| ] claims that the ] was a cause of the ] and the worst effects of the famine were steered towards the regime's enemies.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=128}} Those who were labeled "black elements" (religious leaders, rightists, and rich peasants) in earlier campaigns died in the greatest numbers because they were given the lowest priority in the allocation of food.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=128}} In '']'', historian Frank Dikötter writes that "coercion, terror, and systematic violence were the very foundation of the Great Leap Forward" and it "motivated one of the most deadly mass killings of human history."{{sfn|Dikötter|2010|pp=x, xi}} Dikötter estimates that at least 2.5 million people were summarily killed or tortured to death during this period.{{sfn|Fish|2010}} His research in local and provincial Chinese archives indicates the death toll was at least 45 million: "In most cases the party knew very well that it was starving its own people to death."{{sfn|Dikötter}} In a secret meeting at ] in 1959, Mao issued the order to procure one third of all grain from the countryside, saying: "When there is not enough to eat people starve to death. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill."{{sfn|Dikötter}} In light of additional evidence of Mao's culpability, Rummel added those killed by the Great Famine to his total for Mao's ] for a total of 77 million killed.{{sfn|Rummel|2005b}}{{efn|name=Fenby China 2008}} | |||
| On 31 August 2022 the ] (OHCHR) published a report which concluded that "the extent of arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim groups, pursuant to law and policy, in context of restrictions and deprivation more generally of fundamental rights enjoyed individually and collectively, may constitute international crimes, in particular ]."<ref>{{Cite web |date=31 August 2022 |title=China's treatment of Uyghurs may be crime against humanity, says UN human rights chief |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/aug/31/china-uyghur-muslims-xinjiang-michelle-bachelet-un |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220901063704/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/aug/31/china-uyghur-muslims-xinjiang-michelle-bachelet-un |archive-date=1 September 2022 |access-date=1 September 2022 |website=]}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=31 August 2022 |title=Torture claims against China Uyghurs credible – UN |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-62744522 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220901074250/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-62744522 |archive-date=1 September 2022 |access-date=1 September 2022 |website=]}}</ref><ref name=":5">{{Cite news |last1=Cumming-Bruce |first1=Nick |last2=Ramzy |first2=Austin |date=31 August 2022 |title=U.N. Says China May Have Committed 'Crimes Against Humanity' in Xinjiang |language=en-US |work=] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/31/world/asia/un-china-xinjiang-uyghurs.html |url-status=live |access-date=2022-09-01 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220901014137/https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/31/world/asia/un-china-xinjiang-uyghurs.html |archive-date=1 September 2022}}</ref> | |||
| ==== Tibet ==== | |||
| {{main|History of Tibet (1950–present)}} | |||
| According to Jean-Louis Margolin in '']'', the Chinese communists carried out a ] against the ]. Margolin states that the killings were proportionally larger in ] than they were in China proper and "one can legitimately speak of ]s because of the numbers that were involved."{{sfn|Courtois|1999|pp=545‒546}} According to the ] and the ], "Tibetans were not only shot, but they were also beaten to death, crucified, burned alive, drowned, mutilated, starved, strangled, hanged, boiled alive, buried alive, drawn and quartered, and beheaded."{{sfn|Courtois|1999|pp=545‒546}} ], a scholar who specializes in genocide, states that after the ], the Chinese authorized ]s against reactionaries, during which "communist cadres denounced, tortured, and frequently executed ]." These sessions resulted in 92,000 deaths out of a total population of about 6 million. These deaths, Jones stressed, may not only be seen as a genocide, but they may also be seen as an '']'', meaning "targeting the better educated and leadership oriented elements among the Tibetan population."{{sfn|Jones|2010|pp=95-96}} ], the former director of the Free Tibet Campaign in London, writes that the Free Tibet Campaign and other groups have claimed that a total of 1.2 million Tibetans were killed by the Chinese since 1950 but after examining archives in Dharamsala, he found "no evidence to support that figure."{{sfn|French|2008}} French states that a reliable alternative number is unlikely to be known but estimates that as many as half a million Tibetans died "as a 'direct result' of the policies of the People's Republic of China", using historian Warren Smith's estimate of 200,000 people who are missing from population statistics in the ] and extending that rate to the borderland regions.{{sfn|French|2009|pp=291-292}} | |||
| ==== Cultural Revolution ==== | |||
| {{main|Cultural Revolution}} | |||
| Sinologists ] and ] estimate that between 750,000 and 1.5 million people were killed in the violence of the ] in rural China alone.{{sfn|MacFarquhar|Schoenhals|2006|p=262}} Mao's ] were given ''carte blanche'' to abuse and kill people who were perceived to be enemies of the revolution.{{sfn|MacFarquhar|Schoenhals|2006|p=125}} In August 1966, over 100 teachers were murdered by their students in western Beijing.{{sfn|Lorenz|2007}} Finkel and Strauss write that Su estimates up to three million people were "murdered by their neighbors in collective killings and struggle rallies. This happened even though the central government had not issued any mass killing orders or policies."{{sfn|Finkel|Straus|2012|p=60}} | |||
| Yang Su states that mass killing during the Cultural Revolution was caused by "the paradox of state sponsorship and state failure"; according to Yang, mass killings were concentrated in rural areas in the months after the establishment of county revolutionary committees, with mass killing in each community being more likely the more local party members there were in that community. Repression by the local organizations may have been in response to the rhetoric of violence promoted by the provincal capitals as a result of mass factionalism in those capitals, and the "peaks of mass killings coincided with two announcements from the party center in July 1968 banning factional armed battles and disbanding mass organizations";{{efn|name=Su China 2003}} Yang writes that Mao's government designated class enemies using an artificial and arbitrary standard in order to accomplish two political tasks, "mobilizing mass compliance and resolving elite conflict", and the elastic nature of the category allowed it to "take on a genocidal dimension under extraordinary circumstances."{{efn|name=Su China 2011}} | |||
| ==== Tiananmen Square ==== | |||
| {{main|1989 Tiananmen Square protests}} | |||
| Jean-Louis Margolin states that under ], at least 1,000 people were killed in Beijing and hundreds of people were also executed in the countryside after his government crushed demonstrations in ] in 1989.{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=542}} According to Louisa Lim in 2014, a group of victims' relatives in China called the "Tiananmen Mothers" has confirmed the identities of more than 200 of those who were killed.{{sfn|Lim|2014|p=106}} Alex Bellamy writes that this "tragedy marks the last time in which an episode of mass killing in ] was terminated by the perpetrators themselves, judging that they had succeeded."{{sfn|Bellamy|2017|p=66}} | |||
| <gallery mode="packed" heights="180px"> | |||
| File:June 4th Museum Photo taking area 2016.jpg|Replica of the ] statue in Hong Kong's ] | |||
| File:Wroclaw-pomnik Tien-An-Men.jpg|A memorial to the 1989 Tiananmen Square events in the Dominican Square in Wrocław, Poland | |||
| File:Tiananmen estatua.JPG|Statue located in ] recalling the events of Tiananmen Square | |||
| </gallery> | |||
| === Cambodia === | === Cambodia === | ||
| There is a scholarly consensus that the ] which was carried out by the ] under the leadership of ] in what became known as the ] was a crime against humanity.<ref name="Totten, Samuel">Totten, p. 359.</ref> Over the course of 4 years, the Pol Pot regime was responsible for the deaths of approximately 2 million people through starvation, exhaustion, execution, lack of medical care as a result of the communist utopia experiment.<ref>{{Cite news|title=Khmer Rouge leaders guilty of crimes against humanity and jailed for life|work=The Guardian|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/aug/07/khmer-rouge-leaders-guilty-of-crimes-against-humanity-and-jailed-for-life|access-date=25 November 2021}}</ref> Legal scholars Antoine Garapon and David Boyle, sociologist ] and professor of political science ] all believe that the actions of the ] can best be described as a crime against humanity rather than a ].<ref name="Semelin, Jacques">Semelin, p. 344.</ref> In 2018, the ] found the Khmer Rouge guilty of committing genocide against the minority Muslim Cham and Vietnamese.<ref>{{Cite news|date=5 November 2018|title=Khmer Rouge's Slaughter in Cambodia Is Ruled a Genocide|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/15/world/asia/khmer-rouge-cambodia-genocide.html|access-date=25 November 2021}}</ref> Conviction appeal against court decision was rejected in 2022.<ref>{{cite news |title=Khmer Rouge head of state's genocide conviction appeal rejected by Cambodia's UN-backed tribunal|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/asia/southeast-asia/khieu-samphan-cambodia-khmer-rouge-tribunal-b2172712.html|access-date=22 September 2022 |work=] |date=22 September 2022}}</ref> It reaffirms the ECCC's recognition of the Khmer Rouge's racial discrimination and ethnic cleansing against non-Cambodian (Khmer) minorities. The naming of the Cambodian genocide is an overlooked problem because it downplays the overwhelming sufferings among targeted minority groups and the important roles of racism in understanding how the genocide was perpetrated.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Heder|first=Steve|title=Racism, Marxism, labelling, and genocide in Ben Kiernan's "The Pol Pot regime"|journal=South East Asia Research|date=1997|volume=5|issue=2|pages=101–153|jstor=23746851|doi=10.1177/0967828X9700500202}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Kiernan|first=Ben|title=The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia Under the Khmer Rouge, 1975–79|publisher=Yale University Press|year=2008|isbn=978-030-0-14299-0}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Kiernan|first=Ben|title=Wild Chickens, Farm Chickens, and Cormorants: Cambodia's Eastern Zone under Pol Pot, 1st Edition|publisher=Routledge|year=2008|isbn= 978-0-20379-088-5}}</ref> Historian ] calls the Khmer Rouge's ethnic policy "racial communism."<ref>{{cite book|last=Weitz|first=Eric D.|title=A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation - Updated Edition|publisher=Princeton University Press, NJ|year=2015|isbn=978-0-69116-587-5}}</ref> | |||
| {{main|Cambodian genocide}} | |||
| {{see also|Democratic Kampuchea|Killing Fields}} | |||
| ] | |||
| The Killing Fields are a number of sites in Cambodia where large numbers of people were killed and their bodies were buried by the ] regime during its rule of the country, which lasted from 1975 to 1979, after the end of the ]. Sociologist ] described the Cambodian genocide as "the purest genocide of the ] era."{{sfn|Shaw|2000|p=141}} The results of a demographic study of the Cambodian genocide concluded that the nationwide death toll from 1975 to 1979 amounted to 1,671,000 to 1,871,000, or 21 to 24 percent of the total Cambodian population as it was estimated to number before the Khmer Rouge took power.{{sfn|Kiernan|2003|p=587}} According to ], the number of deaths which were specifically caused by execution is still unknown because many victims died from starvation, disease and overwork.{{sfn|Kiernan|2003|p=587}} Researcher Craig Etcheson of the ] suggests that the death toll was between 2 and 2.5 million, with a "most likely" figure of 2.2 million. After spending five years researching about 20,000 grave sites, he concluded that "these mass graves contain the remains of 1,112,829 victims of execution."{{sfn|Sharp|2005}} A study by French demographer Marek Sliwinski calculated slightly fewer than 2 million unnatural deaths under the Khmer Rouge out of a 1975 Cambodian population of 7.8 million, with 33.5% of Cambodian men dying under the Khmer Rouge compared to 15.7% of Cambodian women.{{sfn|Locard|2005|pp=121, 134}} The number of suspected victims of execution who were found in 23,745 mass graves is estimated to be 1.3 million according to a 2009 academic source. Execution is believed to account for roughly 60% of the total death toll during the genocide, with other victims succumbing to starvation or disease.{{sfn|Seybolt|Aronson|Fischoff|2013|p=238}} | |||
| In 1997 the co-prime ministers of Cambodia sought help from the United Nations in seeking justice for the crimes which were perpetrated by the communists during the years from 1975 to 1979. In June 1997, Pol Pot was taken prisoner during an internal power struggle within the Khmer Rouge and offered up to the international community. However, no country was willing to seek his ].<ref name="Lattimer, Mark. Sands, Philippe.">Lattimer, p. 214.</ref> The policies enacted by the Khmer Rouge led to the deaths of one quarter of the population in just four years.<ref name="Jones, Adam 188">Jones, p. 188.</ref> | |||
| ], a genocide scholar, states that the ] ideology of the Khmer Rouge regime bears a stronger resemblance to "an almost forgotten phenomenon of national socialism", or ], rather than ].{{sfn|Fein|1993b|p=819}} Responding to ]'s "argument that Pol Pot's Democratic Kampuchea regime was more racist and generically totalitarian than Marxist or specifically Communist", Steve Heder states that the example of such ] thought as it is applied in relation to the minority ] echoed "Marx's definition of a historyless people doomed to extinction in the name of progress" and it was therefore a part of general concepts of class and class struggle.{{sfn|Heder|1997|pp=101, 112}} Craig Etcheson writes that data on the distribution and origin of the mass graves as well as internal Khmer Rouge security documents, leads to the conclusion that "most of the violence was carried out pursuant to orders from the highest political authorities of the Communist Party of Kampuchea", rather than being the result of the "spontaneous excesses of a vengeful, undisciplined peasant army",{{efn|name=Etcheson Cambodia 2005}} while French historian Henri Locard writes that the ']'' label was applied to the Khmer Rouge by the ] as a form of '']'', but the repression which existed under the rule of the Khmer Rouge was "similar (if significantly more lethal) to the repression in all communist regimes."{{sfn|Locard|2005|pp=121, 134}} Daniel Goldhagen states that the Khmer Rouge were xenophobic because they believed that the ] were "the one authentic people capable of building true communism."{{sfn|Goldhagen|2009|p=207}} ] claims that ] was the deadliest of all communist regimes on a ] basis, primarily because it "lacked a viable productive core" and it "failed to set boundaries on mass murder."{{sfn|Rosefielde|2010|pp=120-121}} | |||
| === Ethiopia === | |||
| <gallery mode="packed" heights="180px"> | |||
| {{main|Red Terror (Ethiopia)}} | |||
| File:2016 Phnom Penh, Muzeum Ludobójstwa Tuol Sleng (34).jpg|Memorial at the ] in Phnom Penh | |||
| Following the overthrow of Ethiopian emperor ] in 1974, the ] gained control over Ethiopia and established a Marxist–Leninist state. They enacted the ] against political opponents, killing an estimated 10,000 to 750,000 people.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Metaferia |first=Getachew |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5kfPV6wQVxgC&pg=PA67 |title=Ethiopia and the United States: History, Diplomacy, and Analysis |date=2009 |publisher=Algora Publishing |isbn=978-0-87586-647-5 |pages=67 |language=en}}</ref><ref>Harff, Barbara & Gurr, Ted Robert: "Toward an Empirical Theory of Genocides and Politicides", ''International Studies Quarterly'' '''32'''(3), p. 364 (1988).</ref><ref name="US admits helping Mengistu escape"> ], 22 December 1999</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Genocides, Politicides, and Other Mass Murder Since 1945, With Stages in 2008 |url=http://www.gpanet.org/content/genocides-politicides-and-other-mass-murder-1945-stages-2008 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190419013211/http://www.gpanet.org/content/genocides-politicides-and-other-mass-murder-1945-stages-2008 |archive-date=19 April 2019 |access-date=22 July 2016 |website=Genocide Prevention Advisory Network}}</ref> Derg chairman ] said "We are doing what ] did. You cannot build ] without ]."<ref>As quoted by Christopher Andrew and ], ''The Mitrokhin Archive II: The KGB and the World'', Penguin, 2006, pp. 467–8.</ref><ref name="AM">] and ]. ''The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World.'' Basic Books, 2005. {{ISBN|0-465-00311-7}} ch. 25.</ref> The ] reported that the victims of the Red Terror included not only adults but 1,000 or more children, mostly aged between eleven and thirteen, whose corpses were left in the streets of Addis Ababa.<ref name=AM/> | |||
| File:Cambodia 2011 monuments 20.jpg|Killing Field mass graves at the ] Cambodian Genocide centre | |||
| File:A longer shot of the baby execution tree (14247938661).jpg|] (Killing Tree) at Choeung Ek, where infants were fatally smashed during the genocide | |||
| </gallery> | |||
| On 13 August 2004, 33 top former Derg officials were presented in trial for genocide and other human rights violations during the Red Terror. The officials appealed for a pardon to the Prime Minister ] in a forum to "beg the Ethiopian public for their pardon for the mistakes done knowingly or unknowingly" during the Derg regime.<ref>{{Cite book |title=The letter was first published by the Ethiopian Reporter on 26 June 2004. Among the Derg officials who signed the letter are former Vice-President Colonel Fiseha Desta,former Prime Minister Captain Fikreselasie Wogederes and the notorious henchmen of dictator Mengistu Hailemariam, Captain Legesse Asfaw and Major Melaku Tefera}}</ref> No official response made by the government to the date. The Red Terror trial included grave human rights violations, comprising ], ], ], rape and ] which be would punishable under Article 7 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as article 3 of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights, all of which made part of the ].<ref>{{Cite book |title=Art 9 Proclamation 1/1995 Proclamation of the Constitution of the FederalDemocratic Republic of Ethiopia |year=1995}}</ref> | |||
| === Other states === | |||
| ] and ] write, "Most ] regimes which came to power through protracted armed struggle in the ] perpetrated one or more ], though of vastly different magnitudes."{{efn|name=Harff Gurr others 1988}} According to ], most regimes that described themselves as communist did not commit mass killings, but mass killings on a smaller scale than his standard of 50,000 people who were killed within a period of five years may have occurred in communist states such as ], ] and ], although the lack of documentation prevents the reaching of a definitive judgement about the scale of these events and the motives of their perpetrators.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|pp=91, 75 table 2}} Frank W. Wayman and Atsushi Tago write that because '']'' is broader than ''mass killing'' or ''genocide'', most communist regimes can be said to have engaged in it, including the Soviet Union, China, Cambodia, North Vietnam, East Germany, ], ], ], ], ], ], ] and ].{{sfn|Wayman|Tago|2010|p=12}} | |||
| === North Korea === | |||
| {{see|Human experimentation in North Korea|Human rights in North Korea|Prisons in North Korea}} | |||
| According to Valentino, available evidence suggests that between 50,000 and 100,000 people may have been killed in ] beginning in 1944 as part of a campaign of ] and political repression, although there is insufficient documentation to make a definitive judgement.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=75, table 2}} In his book ''History of Communism in Bulgaria'', Dinyu Sharlanov accounts for about 31,000 people who were killed by the regime between 1944 and 1989.{{sfn|Шарланов|2009}}{{sfn|Sharlanov|Ganev|2010}} | |||
| Three victims of the ] in North Korea unsuccessfully attempted to bring ] to justice with the aid of the Citizens Coalition for Human Rights of abductees and North Korean Refugees. In December 2010, they filed charges in ].<ref name="North Korea Gulags">{{cite news|title=Gulag survivors demand trial of Kim Jong-il for crimes against humanity|url=http://www.asianews.it/news-en/Gulag-survivors-demand-trial-of-Kim-Jong-il-for-crimes-against-humanity-17499.html|newspaper=Asia News|date=2 January 2010|access-date=26 December 2019}}</ref> The NGO group ] has stated that the ] appears to be specifically designed to kill a large number of people who are labelled enemies or have a differing political belief.<ref name="Jones, Adam 216">Jones, p. 216.</ref> | |||
| === Romania === | |||
| In a speech before the ], President ] stated that "the criminal and illegitimate ] committed massive human rights violations and crimes against humanity, killing and persecuting as many as two million people between 1945 and 1989".<ref name=Shawl>{{cite web|last=Shawl|first=Jeannie|title=Romania president says Communist regime committed crimes against humanity|url=http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/paperchase/2006/12/romania-president-says-communist.php|publisher=Jurist.|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110312125452/http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/paperchase/2006/12/romania-president-says-communist.php|archive-date=12 March 2011}}</ref><ref name=Clej>{{cite news|last=Clej|first=Petru|title=Romania exposes communist crimes|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/6190931.stm|publisher=BBC|date=18 December 2006|access-date=26 December 2019}}</ref> The speech was based on the 660-page report of a ] headed by ], a professor at the ]. The report also stated that "the regime exterminated people by assassination and deportation of hundreds of thousands of people" and it also highlighted the ].<ref name="NYT">{{cite news|last=Smith|first=Craig S.|title=Romanian Leader Condemns Communist Rule|newspaper=]|date=19 December 2006|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2006/12/19/world/europe/19romania.html|access-date=26 December 2019}}</ref> | |||
| {{further|NKVD special camps in Germany 1945–1950}} | |||
| According to Valentino, between 80,000 and 100,000 people may have been killed in ] beginning in 1945 as part of the ] campaign, but other scholars argue that these estimates are inflated.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=75, table 2}}{{sfn|von Plato|1999|p=141}}{{sfn|Morré|1997|p=9}} | |||
| Engineer and former political prisoner Gheorghe Boldur-Lățescu has also stated that the Pitești Experiment was a crime against humanity,<ref name="Boldur-Lățescu, Gheorghe">Boldur-Lățescu p. 22</ref> while ] has described it as "n experiment of a grotesque originality ... employed techniques of psychiatric abuse which were not only designed to inculcate terror into opponents of the regime but also to destroy the personality of the individual. The nature and enormity of the experiment ... set Romania apart from the other Eastern European regimes."<ref name="DD">{{cite book|last=Deletant|first=Dennis|author-link=Dennis Deletant|title=Ceaușescu and the Securitate: coercion and dissent in Romania, 1965–1989|year=1995|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XmmilITRkxYC|isbn=978-1-56324-633-3|pages=29–33|publisher=M.E. Sharpe }}</ref> | |||
| ] | |||
| Immediately after ], ] commenced in ] and the regions which the ] had annexed. In the Soviet occupation zone, the ] established prison camps, usually in abandoned ], and they used them to intern alleged Nazis and Nazi German officials along with some landlords and ]. According to files and data which was released by the Soviet Ministry for the Interior in 1990, in total, 123,000 Germans and 35,000 citizens of other nations were detained. Of these prisoners, a total of 786 people were shot and 43,035 people died of various causes. Most of the deaths were not direct killings, instead, they were caused by outbreaks of ] and ]. Deaths from starvation also occurred on a large scale, particularly from late 1946 to early 1947, but these deaths do not appear to have been deliberate killings because food shortages were widespread in the Soviet occupation zone. The prisoners in the "silence camps", as the NKVD special camps were called, did not have access to the black market and as a result, they were only able to get food that was handed to them by the authorities. Some prisoners were executed and other prisoners may have been tortured to death. In this context, it is difficult to determine if the prisoner deaths in the silence camps can be categorized as mass killings. It is also difficult to determine how many of the dead were Germans, East Germans, or members of other nationalities.{{sfn|von Plato|1999}}{{sfn|Merten|2018|p=7}} | |||
| === Yugoslavia === | |||
| In 1961, East Germany erected the ] following the ]. Even though crossing between East Germany and ] was possible for motivated and approved travelers, thousands of East Germans tried to defect by illegally crossing the wall. Of these, between 136 and 227 people ] by the Berlin Wall's guards during the years of the wall's existence (1961-1989).{{sfn|Baron|2011|p=486}}{{sfn|Taylor|2012}} | |||
| Dominic McGoldrick writes that as the head of a "highly centralized and oppressive" dictatorship, ] wielded tremendous power in Yugoslavia, with his dictatorial rule administered through an elaborate bureaucracy which routinely suppressed human rights.{{sfn|McGoldrick|2000|p=17}} First repressions included reprisal killings against World War II ]s, most prominent being ] and ].<ref name=Cohen>{{cite book|title=Group Psychotherapy and Political Reality: A Two-Way Mirror|last1=Cohen|first1=Bertram D.|last2=Ettin|first2=Mark F.|last3=Fidler|first3=Jay W.|year=2002|publisher=International Universities Press|isbn=0-8236-2228-2|page=193}}</ref><ref name=Andjelic>{{cite book|last=Andjelic|first=Neven|title=Bosnia-Herzegovina: The End of a Legacy|publisher=Frank Cass|year=2003|page=36 |isbn=0-7146-5485-X}}</ref><ref name=Tierney>{{cite book|title=Accommodating National Identity: New Approaches in International and Domestic Law|last=Tierney|first=Stephen|year=2000|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|isbn=90-411-1400-9|page=17}}</ref><ref>Jambrek, Peter, ed. (January–June 2008). . Slovenian Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Retrieved 26 December 2019. p. 156. "Most of the mass killings were carried out from May to July 1945; among the victims were mostly the "returned" (or "home-captured") Home guards and prisoners from other Yugoslav provinces. In the following months, up to January 1946 when the Constitution of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia was passed and OZNA had to hand the camps over to the organs of the Ministry of the Interior, those killings were followed by mass killing of Germans, Italians and Slovenes suspected of collaborationism and anti-communism. Individual secret killings were carried out at later dates as well. The decision to "annihilate" opponents must had been adopted in the closest circles of Yugoslav state leadership, and the order was certainly issued by the Supreme Commander of the Yugoslav Army Josip Broz – Tito, although it is not known when or in what form".</ref> Near the end of the ], ] who were suspected to have been involved with the ] were placed into internment camps. Many were tortured, and at least 5,800 were killed. Others were subject to forced labor.<ref name=":2">{{Cite web|last1=Sretenovic, Stanislav|last2=Prauser, Steffen|name-list-style=amp|title=The Expulsion of the German-Speaking Minority from Yugoslavia|url=http://www.iue.it/PUB/HEC04-01.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090304100309/http://www.iue.it/PUB/HEC04-01.pdf|archive-date=4 March 2009|publisher=European University Institute, Florence|page=55}}</ref> In March 1945, the surviving Swabians were ]ized in "village camps", later described as "extermination camps" by the survivors, where the death rate ranged as high as 50%.<ref name=":2"/> The most notorious camp was at ] (formerly Rudolfsgnad), where an estimated 11,000 to 12,500 Swabians died.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2009-05-20 |title=Vojvodian Germans |url=http://www.media-diversity.org/beta%20articles/Vojvodina%20Germans.htm |access-date=2022-01-19 |website= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090520012559/http://www.media-diversity.org/beta%20articles/Vojvodina%20Germans.htm |archive-date=20 May 2009 }}</ref> | |||
| Some 120,000 ] were forced to emigrate to Serbia by the Yugoslav Communists after they had opted for Serbian citizenship in 1944.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Gale Group|url=http://archive.org/details/worldmarkencyclo03gale|title=Worldmark encyclopedia of the nations|date=2007|publisher=Detroit : Thomson Gale|others=Internet Archive|isbn=978-1-4144-1089-0}}</ref>{{page needed|date=May 2023}} Those who stayed were subject to increasing Macedonian efforts, such as forcibly changing their surnames, substituting "''ić''" with ''"ski " (] -'' ]). In the whole period after the Second World War the Serbs in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia were kept from freely developing their national and cultural identity. The Serbs were treated like ]s.<ref>{{Cite web|title= Slavenko Terzic: The Serbs and the Macedonian Question|url=http://www.rastko.rs/istorija/srbi-balkan/sterzic-macedonian.html|access-date=2022-01-19|website=www.rastko.rs}}</ref>{{better source needed|date=May 2023}} | |||
| ==== Socialist Republic of Romania ==== | |||
| {{further|Danube-Black Sea Canal#Construction of the canal in 1949-1953}} | |||
| According to Valentino, between 60,000 and 300,000 people may have been killed in ] beginning in 1945 as part of agricultural collectivization and political repression.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=75, table 2}} | |||
| The ] initiated a repression against known and alleged ], which included even some of the most prominent among Tito's collaborators, most of which were taken to a labor camp on ]. On 19 November 1956, ], perhaps the closest of Tito's collaborators and widely regarded as Tito's possible successor, was arrested and jailed for four years because of his criticism against certain actions of the Yugoslav regime. The repression did not exclude intellectuals and writers such as ], who was arrested and sent to jail in January 1956 for writing poems considered anti-Titoist.{{citation needed|date=May 2023}} | |||
| ==== Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia ==== | |||
| {{further|Barbara Pit massacre|Bleiburg repatriations|Communist purges in Serbia in 1944–45|Foibe massacres|Goli Otok|Macelj massacre|Leftist errors (Yugoslavia)|Kočevski Rog massacre|Tezno massacre|Titoism}} | |||
| The ] of ] bloodily repressed opponents and committed several massacres of ] after the ]. The ] reports: "The decision to 'annihilate' opponents must had been adopted in the closest circles of the Yugoslav state leadership, and the order was certainly issued by the Supreme Commander of the Yugoslav Army Josip Broz Tito, although it is not known when or in what form."{{sfn|Rummel|1997c}}{{sfn|Cohen|Ettin|Fidler|2002|p=193}}{{sfn|Andjelic|2003|p=36}}{{sfn|McGoldrick|2000|p=17}}{{efn|name=Jambrek Yugoslavia 2008}} | |||
| Tito's Yugoslavia had been described as a tightly controlled ].<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EY_xAgAAQBAJ&q=Tito%27s+Yugoslavia+was+a+tightly+controlled+police+state&pg=PT73|title=Tell it to the world, Eliott Behar|publisher=Dundurn Press|year=2014|isbn=978-1-4597-2380-1}}</ref> According to ], outside the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia had more ] than all of the rest of Eastern Europe combined.{{sfn|Matas|1994|p=36}} Tito's secret police was modeled on the Soviet KGB. Its members were ever-present and often ],{{sfn|Corbel|1951|pp=173–174}} with victims including middle-class intellectuals, liberals and democrats.{{sfn|Cook|2001|p=1391}} Yugoslavia was a signatory to the ], but scant regard was paid to some of its provisions.{{sfn|Matas|1994|p=37}} | |||
| ==== North Korea ==== | |||
| {{further|Human rights in North Korea|Prisons in North Korea|Kwalliso|North Korean famine}} | |||
| According to Rummel, forced labor, executions and concentration camps were responsible for over one million deaths in the ] from 1948 to 1987.{{sfn|Rummel|1997b}} Others have estimated that in North Korea's concentration camps alone, 400,000 people died.{{sfn|Omestad|2003}} A wide range of atrocities have been committed in the camps including forced abortions, infanticide and torture. Former International Criminal Court judge Thomas Buergenthal, who was one of the ]'s authors and a child survivor of Auschwitz, told '']'' "that conditions in the Korean prison camps are as terrible, or even worse, than those I saw and experienced in my youth in these Nazi camps and in my long professional career in the human rights field."{{sfn|Dangerfield|2017}} ] estimates 100,000 executions, 1.5 million deaths through concentration camps and slave labor, and 500,000 deaths from famine.{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=564}} | |||
| The famine, which claimed as many as one million lives, has been described as the result of the ] of the ]{{sfn|Haggard|Noland|Sen|2009|p=209}} and deliberate "terror-starvation."{{sfn|Rosefielde|2010|p=109}} In 2010, Steven Rosefielde stated that the <nowiki>''Red Holocaust''</nowiki> "still persists in North Korea", as ] "refuses to abandon mass killing."{{sfn|Rosefielde|2010|pp=228, 243}} Adam Jones cites journalist Jasper Becker's claim that the famine was a form of mass killing or genocide due to political manipulations of the food.{{sfn|Jones|2010|pp=215-216}} Estimates based on a North Korean 2008 census suggest 240,000 to 420,000 excess deaths as a result of the 1990s ] and a demographic impact of 600,000 to 850,000 fewer people in North Korea in 2008 as a result of poor living conditions after the famine.{{sfn|Spoorenberg|Schwekendiek|2012|p=154}} | |||
| ==== Democratic Republic of Vietnam ==== | |||
| {{main|Land reform in North Vietnam|Land reform in Vietnam}} | |||
| {{see also|NLF and PAVN strategy, organization and structure|Persecution of the Montagnard in Vietnam|Re-education camp (Vietnam)|Vietnamese boat people}} | |||
| Valentino attributes 80,000–200,000 deaths to "communist mass killings" in ] and ].{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=75}} | |||
| According to scholarship based on Vietnamese and Hungarian archival evidence, as many as 15,000 suspected landlords were executed during North Vietnam's ] from 1953 to 1956.{{efn|name=Vu Vietnam 2010}}{{sfn|Szalontai|2005|p=401}}{{sfn|Berger|1987|p=262}} The North Vietnamese leadership planned in advance to execute 0.1% of North Vietnam's population (estimated at 13.5 million in 1955) as "reactionary or evil landlords", although this ratio could vary in practice.{{sfn|Vu|2010a|p=103}}{{sfn|Vu|2010b|p=243}} Dramatic errors were committed in the course of the land reform campaign.{{sfn|Vo|2015|p=36}} Vu Tuong states that the number of executions during North Vietnam's land reform was proportionally comparable to executions during Chinese land reform from 1949 to 1952.{{sfn|Vu|2010a|p=103}} | |||
| ==== Cuba ==== | |||
| {{main|Human rights in Cuba}} | |||
| According to ] and ], in research about assessing the risks of state-sponsored mass killing, where ''mass killing'' is defined as "the actions of state agents result in the intentional death of at least 1,000 noncombatants from a discrete group in a period of sustained violence", the ] government of ] killed between 5,000 and 8,335 noncombatants as a part of the campaign of political repression between 1959 and 1970.{{sfn|Ulfelder|Valentino|2008|p=ii}} | |||
| ==== Democratic Republic of Afghanistan ==== | |||
| {{main|Democratic Republic of Afghanistan}} | |||
| According to Frank Wayman and Atsushi Tago, although frequently considered an example of communist genocide, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan represents a borderline case.{{sfn|Wayman|Tago|2010|p=12}} Prior to the ], the ] executed between 10,000 and 27,000 people, mostly at ].{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=219}}{{sfn|Kaplan|2001|p=115}}{{sfn|Sarwary|2006}} ]s of executed prisoners have been exhumed dating back to the Soviet era.{{sfn|Hossaini|2007}} | |||
| After the invasion in 1979, the Soviets installed the puppet government of ]. By 1987, about 80% of the country's territory was permanently controlled by neither the pro-communist government and supporting Soviet troops nor by the armed opposition. To tip the balance, the Soviet Union used a tactic that was a combination of ''scorched earth'' policy and ''migratory genocide''. By systematically burning the crops and destroying villages in rebel provinces as well as by reprisal bombing entire villages suspected of harboring or supporting the resistance, the Soviets tried to force the local population to move to Soviet controlled territory, thereby depriving the armed opposition of support.{{sfn|Collins|1987|pp=203-204}} Valentino attributes between 950,000 and 1,280,000 civilian deaths to the Soviet invasion and occupation of the country between 1978 and 1989, primarily as counter-guerrilla mass killing.{{sfn|Valentino|2005|p=83, table 5}} By the early 1990s, approximately one-third of Afghanistan's population had fled the country.{{efn|name=Valentino Afghanistan 2005}} M. Hassan Kakar said that "the Afghans are among the latest victims of genocide by a superpower."{{sfn|Kakar|1995}} | |||
| ==== People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia ==== | |||
| {{main article|Qey Shibir|1983–1985 famine in Ethiopia}} | |||
| ] estimates that half a million people were killed during the Ethiopian Red Terror of 1977 and 1978.{{sfn|Andrew|Mitrokhin|2006|p=457}}{{sfn|BBC|1999}}{{sfn|Orizio|2004|p=151}} During the terror, groups of people were herded into churches that were then burned down and women were subjected to systematic rape by soldiers.{{sfn|Courtois|1999|p=692}} The ] reported that victims of the Red Terror included not only adults, but 1,000 or more children, mostly aged between eleven and thirteen, whose corpses were left in the streets of Addis Ababa.{{sfn|Andrew|Mitrokhin|2006|p=457}} Ethiopian dictator ] himself is alleged to have killed political opponents with his bare hands.{{sfn|Clayton|2006}} | |||
| == Debate over famines == | |||
| ], with areas where the effects of famine were most severe shaded]] | |||
| According to historian ], over half of the 100 million deaths which are attributed to communism were due to famines.{{sfn|Ghodsee|2014|p=124}} ] argues that many communist regimes caused famines in their efforts to forcibly collectivize agriculture and systematically used it as a weapon by controlling the food supply and distributing food on a political basis. Courtois states that "in the period after 1918, only Communist countries experienced such famines, which led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands, and in some cases millions, of people. And again in the 1980s, two African countries that claimed to be ], ] and ], were the only such countries to suffer these deadly famines."{{efn|name=Courtois famine 1999}} | |||
| Scholars ], ], and Mark Tauger reject the idea that the ] was an act of genocide that was intentionally inflicted by the Soviet government.{{sfn|Davies|Wheatcroft|2009|p=xiv}}{{sfn|Tauger|2001|p=46}} Getty posits that the "overwhelming weight of opinion among scholars working in the new archives is that the terrible famine of the 1930s was the result of Stalinist bungling and rigidity rather than some genocidal plan."{{sfn|Ghodsee|2014|p=124}} Novelist ] opined in a 2 April 2008 article in '']'' that the 1930s famine in the Ukraine was no different from the ], as both were caused by the ruthless robbery of peasants by Bolshevik grain procurements.{{sfn|Solzhenitsyn|2008}} | |||
| ] questions Mao's direct responsibility for famine, stating: "A great many premature deaths also occurred in newly independent nations not ruled by erratic tyrants." Mishra cites Nobel laureate ]'s research demonstrating that democratic India suffered more ] from starvation and disease in the second half of the 20th century than China did. Sen wrote: "India seems to manage to fill its cupboard with more skeletons every eight years than China put there in its years of shame."{{sfn|Mishra|2010}}{{sfn|Wemheuer|2014|pp=3-4}} | |||
| ] writes: "Although not all the deaths due to famine in these cases were intentional, communist leaders directed the worst effects of famine against their suspected enemies and used hunger as a weapon to force millions of people to conform to the directives of the state."{{sfn|Valentino|2005|pp=93-94}} ] says that in some cases deaths from famine should not be distinguished from mass murder: "Whenever governments have not alleviated famine conditions, political leaders decided not to say no to mass death – in other words, they said yes." Goldhagen claims that instances of this occurred in the ], the ], the ], the ], and the ].{{sfn|Goldhagen|2009|pp=29-30}} | |||
| Historian and journalists, such as ] and ], have criticized the emphasis on ] when assigning blame for famines. In a 2002 '']'' piece, Milne mentions "the moral blindness displayed towards the record of ]", and he writes: "If Lenin and Stalin are regarded as having killed those who died of hunger in the famines of the 1920s and 1930s, then Churchill is certainly responsible for the 4 million deaths in the avoidable ]." Milne laments that while "there is a much-lauded ''Black Book of Communism'', no such comprehensive indictment of the colonial record."{{sfn|Milne|2002}} Weiner makes a similar assertion while comparing the Holodomor and the Bengal famine of 1943, stating that ]'s role in the Bengal famine "seems similar to Stalin's role in the Ukrainian famine."{{sfn|Wiener|2012|p=38}} Historian ], author of '']'', draws comparisons between the ] and the ], arguing that in both instances the governments which oversaw the response to the famines deliberately chose not to alleviate conditions and as such bear responsibility for the scale of deaths in said famines.{{sfn|Day|2018}} | |||
| Historian ] is critical of the fixation on a "uniquely Stalinist evil" when it comes to excess deaths from famines. Ellman argues that mass deaths from famines are not a "uniquely Stalinist evil", noting that throughout ], famines, and droughts have been a ], including the ], which occurred before Stalin came to power. He also states that famines were widespread throughout the world in the 19th and 20th centuries in countries such as India, Ireland, Russia and China. According to Ellman, the ] "are guilty of mass manslaughter or mass deaths from criminal negligence because of their not taking obvious measures to reduce mass deaths" and Stalin's "behaviour was no worse than that of many rulers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries."{{sfn|Ellman|2002|p=1172}} | |||
| == Legal status and prosecutions == | |||
| According to a 1992 constitutional amendment in the ], a person who publicly denies, puts in doubt, approves, or tries to justify Nazi or communist genocide or other crimes of Nazis or communists will be punished with a prison term of 6 months to 3 years.{{sfn|Whine|2008}} In 1992, ] wrote that no communist country or governing body has ever been convicted of genocide.{{sfn|Harff|1992|pp=37-38}} In his 1999 foreword to '']'', ] wrote: "Throughout the former Communist world, moreover, virtually none of its responsible officials has been put on trial or punished. Indeed, everywhere Communist parties, though usually under new names, compete in politics."{{sfn|Malia|1999|p=xiii}} | |||
| ], the former communist leader of Ethiopia]] | |||
| At the conclusion of a trial lasting from 1994 to 2006, Ethiopia's former ruler ] was convicted of ], ] and ] and sentenced to death by an Ethiopian court for his role in ].{{sfn|BBC|2006}}{{sfn|HRW|1999}}{{sfn|Tadesse|2006}}{{sfn|BBC|2008a}} Ethiopian law is distinct from the ]' ] and other definitions in that it defines ''genocide'' as intent to wipe out political and not just ethnic groups. In this respect, it closely resembles the definition of ''politicide''.{{sfn|Harff|1992|pp=37-38}} | |||
| In 1997, the Cambodian government asked the United Nations for assistance in setting up the ].{{sfn|Doyle|2007}}{{sfn|MacKinnon|2007}}{{sfn|Cambodia}} The prosecution presented the names of five possible suspects to the investigating judges on 18 July 2007.{{sfn|Doyle|2007}} On 26 July 2010, ] (Comrade Duch), director of the ] in ] where more than 14,000 people were tortured and then murdered (mostly at nearby ]), was convicted of crimes against humanity and sentenced to 35 years. His sentence was reduced to 19 years in part because he had been behind bars for 11 years.{{sfn|Brady|2010}} ], second in command of the Khmer Rouge and its most senior surviving member, was charged of ]s and crimes against humanity but not of genocide. On 7 August 2014, he was convicted of crimes against humanity by the ] and received a life sentence.{{sfn|McKirdy|2014}}{{sfn|BBC|2007}} ], the Khmer Rouge head of state, was also convicted of crimes against humanity. In 2018, Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan were convicted of genocide for "the attempted extermination of the Cham and Vietnamese minorities."{{sfn|BBC|2018}} | |||
| In August 2007, ], an Estonian ] veteran and cousin of former Estonian president ], faced charges of genocide by Estonian authorities for participating in the ] in ] in 1949.{{sfn|BalticGuide}}{{sfn|IHT|2007}} Meri denied the accusation, characterizing them as politically motivated defamation, saying: "I do not consider myself guilty of genocide." The trial was halted when Meri died March 27, 2009 at the age of 89.{{sfn|BBC|2009}} | |||
| On 26 November 2010, the Russian ] issued a declaration acknowledging Stalin's responsibility for the ], the execution of over 21,000 Polish POW's and intellectual leaders by Stalin's ]. The declaration stated that archival material "not only unveils the scale of his horrific tragedy but also provides evidence that the Katyn crime was committed on direct orders from Stalin and other Soviet leaders."{{sfn|Barry|2010}} | |||
| == Memorials and museums == | |||
| ] camps in the Gulag Museum in Moscow, founded in 2001 by the historian ]]] | |||
| Monuments to the victims of communism exist in almost all the capitals of Eastern Europe and there are also several museums which document the crimes which occurred during communist rule such as the ] in ], the ] in ] and the ] in ], all three of these museums also document the crimes which occurred during Nazi rule.{{sfn|Todorova|Gille|2012|p=4}}{{sfn|Ghodsee|2014|p=124}} Several scholars, among them ] and ], posit that these efforts seek to institutionalize the victims of communism narrative as a ], or the moral equivalence between the Nazi Holocaust (race murder) and those killed by communist states (class murder),{{sfn|Ghodsee|2014}} and that works such as '']'' played a major role in the criminalization of communism in the European political space in the post Cold War-era.{{sfn|Neumayer|2018}} Zoltan Dujisin writes that "the Europeanization of an antitotalitarian 'collective memory' of communism reveals the emergence of a field of anticommunism" and the narrative is proposed by "anticommunist memory entrepreneurs."{{sfn|Dujisin|2020}} | |||
| In ], a bronze statue modeled after the '']'' sculpture, which was created during the ], was dedicated as the ] in 2007, having been authorized by the Congress in 1993.{{sfn|US Congress|1993|p=15 at §905a1}}{{sfn|Omar|2007}} The ] plans to build an International Museum on Communism in Washington.{{sfn|Gregory|2017}} In 2002, the ] was unveiled in ].{{sfn|Škodová|2002}} In ], the ] to honor "the 100 million victims of communism" was erected in 2006 on the 50th anniversary of the ].{{sfn|Stan|Nedelsky|2015|p=241}} As of 2008, Russia contained 627 memorials and memorial plaques which are dedicated to the victims of the communist terror, most of them were created by private citizens, but it did not have either a national monument or a national museum.{{sfn|Satter|2011}} The ] in ], inaugurated in October 2017, is Russia's first monument to the victims of political persecution by Joseph Stalin during the country's Soviet era.{{sfn|BBC|2017}} In 2017, Canada's ] approved the design of the ] which will be built on the ] in Ottawa.{{sfn|CBC|2018}} On 23 August 2018, Estonia's Victims of Communism 1940–1991 Memorial was inaugurated in ] by ] ].{{sfn|Memoriaal}} The memorial's construction was financed by the state and the memorial itself is currently being managed by the ].{{sfn|ERR2|2018}} The date of the opening ceremony was chosen because it coincided with the official ].{{sfn|ERR|2018}} | |||
| == See also == | == See also == | ||
| {{Portal|Communism}} | {{Portal|Communism}} | ||
| '''Communist movements and violence''' | |||
| {{columns-list| | {{columns-list| | ||
| * ] | |||
| * ] | * ] | ||
| * ] | |||
| * ] | * ] | ||
| * ] | * ] | ||
| * ]<!-- Intentional DAB. --> | |||
| }} | |||
| * ]}} | |||
| ; Mass killing of communists | |||
| * ] | |||
| * ] | |||
| '''Violence by governments in general and comparative studies''' | |||
| * ] | * ] | ||
| * ] | |||
| * {{section link|Crimes against humanity|By states}} | |||
| * ] | |||
| * {{section link|Genocide|By states}} | |||
| * {{section link|Mass murder|By states}} | |||
| * ] | * ] | ||
| * ] | |||
| == References == | == References == | ||
| === Excerpts and notes === | |||
| {{notelist | |||
| | refs = | |||
| {{efn|name=Krain terms 1997 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Krain|1997|pp=331–332}}: "1. The literatures on state-sponsored mass murder and state terrorism have been plagued by definitional problems. Terms such as state-sponsored mass murder and state terrorism can be (and often are) easily confused and therefore need elaboration. The main difference between state-sponsored mass murder and state terrorism, for instance, is one of intentionality. The purpose behind policies of state-sponsored mass murder such as genocide or politicide is to eliminate an entire group (Gurr 1986, 67). The purpose behind policies of state terrorism is to 'induce sharp fear and through that agency to effect a desired outcome in a conflict situation' (Gurr 1986, 46). The former requires mass killings to accomplish its goal. The latter's success is dependent on the persuasiveness of the fear tactics used. Mass killings may not be necessary to accomplish the particular goal. ... 2. Genocides are mass killings in which the victim group is defined by association with a particular communal group. Politicides are mass killings in which 'victim groups are defined primarily in terms of their hierarchical position or political opposition to the regime and dominant groups' (Harff and Gurr 1988, 360). Interestingly, many of the instances coded by Harff and Gurr as 'politicide' are considered by much of the literature to be instances of state terrorism (e.g., Argentina, Chile, El Salvador) (Lopez 1984, 63). Evidently there is some overlap between state terrorism and some kinds of state-sponsored mass murder." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Valentino terms 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Valentino|2005|p=9}}: "Mass killing and Genocide. No generally accepted terminology exists to describe the intentional killing of large numbers of noncombatants." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Karlsson terms 2008 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Karlsson|Schoenhals|2008|p=6}}: "'Crimes against humanity' is a linguistically and logically cumbersome term when the aim is to analyse physical violence perpetrated by individual groups, institutions and states against specific victim groups in their own country, which is essentially the case in the context of communist regimes' crimes against humanity. In addition, it is not in keeping with the terms that have long been used by the academic community. Naturally, the work of creating an inventory includes examining the terms used in practice by researchers in their analyses, and it is reasonable to assume that every time, every society and every paradigm has its own terms to refer to the crimes of communist regimes. Nonetheless, it is possible to establish at this early stage that researchers have long used the word terror to describe the crimes of the Soviet communist regime, regardless of the framework of interpretation to which they adhere. Although the extent to which the mass operations and forced deportations of specific ethnic groups ordered by Stalin before and during the Second World War can be defined as genocide is debated, there is agreement among researchers that the term 'terror' is the best reflection of the development of violence in Bolshevik Russia and in the communist Soviet Union under Lenin and Stalin. As a result, terror will be the term most frequently used here in analysing the Soviet communist criminal history. On the other hand, the term terror is seldom used to describe the mass killings in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979, which may be because it is less clear that the actual intention and stated motive of the Khmer Rouge was to terrorise people into submission. The term genocide, however, is relatively widely accepted and established in describing the systematic and selective crimes of the communist regime in Cambodia, although the use of this term is not entirely uncontroversial. Therefore, in analysing the criminal history of Cambodia, this term will be used in precise contexts dealing with the killing of a category of people, whereas more neutral terms such as mass killing and massacre are used to refer to the general use of violence. The terminology used in the Chinese criminal history is dealt with in detail as part of the section on China. ... In the Soviet case, as Klas-Göran Karlsson so rightly notes, there is an 'established term' for the crimes of the regime, namely 'terror' – and this is used almost regardless of the general frameworks of interpretation employed by individual researchers. In the same way, he notes that 'the term genocide is established and accepted as a description of the crimes of the Khmer Rouge'. In the case of the People's Republic of China, however, there are no equivalent terms that are accepted or generally established in the academic community and that can be made use of in a research inventory. Bibliographies and search engines all speak their own clear language: those who carried out research on Maoism in its day made very limited use of words such as terror and genocide, and neither do these terms appear among the key terms that carry implicit clear explanations and are therefore regularly used by current foreign and Chinese historians." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Semelin terms 2009a | |||
| |{{harvnb|Semelin|2009|p=318}}: "'Classicide', in counterpoint to genocide, has a certain appeal, but it doesn't convey the fact that communist regimes, beyond their intention of destroying 'classes' - a difficult notion to grasp in itself (what exactly is a 'kulak'?) - end up making political suspicion a rule of government: even within the Party (and perhaps even mainly within the Party). The notion of 'fratricide' is probably more appropriate in this regard. That of 'politicide', which Ted Gurr and Barbara Harff suggest, remains the most intelligent, although it implies by contrast that 'genocide' is not 'political', which is debatable. These authors in effect explain that the aim of politicide is to impose total political domination over a group or a government. Its victims are defined by their position in the social hierarchy or their political opposition to the regime or this dominant group. Such an approach applies well to the political violence of communist powers and more particularly to Pol Pot's Democratic Kampuchea. The French historian Henri Locard in fact emphasises this, identifying with Gurr and Harff's approach in his work on Cambodia. However, the term 'politicide' has little currency among some researchers because it has no legal validity in international law. That is one reason why Jean-Louis Margolin tends to recognise what happened in Cambodia as 'genocide' because, as he points out, to speak of 'politicide' amounts to considering Pol Pot's crimes as less grave than those of Hitler. Again, the weight of justice interferes in the debate about concepts that, once again, argue strongly in favour of using the word genocide. But those so concerned about the issue of legal sanctions should also take into account another legal concept that is just as powerful, and better established: that of crime against humanity. In fact, legal scholars such as Antoine Garapon and David Boyle believe that the violence perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge is much more appropriately categorised under the heading of crime against humanity, even if genocidal tendencies can be identified, particularly against the Muslim minority. This accusation is just as serious as that of genocide (the latter moreover being sometimes considered as a subcategory of the former) and should thus be subject to equally severe sentences. I quite agree with these legal scholars, believing that the notion of 'crime against humanity' is generally better suited to the violence perpetrated by communist regimes, a viewpoint shared by Michael Mann." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Su terms 2011a | |||
| |{{harvnb|Su|2011|pp=7–8}}: "Killing civilians in large numbers is an age-old phenomenon. Since World War II, its conceptualization has been shaped by the enormity of the Holocaust, in which Hitler and the Nazi regime killed more than six million Jews. In 1948, the United Nations (UN) passed the 'Convention of the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.' Lemkin and other framers clearly had the Holocaust in mind when they defined ''genocide'' as an act of a nation-state to eliminate an ethnic or national group. Other conceptions of genocide are also preoccupied by central state politics, state-led exterminations, and institutionalized state killers. Later scholars expanded the concept to include cases in which victims are defined other than by ethnic, national, or religious characteristics. Valentino uses the term ''mass killing'' instead, and defines it as 'the intentional killing of a massive number of noncombatants.' Other concepts such as ''politicide'', ''democide'', and ''classicide'' were developed to address killings in communist countries." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Ott terms 2011 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Ott|2011|p=53}}: "As is customary in the literature on mass killing of civilians there is a need to restate here what mass killing is about. Although many definitions have been used — 'genocide', 'politicide' and 'democide' — there has emerged a sort of consensus that the term 'mass killing' is much more straightforward than either genocide or politicide. Harff (2003) makes a clear distinction from genocide, often used interchangeably with mass killing, by emphasizing the intention of the perpetrator. He {{sic}} posits: 'genocide as an authority group's sustained purposeful implementation or facilitation of policies designed to destroy, in ''whole'' or in ''part'', a national, ethnic, racial or religious group' (Harff, 2003, p. 58). Although this definition encompasses the ethnic population, the emphasis here is on the objective function of the authority, which is the destruction in whole or part of the intended group. The second definition, politicide, limits the annihilation to a specific group. Politicide pertains when the victimized group is identified by its political opposition to the dominant party, rather than other communal characteristics (Harff, 2003, p. 58). Rummel (1995) advanced the democide label. It is defined as the 'murder of any person or people by a government including genocide, politicide and mass murder' (p. 3)." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Weiss-Wendt terms 2008 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Weiss-Wendt|2008|p=42}}: "The field of comparative genocide studies has grown beyond recognition over the past two decades, though more quantitatively than qualitatively. On the surface, everything looks good: the number of books on genocide has tripled within less than a decade; the field of comparative genocide studies has its own professional association and journals; more and more colleges and universities offer courses on genocide; several research institutions dedicated to the study of genocide have been established. If we are talking numbers, comparative genocide studies are indeed a success. Upon closer examination, however, genocide scholarship is ridden with contradictions. There is barely any other field of study that enjoys so little consensus on defining principles such as definition of genocide, typology, application of a comparative method, and timeframe. Considering that scholars have always put stress on prevention of genocide, comparative genocide studies have been a failure. Paradoxically, nobody has attempted so far to assess the field of comparative genocide studies as a whole. This is one of the reasons why those who define themselves as genocide scholars have not been able to detect the situation of crisis." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Harff terms 2003 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Harff|2003|p=58}}: "First, the Convention does not include groups of victims defined by their political position or actions. Raphael Lemkin (1944) coined the term genocide and later sought the support of as many states as possible for a legal document that would outlaw mass killings and prescribe sanctions against potential perpetrators. Because the first draft of the Convention, which included political groups, was rejected by the USSR and its allies, the final draft omitted any reference to political mass murder (Le Blanc 1988). The concept of politicide is used here to encompass cases with politically defined victims, consistent with Fein’s (1993b, 12) line of reasoning that 'mass killings of political groups show similarities in their causes, organization and motives.'" | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Williams terms 2008 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Williams|2008|p=190}}: "A vital element of the evolution of genocide studies is the increased attention devoted to the mass killing of groups not primarily defined by ethnic or religious identities. Most vulnerable minorities around the world ''had'' been so defined when Lemkin was crafting his genocide framework, and when UN member states were drafting the Genocide Convention. Such groups continued to be targeted in the post-Second World War period, as in East Pakistan/ Bangladesh in 1971, or Guatemala between 1978 and 1984. But it became increasingly apparent that ''political'' groups were on the receiving end of some of the worst campaigns of mass killing, such as the devastating assault on the Indonesian Communist Party in 1965—1966 (with half a million to one million killed), and the brutal campaigns by Latin American and Asian military regimes against perceived dissidents in the 1970s and 1980s. | |||
| One result of this re-evaluation was that the mass killing by the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1975 and 1978, previously ruled out as genocide or designated an 'auto-genocide' because most victims belonged to the same ethnic-Khmer group as their killers, came to be accepted as a classic instance of twentieth-century genocide. Detailed investigations were also launched into the hecatombs of casualties inflicted under Leninism and Stalinism in the post-revolutionary Soviet Union, and by Mao Zedong's communists in China. In both of these cases—and to some degree in Cambodia as well—the majority of deaths resulted not from direct execution, but from the infliction of 'conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction' of a group, in the language of Article II(c) of the Genocide Convention. In particular, the devastating famines that struck the Ukraine and other minority regions of the USSR in the early 1930s, and the even greater death-toll—numbering tens of millions—caused by famine during Mao's 'Great Leap Forward' (1958—1962), were increasingly, though not uncontroversially, depicted as instances of mass killing underpinned by genocidal intent." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Wayman terms 2010a | |||
| |{{harvnb|Wayman|Tago|2010|p=4}}: "The two important scholars who have created datasets related to this are Rummel (1995) and Harff (2003). Harff (sometimes with Gurr) has studied what she terms 'genocide and politicide', defined to be genocide by killing as understood by the Genocide Convention plus the killing of a political or economic group (Harff & Gurr, 1988); the combined list of genocides is sometimes labeled 'geno-politicide' for short. Rummel (1994, 1995) has a very similar concept, 'democide', which includes such genocide and geno-politicide done by the government forces, plus other killing by government forces, such as random killing not targeted at a particular group. As Rummel (1995: 3-4) says, 'Cold-blooded government killing ... extends beyond genocide'; For example, 'shooting political opponents; or murdering by quota'. Hence, 'to cover all such murder as well as genocide and politicide, I use the concept democide. This is the intentional killing of people by government' (Rummel, 1995: 4). So Rummel has a broader concept than geno-politicide, but one that seems to include geno-politicide as a proper subset." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Midlarsky terms 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Midlarsky|2005|pp=22, 309, 310}}: "I distinguish between genocide as the systematic mass murder of people based on ethnoreligious identity, and politicide as the large-scale killing of designated enemies of the state based on socioeconomic or political criteria. Although genocide can be understood to be a species of politicide (but not the converse), in practice, genocidal (i.e., ethnoreligious) killings tap into much deeper historical roots of the human condition. In this distinction, I follow Harff and Gurr 1988, 360. ... Turning to Cambodia, the mass killings in that country during Pol Pot's murderous regime are often characterized with other seemingly identical circumstances. Cambodia and Rwanda, for example, are typically treated as genocides that differ little from each other in essential characteristics. However, the victimization rates for the two countries are similar only when treated as proportions of the ''total'' country population systematically murdered. Although the mass murders in Cambodia are frequently characterized as genocide, I argue that in fact genocidal activity was only a small proportion of the killing and that the vast majority of Cambodians died in a politicide, substantially different in origin from the genocides we have been examining. The matter of etiology lies at the root of my distinction here, not definitional semantics. If we lump the Cambodian case other instances of systematized mass murder, then the sources of all of them become hopelessly muddled. ... Essentially, I argue that genocides stem from a primitive identification of the 'collective enemy' in Carl Schmitt's sense, whereas politicides, at least of the Cambodian variety, are attributable to more detailed ideological considerations. Further, the Cambodian case falls under the rubric of state killings, having a particular affinity with earlier practices in the Soviet Union and China. Indeed, an arc of Communist politicide can be traced from the western portions of the Soviet Union to China and on to Cambodia. Not all Communist states participated in extensive politicide, but the particular circumstances of Cambodia in 1975 lent themselves to the commission of systematic mass murder. Because an element of Cambodian state insecurity existed in this period, especially vis-à-vis Vietnam, a genocidal element is found in the killing of non-Khmer peoples such as the Vietnamese, who comprised a small proportion of the total." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Hackmann terms 2009 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Hackmann|2009}}: "A coining of communism as 'red Holocaust,' as had been suggested by the ''Munich Institut fur Zeitgeschichte'', did not find much ground, neither in Germany nor elsewhere in international discussions." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Rosefielde terms 2010 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Rosefielde|2010|p=3}}: "The Red Holocaust could be defined to include all murders (judicially sanctioned terror-executions), criminal manslaughter (lethal forced labor and ethnic cleansing) and felonious negligent homicide (terror-starvation) incurred from insurrectionary actions and civil wars prior to state seizure, and all subsequent felonious state killings. This treatise, however, limits the Red Holocaust death toll to peacetime state killings, even if communists were responsible for political assassinations, insurrections and civil wars before achieving power, in order to highlight the causal significance of communist economic systems. It also excludes deaths attributable to wartime hostilities after states were founded. As a matter of accounting, the convention excludes Soviet killings before 1929, during World War II (1940-45) and in Germany, occupied Europe, North Korea, Manchuria and the Kuril Islands (1946-53). Killings in China before October 1949 are similarly excluded, as are those in Indochina before 1954. Soviet slaughter of nobles, kulaks, capitalist and the bourgeoisie during War Communism are part of the excluded wartime group, but killings of similar social categories in China, North Korea, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia after their civil wars in the process of Communist consolidation are included. The summary casualty statistics reported in Table 11.1 conform with this definition and in principle only reflect excess deaths, excluding natural mortality. It provides a comprehensive picture of discretionary communist killings unobscured by wartime exigencies. Others desiring a broader body count to assess the fullest extent of communist carnage can easily supplement the estimates provided here from standard sources." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Shafir terms 2016 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Shafir|2016|p=64}}: "Alexandra Laignel-Lavastine, who was among the first Western authors to analyze this postcommunist trend in Romania, was noting back in 1999 that 'The pathos, indeed the intentionally provocative tone of the militant parallelism ' makes use of the term 'Red Holocaust' primarily in order to utilize a notion (Holocaust) that 'allows the reality it describes to immediately attain, in the Western mind, a status equal to that of the extermination of the Jews by the Nazi regime.' Furthermore, 'the spirit of the wording is one of a claim of victimization careful to legitimize itself in a sort of mimetic rivalry with Jewish memory.' That is the competitive martyrdom component of Double Genocide. But Laignel-Lavastine's intuitive article also alludes to an ideological basis at the foundations of such efforts. In her opinion, postcommunist Romanian historiography had been captured by (both inter-war and national-communist) ideology." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Voicu terms 2018 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Voicu|2018|p=46}}: "Beginning in the 1990s the notion of a 'red Holocaust' (or a 'communist Holocaust') was forged in order to establish--including at the level of terminology--the similarity of the two tragedies. The concept of Holocaust, specific to the history of European Jews (and Roma people and other social categories), was thus extracted from its customary register and used to define a different historical experience with its own specific traits. Leon Volovici rightfully condemned the abusive use of this concept as an attempt to 'usurp' and undermine a symbol specific to the history of European Jews. As many of those who use the term 'red Holocaust' (and other terms along the same lines, such as 'the Holocaust of Romanian culture' and 'the Holocaust of Romanian people') do so with antisemitic rancor, claiming that the authors of this 'Holocaust' are none other than the Jews, the reason for the hijacking of the term becomes clear: to place the blame on Jews and to manufacture an alternate history. | |||
| It should be noted that the intelligentsia at the top of Romanian culture does not use the expression 'red Holocaust' systematically, but rather accidentally. Gabriela Adameșteanu and Rodica Palade, for instance, once considered this syntagma an innocent 'metaphor' that could be used legitimately and fruitfully in the debate about the crimes of the communist regime. However, the two journalists--who at the time they supported this syntagma were at the helm of ''Revista 22''--did not use the expression in later publications. From time to time, the syntagma was used by other intellectuals, too, but most of them have recognized its traps and intentions. Yet, while it is no longer part of their usual vocabulary, something of its spirit is still present in the positions they adopt." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Rummel terms 1993 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Rummel|1993}}: "First, however, I should clarify the term democide. It means for governments what murder means for an individual under municipal law. It is the premeditated killing of a person in cold blood, or causing the death of a person through reckless and wanton disregard for their life. Thus, a government incarcerating people in a prison under such deadly conditions that they die in a few years is murder by the state--democide--as would parents letting a child die from malnutrition and exposure be murder. So would government forced labor that kills a person within months or a couple of years be murder. So would government created famines that then are ignored or knowingly aggravated by government action be murder of those who starve to death. And obviously, extrajudicial executions, death by torture, government massacres, and all genocidal killing be murder. However, judicial executions for crimes that internationally would be considered capital offenses, such as for murder or treason (as long as it is clear that these are not fabricated for the purpose of executing the accused, as in communist show trials), are not democide. Nor is democide the killing of enemy soldiers in combat or of armed rebels, nor of noncombatants as a result of military action against military targets." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Staub terms 2011 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Staub|2011|p=100}}: "In contrast to genocide, I see mass killing as 'killing (or in other ways destroying) members of a group without the intention to eliminate the whole group, or killing large numbers of people' without a focus on group membership." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Generic genocide | |||
| |{{harvnb|Charny|1999|p=}}: In the ''Encyclopedia of Genocide'' (1999), Israel Charny defined generic genocide as "the mass killing of substantial numbers of human beings, when not in the course of military action against the military forces of an avowed enemy, under conditions of the essential defenselessness and helplessness of the victims."; {{harvnb|Easterly|Gatti|Kurlat|2006|pp=129–156}}: In the 2006 article "Development, Democracy, and Mass Killings", William Easterly, Roberta Gatti, and Sergio Kurlat adopted Charny's definition of generic genocide for their use of ''mass killing'' and ''massacre'' to avoid the politics of the term ''genocide'' altogether. | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Ulfelder terms 2008 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Ulfelder|Valentino|2008|p=2}}: "The research described here sprang from an interest in observing and assessing the risk of extreme human-rights violations in the form of large-scale violence perpetrated by states against noncombatant civilians. Researchers working in this area usually use the terms 'genocide' or 'mass killing' to label their subject of interest, but the definitions of those terms remain a source of heated debate among scholars, international lawyers, and policy-makers. | |||
| Cognizant of these debates, we considered numerous strategies for defining and observing our phenomenon of interest. Unfortunately, none captured the range of events that we wished to explore as completely and objectively as does a simple numerical threshold of civilian fatalities. For purposes of this research, then, we defined a mass killing as any event in which the actions of state agents result in the intentional death of at least 1,000 noncombatants from a discrete group in a period of sustained violence." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Bellamy terms 2010 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Bellamy|2010|p=102}}: "If we look at mass killing since 1945 perpetrated by non-democratic states outside the context of war, we find two basic types of case. The first involved ''revolutionary communist governments'' implementing their plans for radical transformation. Over one-third of all the relevant cases (14 of the 38 episodes) were perpetrated by communist governments. According to Benjamin Valentino, communist governments were so exceptionally violent because the social transformations they attempted to engineer required the material dispossession of vast numbers of people. The most radical of these regimes, in China, Cambodia, and North Korea, attempted to completely reorient society, eradicating traditional patterns of life and forcibly imposing a new and alien way of life. Communist objectives, Valentino points out, could only be achieved with violence and the scale of the transformation dictated a massive amount of violence. Of course, communist revolutions also elicited resistance, prompting the state into massive and bloody crackdowns and generating a culture of paranoia which led many regimes to periodically purge their own ranks (China's 'cultural revolution' being a good example). In communist ideology, the good of the party was associated with the national interest, individuals were divested of rights and subordinated to the will of the party leadership, and entire groups (e.g. ''kulaks'' in the Soviet Union, merchants and intellectuals in Cambodia) were deemed 'class enemies' that could be eradicated ''en masse'' to protect the revolution." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Wayman terms 2010b | |||
| |{{harvnb|Wayman|Tago|2010|pp=4, 11, 12–13}}: "Our term, 'mass killing', is used by Valentino (2004: 10), who aptly defines it as 'the intentional killing of a massive number of noncombatants'. The word 'noncombatants' distinguishes mass killing from battle-deaths in war, which occur as combatants fight against each other. The 'massive number' he selects as the threshold to mass killing is 'at least fifty thousand intentional deaths over the course of five or fewer years' (Valentino, 2004: 11-12), which of course averages to at least 10,000 killed per year. ... One reason for selecting these thresholds of 10,000 and 1,000 deaths per year is that we find that in the Harff data on geno-politicide, which are one of our key datasets, there are many cases of over 10,000 killed per year, but also some in which between 1,000 and 10,000 are killed per year. Therefore, analyzing at a 1,000-death threshold (as well as the 10,000 threshold) insures the inclusion of all the Harff cases. Valentino chooses 50,000 over five years as 'to some extent arbitrary', but a 'relatively high threshold' to create high confidence that mass killing did occur and was deliberate, 'given the generally poor quality of the data available on civilian fatalities' (Valentino, 2004: 12). We believe that our similar results, when we lower the threshold to 1,000 killed per year, are an indication that the data in Harff and in Rummel remain reliable down even one power of ten below Valentino's 'relatively high' selected threshold, and we hope that, in that sense, our results can be seen as a friendly amendment to his work, and that they basically lend confidence, based on empirical statistical backing, for the conceptual direction which he elected to take. ... Within that constant research design, we then showed that the differences were not due to threshold either (over 10,000 killed per year; over 1,000; or over 1). The only remaining difference is the measure of mass killing itself — democide vs. geno-politicide. We have further shown that (although the onset years vary from Harff to Rummel), when one looks at which sovereign states were involved (and the approximate onset year), the geno politicide data is basically a proper subset of the democide data (as one would expect by the addition of the need to show specific intent in geno-politicide). It would therefore appear (assuming for the moment that there are not any big measurement biases) that autocratic regimes, especially communist, are prone to mass killing generically, but not so strongly inclined (i.e. not statistically significantly inclined) toward geno-politicide." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Su terms 2003 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Su|2003|p=4}}: "Following Valentino (1998), I define mass killing in this paper as 'the intentional killing of a significant number of the members of any group (as group and its membership are defined by the perpetrator) of non-combatants' (1998:4). A few elements of this definition are worth further discussion. First, identification of the victim is based on 'membership,' as opposed to one that is based on immediate threat. In the case of Cultural Revolution, the membership is based on political standards as opposed to ascriptive traces such as race and ethnicity.4 Second, the intent to kill is imputable in the perpetrator. This separates mass killing from other causes of deaths in the Cultural Revolution such as death resulting from on-stage beating or off-stage beating. In on-stage beating the intention was not to kill but to convey a symbolic message and to humiliate the victims, and the main purpose of off-stage torture for confession was clearly to force a confession. Mass killing also differs from casualties of armed battles, a widespread phenomenon occurring in the earlier stage of the Cultural Revolution. Finally, the criterion of 'a significant number' indicates some concentration in terms of time and space of the killing. To use a hypothetical example, we should not judge that mass killings occur if 180 villages of a county kill one person in each village, but we should do so if one of the villages kills more than ten people within one day." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Su terms 2011b | |||
| |{{harvnb|Su|2011|p=13}}: "In another conceptual departure from standard scholarship, I use the term ''collective killing'' as opposed to ''genocide'' or ''mass killing''. This concept shares three basic premises with genocide or mass killing. First, the criteria for becoming a victim are not about deeds but rather with membership in a group. Second, the killing must be intentional, which is distinct from acts of endangerment that carry no goal of killing in the first place. Using torture to elicit confessions, for example, may cause significant numbers of deaths. Third, the number of victims must reach a certain level. This aspect is very much related to the first premise regarding membership: Individuals are rounded up because they are members of a particular group, which by definition results in a collective of victims. I replace the word ''mass'' with ''collective'' for analysis of units smaller than a country as a whole, for example, county. Collective killings may occur in smaller areas without meeting the criteria suggested by Valentino of 'at least fifty thousand intentional deaths over the course of five or fewer years.' With this more fine-grained conceptual approach, it is also possible to compare collective killings across counties, townships, and villages." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Semelin terms 2009b | |||
| |{{harvnb|Semelin|2009|p=37}}: "Mann thus establishes a sort of parallel between racial enemies and class enemies, thereby contributing to the debates on comparisons between Nazism and communism. This theory has also been developed by some French historians such as Stéphane Courtois and Jean-Louis Margolin in ''The Black Book of Communism'': they view class genocide as the equivalent to racial genocide. Mann however refuses to use the term 'genocide' to describe the crimes committed under communism. He prefers the terms 'fratricide' and 'classicide', a word he coined to refer to intentional mass killings of entire social classes." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Rummel estimate 1993 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Rummel|1993}}: "Even were we to have total access to all communist archives we still would not be able to calculate precisely how many the communists murdered. Consider that even in spite of the archival statistics and detailed reports of survivors, the best experts still disagree by over 40 percent on the total number of Jews killed by the Nazis. We cannot expect near this accuracy for the victims of communism. We can, however, get a probable order of magnitude and a relative approximation of these deaths within a most likely range." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Bradley estimate 2017 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Bradley|2017|pp=151–153}}: "The relationship between human rights and communism in both theory and practice has often been in tension. In the ideational realm, Karl Marx famously dismissed the rights of man as a bourgeois fantasy that masked the systemic inequality of the capitalist system. 'None of the supposed rights of man,' Marx wrote, 'go beyond the egoistic man, man as he is, as a member of civil society ... withdrawn into himself, wholly preoccupied with his private interest and acting in accordance with his private caprice.' Rights and liberties in bourgeois society, he argued, provided only an illusory unity behind which social conflict and inequalities deepened. Rhetorically, the Soviet Union, the People's Republic of China and most of the rest of the communist world followed Marx's lead. As the Chinese argued in 1961, 'the 'human rights' referred to by bourgeois international law and the 'human rights' it intends to protect are the rights of the bourgeoisie to enslave and to oppress the labouring people ... provide pretexts for imperialist opposition to socialist and nationalist countries. They are reactionary from head to toe.' Rejecting Enlightenment-era inalienable individual political and civil rights, communist states instead championed collective economic and social rights. The Soviets grew fond of annually celebrating International Human Rights Day, to mark the anniversary of the 1948 adoption of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, by offering lectures to its citizens that contrasted the promotion of socialist rights in the Soviet Union with their violations in the capitalist world. | |||
| And yet state-orchestrated mass killings and what have come to be called gross violations of human rights were at times almost commonplace in communist-led states. Between 1933 and 1945, more than a million people died in the Soviet Gulag system and likely at least 6 million more in politically induced Soviet famines, Stalin's mass executions in the great terror and in what Timothy Snyder has termed the 'bloodlands' of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, Belarus and the western edges of Russia. In Mao's China, as many as 45 million Chinese died of famine during the Great Leap Forward, while some 2.5 million were killed or tortured to death. During the Cultural Revolution, between 750,000 and 1.5 million were killed. In Pol Pot's Cambodia, 200,000 were executed and between 1.4 million and 2.2 million of the country's 7 million people died of disease and starvation. If the precise numbers have always been, and continue to be, in dispute, their order of magnitude is not. | |||
| In fact the entanglements between human rights and communism in the twentieth century were more ambiguous than the chasm between ideology and these staggering numbers would suggest. The meanings of human rights themselves remained unstable over much of the second half of the century, as did the actors in the communist world who engaged with them. What promises of global human rights like those contained in the Universal Declaration might portend and the very claims about what constituted human rights were not fixed. Nor was the significance of human rights for the making of international politics or local lives as they were lived on the ground at all clear. The relationship between human rights and international communism after 1945 became fluid. In the immediate postwar period, the Soviet Union played an active role in the creation of a global human rights order in the drafting of the Universal Declaration and the Genocide Convention and participating in the Nuremberg Trials. With the coming of decolonization, the Soviets and the Chinese would also help to open out the meanings of international human rights toward the rights of postcolonial self-determination and development. But human rights in the communist world largely became a polemical state posture within the broader Cold War ideological struggle. Indeed, the international project of human rights itself became a muted practice by the 1950s." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Culbertson estimate 1978 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Culbertson|1978|pp=10–11}}: "Available evidence indicates that perhaps 100 million persons have been destroyed by the Communists; the imperviousness of the Iron and Bamboo curtains prevents a more definitive figure. The Communist system of forced starvation, concentration camps, and slave labor is remarkably similar to that of the Nazis, whose policies claimed approximately six million Jewish victims. ... This is an incomplete accounting of Communist genocide. Since the Russian Revolution 61 years ago communism has been responsible for the death of 100 million innocent persons - not including the terrorism inspired by Communists in free countries. The total cost of human suffering and grief is beyond comprehension." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Lenczowski estimate 1985 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Lenczowski|1985}}: "The human cost of communism exceeds most Americans' expectations. The number of people murdered by communist regimes is estimated at between 60 million and 150 million, with the higher figure probably more accurate in light of recent scholarship. The greatest tide of refugees in world history flows from communist states to noncommunist ones: Today it comes from Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Indochina, East Europe, and Nicaragua. (During the entire Vietnam war there was nary a refugee fleeing from Indochina. It was not until communism triumphed that life became so unbearable that people who could withstand decades of war fled to the seas.) Communism invented the concentration camp. Millions have been imprisoned and executed, have worked and starved to death, in these camps. Communist regimes will not permit enterprising Western reporters near these camps, so you don't hear about them on the news. Communist regimes recognize no restraint on their absolute power. From this they establish ideological falsehoods as the standards of right and wrong and the standards by which deviationism is measured; from this stems the systematic denial of all individual human rights. The quality of life always deteriorates under communism: the militarization of society; the destruction of the consumer economy; the rationing of food; the deterioration of housing and insufficient new construction to meet population growth; the destruction of medical care through lack of medicine and medical supplies; the destruction of religion; the destruction and political control of education and culture; the rewriting of history and destruction of monuments to the national heritage; and the assault on family life and parental jurisdiction over children." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Brzezinski estimate 2010 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Brzezinski|2010|pp=12–16}}: "Because of Lenin - through mass executions during and after civil war, through massive deaths in the Gulag initiated under Lenin's direction (and powerfully documented in Solzhenitsyn's ''Gulag Archipelago''), and through mass famines induced by ruthless indifference (with Lenin callously dismissing as unimportant the deaths of 'the half-savage, stupid, difficult people of the Russian villages') - it can be estimated that between 6-8,000,000 people perished. | |||
| That number subsequently was more or less tripled by Stalin, who caused, it has been conservatively estimated, the deaths of no less than 20,000,000 people, and perhaps even upward of 25,000,000. ... Though the precise figures for Stalin's toll will never be available, it is unlikely that the range of 20-25,000,000 victims is an exaggeration. Census statistics also indicate that additionally the biological depletion of the Soviet population during Stalin's reign was even higher. The estimated number of killings cited above, in any case, accounts for Stalin's direct genocide. Demographic depletion - because of reduced birthrates, loss of offspring because of higher infant mortality, births that did not take place because of imprisonment of a would-be parent, etc. - certainly had to be in excess of even the enormous toll directly attributable to Stalin personally. ... Accounting for the human losses in China during the most violent phases of the communist experiment is an even more difficult task. Unlike the exposure of Stalin's crimes in the Soviet Union (and the much delayed and the still somewhat reticent exposure of Lenin's crimes), the Chinese regime persists in regarding the Maoist phase as relatively sacrosanct, with its killings justified but with their scale kept secret. The only exception is the cultural revolution of the late 1960s and early 1970s, from which the current Chinese rulers suffered directly. For this phase of internal violence some estimates have surfaced, and they suggest deaths on the scale of 1-2,000,000. | |||
| For the earlier phases, notably the 1950s, there have been broad estimates of as many as several million executed as 'enemies of the people' - mostly landlords and richer bourgeoisie as well as former Kuomintang officials and officers. In addition, the figure of up to 27,000,000 peasants who perished as a consequence of the forcible collectivization has often been cited. Given the size of the Chinese population, and the indifference to human life of the current regime, the estimate of about 29,000,000 as the human cost of the communist era is in all probability on the low side, especially as it does not take into account the net loss to China's population because of the demographic impact of such mass killings. | |||
| This ghastly ledger would not be complete without some accounting of the price in human lives paid for the attempts to construct communist utopias in Eastern Europe, North Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Cuba. It is a safe estimate that these consumed at least 3,000,000 victims, with Cambodia under Pol Pot alone accounting for one-third. Thus the total might actually be higher. In brief, the failed effort to build communism in the twentieth century consumed the lives of almost 60,000,000 human beings, making communism the most costly human failure in all of history." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Courtois estimate 1999 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Courtois|1999|p=4}}: "Thus we have delimited crimes against civilians as the essence of the phenomenon of terror. These crimes tend to fit a recognizable pattern even if the practices vary to some extent by regime. The pattern includes execution by various means, such as firing squads, hanging, drowning, battering, and, in certain cases, gassing, poisoning, or 'car accidents'; destruction of the population by starvation, through man-made famine, the withholding of food, or both; deportation, through which death can occur in transit (either through physical exhaustion or through confinement in an enclosed space), at one's place of residence, or through forced labor (exhaustion, illness, hunger, cold). Periods described as times of 'civil war' are more complex - it is not always easy to distinguish between events caused by fighting between rulers and rebels and events that can be properly described only as a massacre of the civilian population. | |||
| Nonetheless, we have to start somewhere. The following rough approximation, based on unofficial estimates, gives some sense of the scale and gravity of these crimes: | |||
| :USSR: 20 million deaths | |||
| :China: 65 million deaths | |||
| :Vietnam: 1 million deaths | |||
| :North Korea: 2 million deaths | |||
| :Cambodia: 2 million deaths | |||
| :Eastern Europe: 1 million deaths | |||
| :Latin America: 150,000 deaths | |||
| :Africa: 1.7 million deaths | |||
| :Afghanistan: 1.5 million deaths | |||
| :the international Communist movement and Communist parties not in power: about 10,000 deaths." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Malia estimate 1999 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Malia|1999|p=x}}: "''The Black Book'' offers us the first attempt to determine, overall, the actual magnitude of what occurred, by systematically detailing Leninism's 'crimes, terror, and repression' from Russia in 1917 to Afghanistan in 1989. | |||
| This factual approach puts Communism in what is, after all, its basic human perspective. For it was in truth a 'tragedy of planetary dimensions' (in the French publisher's characterization), with a grand total of victims variously estimated by contributors to the volume at between 85 million and 100 million. Either way, the Communist record offers the most colossal case of political carnage in history. And when this fact began to sink in with the French public, an apparently dry academic work became a publishing sensation, the focus of impassioned political and intellectual debate. | |||
| The shocking dimensions of the Communist tragedy, however, are hardly news to any serious student of twentieth-century history, at least when the different Leninist regimes are taken individually. The real news is that at this late date the truth should come as such a shock to the public at large." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Valentino estimate 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Valentino|2005|p=91}}: "Communist regimes have been responsible for this century's most deadly episodes of mass killing. Estimates of the total number of people killed by communist regimes range as high as 110 million. In this chapter I focus primarily on mass killings in the Soviet Union, China, and Cambodia - history's most murderous communist states. Communist violence in these three states alone may account for between 21 million and 70 million deaths. Mass killings on a smaller scale also appear to have been carried out by communist regimes in North Korea, Vietnam, Eastern Europe, and Africa." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Valentino estimate table 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Valentino|2005|p=75}}: Table 2: | |||
| Communist Mass Killings in the Twentieth Century | |||
| :Soviet Union (1917-23) ... 250,000-2,500,000 | |||
| :Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (1927-45) ... 10,000,000-20,000,000 | |||
| :China (including Tibet) (1949-72) ... 10,000,000-46,000,000 | |||
| :Cambodia (1975-79) ... 1,000,000-2,000,000 | |||
| :Possible cases: | |||
| :Bulgaria (1944-?) ... 50,000-100,000 | |||
| :East Germany (1945-?) ... 80,000-100,000 | |||
| :Romania (1945-?) ... 60,000-300,000 | |||
| :North Korea (1945-?) ... 400,000-1,500,000 | |||
| :North and South Vietnam (1953-?) ... 80,000-200,000 | |||
| "Note: All figures in this and subsequent tables are author's estimates based on numerous sources. Episodes are listed under the heading 'possible cases' in this and subsequent tables when the available evidence suggests a mass killing may have occurred, but documentation is insufficient to make a definitive judgement regarding the number of people killed, the intentionality of the killing, or the motives of the perpetrators." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Valentino estimate notes 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Valentino|2005|p=275}}: "Rudolph J. Rummel, ''Death by Government'' (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1994), p. 15. A team of six French historians coordinated by Stéphane Courtois estimates that communist regimes are responsible for between 85 and 100 million deaths. See Martin Malia, 'Foreword: The Uses of Atrocity,' in Stéphane Courtois et.al., ''The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression'' (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. x. Zbigniew Brzezinski estimates that 'the failed effort to build communism' cost the lives of almost sixty million people. See Zbigniew Brzezinski, ''Out of Control: Global Turmoil on the Eve of the Twenty-First Century'' (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1993), p. 16. Matthew White estimates eighty-one million deaths from communist 'genocide and tyranny' and 'man-made famine.' See Matthew White, 'Historical Atlas of the Twentieth Century,' http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat8.htm . Todd Culbertson estimates that communist regimes killed 'perhaps 100 million' people. See Todd Culbertson, 'The Human Cost of World Communism,' ''Human Events'', August 19, 1978, pp. 10-11. These estimates should be considered at the highest end of the plausible range of deaths attributable to communist regimes." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=White estimate 2011 | |||
| |{{harvnb|White|2011|pp=455–456}}: "For those who prefer totals broken down by country, here are reasonable estimates for the number of people who died under Communist regimes from execution, labor camps, famine, ethnic cleansing, and desperate flight in leaky boats: | |||
| * China: 40,000,000 | |||
| * Soviet Union: 20,000,000 | |||
| * North Korea: 3,000,000 | |||
| * Ethiopia: 2,000,000 | |||
| * Cambodia: 1,700,000 | |||
| * Vietnam: 365,000 (after 1975) | |||
| * Yugoslavia: 175,000 | |||
| * East Germany: 100,000 | |||
| * Romania: 100,000 | |||
| * North Vietnam: 50,000 (internally, 1954-75) | |||
| * Cuba: 50,000 | |||
| * Mongolia: 35,000 | |||
| * Poland: 30,000 | |||
| * Bulgaria: 20,000 | |||
| * Czechoslovakia: 11,000 | |||
| * Albania: 5,000 | |||
| * Hungary: 5,000 | |||
| * Rough Total: 70 million | |||
| (This rough total doesn't include the 20 million killed in the civil wars that brought Communists into power, or the 11 million who died in the proxy wars of the Cold War. Both sides probably share the blame for these to a certain extent. These two categories overlap somewhat, so once the duplicates are weeded out, it seems that some 26 million people died in Communist-inspired wars.)" | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Bellamy estimate 2012 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Bellamy|2012|p=949}}: "Between 1945 and 1989, communist regimes massacred literally millions of civilians. A conservative estimate puts the total number of civilians deliberately killed by communists after the Second World War between 6.7 million and 15.5 million people, with the true figure probably much higher. Communist governments in China and Cambodia embarked on programs of radical social transformation and killed, tortured or allowed to starve whole groups that were thought hostile to change or simply unworthy of life. In the Soviet Union, Albania, North Korea, East Germany, Romania, Bulgaria, Ethiopia, Vietnam, Yugoslavia and China, communist governments used sometimes massive levels of indiscriminate violence against civilians to deter and defeat actual and imagined opponents and/or exact revenge for the Second World War. Where communist governments were violently challenged, they exhibited little concern for civilian immunity, as evidenced by the Soviet assaults on Hungary and Afghanistan and North Korea’s conduct in the Korean War. Finally, communism spawned violent non-state actors, such as the Red Brigades and Bader-Meinhoffer gang in Europe, Shining Path in Peru, and FARC in Colombia, all of which deliberately targeted non-combatants." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Strauss estimate 2014 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Strauss|2014|pp=360–361}}: "For some areas, there is now a beginning of scholarly convergence on raw numbers. Most are now willing to accept a rough number of around 20 million including famine victims for the Soviet Union, and provisionally somewhere between 2 and 3 million for Cambodia, of whom roughly half were executed outright. In other environments such as China, there is still little consensus on numbers of total victims of Maoist revolutionary policies; for the Great Leap Forward alone, estimates of excess deaths range from 15 to 40 million." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Dissident estimate 2016 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Dissident|2016}}: "A brief survey returns the following high and low estimates for the number of people who died at the hand of communist regimes: | |||
| :China: 29,000,000 (Brzezinski) to 78,860,000 (Li) | |||
| :USSR: 7,000,000 (Tolz) to 69,500,000 (Panin) | |||
| :North Korea: 1,600,000 (Rummel, Lethal Politics; figure for killings) to 3,500,000 (Hwang Jang-Yop, cited in AFP; figure for famine) | |||
| :Cambodia: 740,000 (Vickery) to 3,300,000 (Math Ly, cited in AP) | |||
| :Africa: 1,700,000 (Black Book) to 2,000,000 (Fitzgerald; Ethiopia only) | |||
| :Afghanistan: 670,000 (Zucchino) to 2,000,000 (Katz) | |||
| :Eastern Europe: 1,000,000 | |||
| :Vietnam: 1,000,000 (Black Book) to 1,670,000 (Rummel, Death by Government) | |||
| :Latin America: 150,000 | |||
| :International Movements not in power: 10,000 | |||
| The combined range based on the estimates considered, which derive from scholarly works, works of journalism, memoirs, and government-provided figures, spans from 42,870,000 to 161,990,000. While reasonable people will disagree in good faith on where the true number happens to lie, any number within this range ought to provoke horror and condemnation. And as previously mentioned, these figures estimate only the number of people who perished, not those who were merely tortured, maimed, imprisoned, relocated, expropriated, impoverished, or bereaved. These many millions are victims of communism too. The commonly cited figure of the deaths caused by communist regimes, 100 million, falls midway through this range of estimates. As scholars continue to research the history of the Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China, and other communist regimes, and as they gain access to previously inaccessible records, the scale of communist crimes will gradually come into even sharper focus. | |||
| :Works Consulted | |||
| :Brzezinski, Zbigniew. ''Out of Control: Global Turmoil on the Eve of the 21st Century''. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010. | |||
| :Courtois, Stéphane, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartošek, and Jean-Louis Marolin. ''The Black Book of Communism''. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. | |||
| :'Cambodians Recall Massacres.' AP, May 22, 1987. | |||
| :Fitzgerald, Mary Anne. 'Tyrant for the taking.' ''The Times'' (London), April 20, 1991. | |||
| :Katz, Lee Michael. 'Afghanistan’s President is Ousted.' ''USA Today'', April 17, 1992. | |||
| :Li, Cheng-Chung. 'The Question of Human Rights on China Mainland. Republic of China: World Anti-Communist League', 1979. | |||
| :Panin, Dimitri. Translated by John Moore. ''The Notebooks of Sologdin''. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976. | |||
| :Rummel, R. J. ''Death by Government''. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1994. | |||
| :Rummel, R. J. ''Lethal Politics: Soviet Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1917''. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1990. | |||
| :Tolz, Vera. 'Ministry of Security Official Gives New Figures for Stalin's Victims.' Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Report. May 1, 1992. (The figure of seven million direct executions under Stalin, given by a member of the security services heading a commission for rehabilitation, may be taken as an absolute baseline figure to which should be added the many deaths suffered by labor camp inmates and the deaths preceding and following the Stalin period.) | |||
| :'Top defector says famine has killed over three million Koreans.' Agence France Presse, March 13, 1999. | |||
| :Vickery, Michael. ''Cambodia 1975 – 1982''. Boston: South End Press, 1984. | |||
| :Zucchino, David. 'The Americans ... They Just Drop Their Bombs and Leave.' ''Los Angeles Times'', June 2, 2002. | |||
| :Matthew White's website ''Necrometrics'' provides a useful compilation of scholarly estimates of the death toll of major historical events." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Kotkin estimate 2017 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Kotkin|2017}}: "But a century of communism in power—with holdouts even now in Cuba, North Korea and China—has made clear the human cost of a political program bent on overthrowing capitalism. Again and again, the effort to eliminate markets and private property has brought about the deaths of an astounding number of people. Since 1917—in the Soviet Union, China, Mongolia, Eastern Europe, Indochina, Africa, Afghanistan and parts of Latin America—communism has claimed at least 65 million lives, according to the painstaking research of demographers. Communism’s tools of destruction have included mass deportations, forced labor camps and police-state terror—a model established by Lenin and especially by his successor Joseph Stalin. It has been widely imitated. Though communism has killed huge numbers of people intentionally, even more of its victims have died from starvation as a result of its cruel projects of social engineering." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Aronson estimate 2003 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Aronson|2003|pp=222‒245}}: "But most of these problems pale in significance compared with the book's opening and closing chapters, which caused enormous controversy and even occasioned a break among ''The Black Book's'' authors. ... Courtois's figures for the Soviet Union, Vietnam, and Latin America go far beyond the estimates of the authors themselves, as does Courtois's final body count. ... But two other theses created considerable consternation and have come to be associated with The Black Book: the figure of 100 million deaths and the parallel with Nazism. They became central in the debate that followed. ... In articles and interviews Werth and Margolin pointed out how, in the service of this goal, Courtois distorted and exaggerated: Werth's total, including the Civil War and the famine of 1932-1933 had been five million less than Courtois's 'mythical number,' while Margolin denied having spoken of the Vietnamese Communists being responsible for one million deaths. Interviewed in ''Le Monde'', Margolin likened Courtois's effort to 'militant political activity, indeed, that of a prosecutor amassing charges in the service of a cause, that of a global condemnation of the Communist phenomenon as an essentially criminal phenomenon.' Both rejected the comparison between Communism and Nazism: ... ." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Jahanbegloo Finlay motive 2014 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Jahanbegloo|2014|pp=117–118}}: "Most interesting, however, is Finlay's argument that Marxist thought, beyond justifying and excusing the use of violence, also legitimates it. Finlay (''ibid.'' p. 378) argues that this is done by 'undermining existing moral norms and suggesting that new ones will be created to suit a new proletarian order.' Marx argues that norms and ethics are determined by the dominating class of the time, as can be illustrated in Lenin's statement that 'Honesty is a bourgeoisie virtue', meaning that honesty is crucial to the existence of bourgeoisie, as other virtues such as loyalty and obedience were necessary virtues during the reign of the feudal aristocracy. This impacts the concept of justice in war dramatically. | |||
| As there is the assumption that a new social order is to be created, along with a new set of moral and ethical codes, then the current ones may be discarded. Therefore, Finley (''ibid.'') states that it would be conceivable for revolutionaries to commit atrocious crimes in bringing about a socialist system, with the belief that their crimes will be retroactively absolved by the new system of ethics put in place by the proletariat. Finley also addresses an alternative opinion, that of Shlomo Avineri, who believes that this may be a non-issue when one takes into account the universality of the proletariat. This universality means that it has no active class-based or sectarian interest, or, rather, that its interests represent those of all society. Its major interest is simply to 'eliminate all other special interests on the basis of which it suffers oppression' and is an entirely negative entirely (''ibid.'', p. 379). Therefore, our conception of ethics and morality - the product of a capitalist society - is inaccurate. Being based on the interest of the bourgeoisie rather than a true and authentic reflection of the ethics of a universal class, its contravention is not something to be lamented. Finley understands Avineri as drawing two conclusions. First, that: | |||
| :whatever the bourgeoisie with its individualistic and legalistic conception of political ethics and legality has to say about the morality of violence is likely to be invalid since it reflects the particular class interests and therefore the perverted humanism of its proponents. (''Ibid.'', p. 370) | |||
| and, moreover, that only ethical claims of the proletariat are valid, insofar as they are the true reflections of 'the perspective of the last social class, at its final revolutionary stage of oppression' (''ibid.''). It is only then that morals and ethics can be created authentically, and all other systems ought to be considered as arbitrary. However, this creates a major difficulty for Finlay and, as Marx has inspired many other theorists (Žižek, Fanon, Sorel, etc.) this is a difficulty which he identifies in each of their works as well. | |||
| Understanding that revolutionary violence is carried out in the hope of future absolution based on a hypothetical social order able to craft a universal system of ethics, Finlay sees this as ''carte blanche'' for revolutionists to carry out any action, however atrocious, so long as it helps bring about this imminent revolution. Finlay's 'permissive doctrine' is a 'philosophical framework within which the possibility of using violence is validated but without setting any clear limits to how much violence can be used and against whom'. Finlay also argue that there is a tendency for excess, as Fanon, Sorel and Žižek all see the use of violence as beneficial, since it may act as a spark for the revolution. Finlay sees the total legitimation of violence in revolution, with no principle of restriction, to be both dangerous and unethical." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Jahanbegloo Singh motive 2014 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Jahanbegloo|2014|pp=120–121}}: "Singh makes a principled argument: that Marx saw the use of violence, even when it is avoidable, as required insofar as that it has a purging quality, believing that only by using violence can all elements of the previous regime be eradicated. Moreover, Singh (''ibid.'', p. 14) considers Marx's references to the use of bourgeoisie democratic institutions to bring about social change only as 'hinting to the possibility of the working class coming into power, in England, through universal suffrage'. Furthermore, he quotes Engels in a letter addressed to the Communist Committee in Brussels in October 1846. In this letter, Engels states that there cannot be any means of carrying out the communist agenda 'other than a democratic revolution by force' (''ibid.'' p. 10). Singh, however, does acknowledge the desire in Marx to avoid a bloody revolution. | |||
| Singh (''ibid.'' p. 11) notes that most Marxist writing that alluded to the possibility of this transition being carried out peacefully took place before the events of 1844-48, which 'showed that a peaceful change was not even remotely possible'. After 1848, Singh notes a return to advocating a violent revolution due to what Singh identifies as the 'practical considerations' of being unable to overcome the existing obstacles to a peaceful transition. Singh (''ibid.'' p. 13) writes that, in 1848, Marx published an article titled '''', where he states 'there is only one means by which the murderous death agonies of the old society and the bloody birth throes of the new society can be shortened, simplified and concentrated - and that is by revolutionary terror'." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Magyar essay 1849 | |||
| |: "Among all the large and small nations of Austria, only three standard-bearers of progress took an active part in history, and still retain their vitality — the Germans, the Poles and the Magyars. Hence they are now revolutionary. All the other large and small nationalities and peoples are destined to perish before long in the revolutionary world storm. For that reason they are now counter-revolutionary. ... There is no country in Europe which does not have in some corner or other one or several ruined fragments of peoples, the remnant of a former population that was suppressed and held in bondage by the nation which later became the main vehicle of historical development. These relics of a nation mercilessly trampled under foot in the course of history, as Hegel says, these residual fragments of peoples always become fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution and remain so until their complete extirpation or loss of their national character, just as their whole existence in general is itself a protest against a great historical revolution. Such, in Scotland, are the Gaels, the supporters of the Stuarts from 1640 to 1745. Such, in France, are the Bretons, the supporters of the Bourbons from 1792 to 1800. Such, in Spain, are the Basques, the supporters of Don Carlos. Such, in Austria, are the pan-Slavist Southern Slavs, who are nothing but the residual fragment of peoples, resulting from an extremely confused thousand years of development. ... The Magyars are not yet defeated. But if they fall, they will fall gloriously, as the last heroes of the 1848 revolution, and only for a short time. Then for a time the Slav counter-revolution will sweep down on the Austrian monarchy with all its barbarity, and the camarilla will see what sort of allies it has. But at the first victorious uprising of the French proletariat, which Louis Napoleon is striving with all his might to conjure up, the Austrian Germans and Magyars will be set free and wreak a bloody revenge on the Slav barbarians. The general war which will then break out will smash this Slav Sonderbund and wipe out all these petty hidebound nations, down to their very names. The next world war will result in the disappearance from the face of the earth not only of reactionary classes and dynasties, but also of entire reactionary peoples. And that, too, is a step forward." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Revel motive 2009 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Revel|2009|pp=94–95}}: "Already among the most authentic sources of socialist thought, among the earliest doctrinarians, are found justifications for ethnic cleansing and genocide, along with the totalitarian state, all of which were held up as legitimate and even necessary weapons for the success and preservation of the revolution. Socialism's canonical principles were not at all violated by Stalin or Mao when they implemented their murderous policies; on the contrary, Stalin and Mao were scrupulous in applying these principles with perfect fidelity to the letter and the spirit of the doctrine - as has been rigorously established by the Cambridge scholar George Watson in his treatise on ''The Lost Literature of Socialism''. | |||
| In the modern historiography of socialism, an essential part of the theory has been quite effectively suppressed. The true believers, while claiming socialism's founding fathers as their mentors, very early on dispensed with any thorough study of them, even of Marx himself. And today, the key texts seem to enjoy the rare privilege of being understood by everyone, without having been read in their entirety by anyone - not even by socialism's adversaries, who for fear of reprisal are likely to quell their own curiosity. (History for the most part is a selective rearrangement of the facts, and the history of ideas does not escape this general law.) | |||
| Study of the unexpurgated texts, writes Watson, shows us that "Genocide was an idea unique to socialism." Friedrich Engels, in an article penned in 1849 for the ''Neue Rheinische Zeitung'', a periodical edited by his friend Karl Marx, called for the extermination of the Hungarians, who had risen up against Austria. He had a low opinion also of Serbs and other Slavic peoples, and of the Basques, the Bretons and the Scottish Highlanders - all problems that needed to be eliminated. Three-quarters of a century later, in his ''On Lenin and Leninism'' (1924), Stalin would recommend study of Engels' influential piece. Marx himself, in "Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany," published in the ''Neue Rheinische Zeitung'' in 1852, asked how "those moribund peoples, the Bohemians, the Carinthians, the Dalmatians etc.," might be disposed of." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Valentino motive 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Valentino|2005|pp=91, 93}}: "Communism has a bloody record, but most regimes that have described themselves as communist or have been described as such by others have not engaged in mass killing. In addition to shedding light on why some communist states have been among the most violent regimes in history, therefore, I also seek to explain why other communist countries have avoided this level of violence. ... I argue that radical communist regimes have proven such prodigious killers primarily because the social change they sought to bring about have resulted in the sudden and nearly complete material and political dispossession of millions of people. These regimes practiced social engineering of the highest order. It is the revolutionary desire to bring about the rapid and radical transformation of society that distinguishes radical communist regimes from all other forms of government, including less violent communist regimes and noncommunist, authoritarian governments." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Bellamy motive 2012 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Bellamy|2012|p=950}}: "But it is not simply the number of victims that distinguishes communist from non-communist mass killing in the Cold War—though that in itself is important to acknowledge. The most important difference for our purposes lies in the fact that amongst the perpetrators and their supporters there was very little recognition that the deliberate extermination of large numbers of civilians might be morally problematic, let alone prohibited. Where there was criticism of this litany of mass murder, it almost always came from outside the communist world. The principal reason for the failure of civilian immunity to moderate the behavior of communist governments during the Cold War was the persistence and spread of communism’s ideology of selective extermination, and its general acceptance within the communist world as a legitimator of mass killing. As I argued earlier, this 'anti-civilian ideology' identifies whole groups as being outside the protection of noncombatant immunity and therefore liable for legitimate extermination. The basic communist variant of this ideology was first developed and applied by Stalin and held that certain socioeconomic or national groups or political attitudes were anti-communist and that group members were 'enemies of the people' who could be legitimately destroyed. Although each of the communist regimes that massacred large numbers of civilians during the Cold War developed their own distinctive account of selective extermination, they all shared the basic idea that their targets—identified as whole groups—had by their identity, actions, or thoughts, placed themselves outside legal or moral protection.85 Thus, in contrast to most Western or anti-communist perpetrators of mass atrocities during the Cold War, communist perpetrators tended to argue that their victims were 'criminals' or 'enemies of the people' and therefore beyond the protection of civilian immunity." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Shaw motive 2015 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Shaw|2015|p=115}}: "In these contexts, democratic impulses were snuffed out, and foundations were made for the centralization of power in the hands of Stalin, who in turn proclaimed the new nationalist doctrine of 'socialism in one country'. | |||
| Thereafter, nationalist ideas were at the heart of many mass killings by Communist states, both in genocide and in war. As Stalinist parties seized power in Asia and the Balkans after 1945, they each proclaimed their own national ideology. Each 'great leader' claimed to represent his fatherland, and many were prepared to kill extensively in the leader's name. After this, nationalist militarism became the model for revolutionary movements across the Third World. Whatever other ideological elements and alliances the insurgent forces claimed, their killing was invariably in the name of national liberation. | |||
| The 'killing fields' of Cambodia (episode VII) represented the nadir of this kind of nationalist Communism. In the former Soviet and Yugoslav areas after 1989, many former Communist elites reinvented themselves as ethnic nationalists. In some cases, they launched genocidal wars in the name of their new creed, to renew the foundations of their power. Nationalism made democratization a sick joke in war zones - the incentive to manufacture ethnically homogenous electorates became one of the driving forces of expulsion and slaughter (episode VIII)." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Chirot motive 2010 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Chirot|McCauley|2010|p=42}}: "The modern search for a perfect, utopian society, whether racially or ideologically pure is very similar to the much older striving for a religiously pure society free of all polluting elements, and these are, in turn, similar to that other modern utopian notion - class purity. Dread of political and economic pollution by the survival of antagonistic classes has been for the most extreme communist leaders what fear of racial pollution was for Hitler. There, also, material explanations fail to address the extent of the killings, gruesome tortures, fantastic trails, and attempts to wipe out whole categories of people that occurred in Stalin's Soviet Union, Mao's China, and Pol Pot's Cambodia. The revolutionary thinkers who formed and led communist regimes were not just ordinary intellectuals. They had to be fanatics in the true sense of that word. They were so certain of their ideas that no evidence to the contrary could change their minds. Those who came to doubt the rightness of their ways were eliminated, or never achieved power. The element of religious certitude found in prophetic movements was as important as their Marxist science in sustaining the notion that their vision of socialism could be made to work. This justified the ruthless dehumanization of their enemies, who could be suppressed because they were 'objectively' and 'historically' wrong. Furthermore, if events did not work out as they were supposed to, then that was because class enemies, foreign spies and saboteurs, or worst of all, internal traitors were wrecking the plan. Under no circumstances could it be admitted that the vision itself might be unworkable, because that meant capitulation to the forces of reaction. The logic of the situation in times of crisis then demanded that these 'bad elements' (as they were called in Maoist China) be killed, deported, or relegated to a permanently inferior status. That is very close to saying that the community of God, or the racially pure volksgemeinschaft could only be guaranteed if the corrupting elements within it were eliminated (Courtois et al. 1999)." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Mann motive 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Mann|2005|pp=318, 321}}: "All accounts of 20th-century mass murder include the Communist regimes. Some call their deeds genocide, though I shall not. I discuss the three that caused the most terrible human losses: Stalin's USSR, Mao's China, and Pol Pot's Cambodia. These saw themselves as belonging to a single socialist family, and all referred to a Marxist tradition of development theory. They murderously cleansed in similar ways, though to different degrees. Later regimes consciously adapted their practices to the perceived successes and failures of earlier ones. The Khmer Rouge used China and the Soviet Union (and Vietnam and North Korea) as reference societies, while China used the Soviet Union. All addressed the same basic problem - how to apply a revolutionary vision of a future industrial society to a present agrarian one. These two dimensions, of time and agrarian backwardness, help account for many of the differences. ... Ordinary party members were also ideologically driven, believing that in order to create a new socialist society, they must lead in socialist zeal. Killings were often popular, the rank-and-file as keen to exceed killing quotas as production quotas. The pervasive role of the party inside the state also meant that authority structures were not fully institutionalized but factionalized, even chaotic, as revisionists studying the Soviet Union have argued. Both centralized control and mass party factionalism were involved in the killings." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Katz motive 2013 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Katz|2013|p=267}}: "Mass Death under Communist Rule and the Limits of 'Otherness' | |||
| ''Steven T. Katz'' | |||
| Boston University | |||
| Mass death is not a new reality. Over the centuries this tragic phenomenon has manifest itself in many times and places. An integral feature of this history of large-scale violence is what I call, 'otherness.' That is, the victimizer stigmatizes and stereotypes the victim in various ways in order to legitimate the violence that is then unleashed. | |||
| What is worthy of note is that this distancing process takes many forms. The historical record reveals cases where the 'Other' is created on the grounds of class, sex, color, race, religion, ethnicity, and nationality. So, for example, the majority of Stalin's victims were identified as 'class enemies.' The most notorious example of such class war was directed at the ''Kulaks'', though his entire massive campaign against the peasantry as represented by his forced drive to collectivize agriculture, was based on the notion of class (and his desire for national modernization). Likewise, the extraordinary event that was Kampuchea was defined by the application of a radical communist ideology in which class was everything. Nationalism — connected usually to other factors such as religion, ethnicity, race, or color — has also played its part in justifying oppression and death — as a decisive ingredient in Stalin's exile of the minority nationalities during World War II and in his assault on the Ukraine in the early 1930s." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Tismăneanu motive 2012 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Tismăneanu|2012|p=14}}: "However, a nuance emphasized by Snyder offers a caveat to the comparison between these two extremisms. In fact, Stalinism did not transform mass murder into political history, as happened in Nazi Germany. For Stalin, 'mass murder could never be anything more than a successful defense of socialism, or an element in a story of progress toward socialism.' But, to take Snyder's point further, Communism, like Fascism, undoubtedly founded its alternative, illiberal modernity upon extermination. The Communist project, in such countries as the USSR, China, Cuba, Romania, or Albania, was based precisely on the conviction that certain social groups were irretrievably alien and deservedly murdered." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Semelin motive 2009 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Semelin|2009|p=331}}: "Dynamics of destruction/subjugation were also developed systematically by twentieth-century communist regimes, but against a very different domestic political background. The destruction of the very foundations of the former society (and consequently the men and women who embodied it) reveals the determination of the ruling elites to build a new one at all costs. The ideological conviction of leaders promoting such a political scheme is thus decisive. Nevertheless, it would be far too simplistic an interpretation to assume that the sole purpose of inflicting these various forms of violence on civilians could only aim at instilling a climate of terror in this 'new society'. In fact, they are part of a broader whole, i.e. the spectrum of social engineering techniques implememted in order to transform a society completely. There can be no doubt that it is this utopia of a classless society which drives that kind of revolutionary project. The plan for political and social reshaping will thus logically claim victims in all strata of society. And through this process, communist systems emerging in the twentieth century ended up destroying their own populations, not because they planned to annihilate them as such, but because they aimed to restructure the 'social body' from top to bottom, even if that meant purging it and recarving it to suit their new Promethean political imaginaire." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Rosefielde motive 2010 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Rosefielde|2010|p=xvi}}: "The story that emerges from the exercise is edifying. It reveals that the conditions for the Red Holocaust were rooted in Stalin's, Kim's, Mao's, Ho's and Pol Pot's siege-mobilized terror-command economic systems, not in Marx's utopian vision or other pragmatic communist transition mechanisms. Terror-command was chosen among other reasons because of legitimate fears about the long-term viability of terror-free command, and the ideological risks of market communism. The internal contradictions of communism confronted leaders with a predicament that could only have been efficiently resolved by acknowledging communism's inferiority and changing course. Denial offered two unhappy options: one bloody, the other dreary, and history records that more often than not, communist rulers chose the worst option. Tens of millions were killed in vain; a testament to the triumph of ruthless hope over dispassionate reason that proved more durable than Hitler's and Hirohito's racism. These findings are likely to withstand the test of time, but are only a beginning, opening up a vast new field for scientific inquiry as scholars gradually gain access to archives in North Korea, China, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Jones motive 2010 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Jones|2010|p=126}}: "This civil war, one of the most destructive of the twentieth century, lasted until 1921 and claimed an estimated nine million lives on all sides. Its 'influence . . . on the whole course of subsequent history, and on Stalinism, cannot possibly be overestimated. It was in the civil war that Stalin and men like Stalin emerged as leaders, while others became accustomed to harshness, cruelty, terror.' Red forces imposed "War Communism,' an economic policy that repealed peasants' land seizures, forcibly stripped the countryside of grain to feed city dwellers, and suppressed private commerce. All who opposed these policies were 'enemies of the people.' 'This is the hour of truth,' Lenin wrote in a letter to a comrade in mid-1918. 'It is of supreme importance that we encourage and make use of the energy of mass terror directed against the counterrevolutionaries.' The Cheka, the first incarnation of the Soviet secret police (later the NKVD and finally the KGB), responded with gusto. Lenin and other Bolshevik leaders may have viewed mass terror as a short-term measure but its widespread use belies claims that it was Stalin's invention." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Krain motives 1997 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Krain|1997|p=334}}: "In addition, many studies have documented the effects of wars and civil wars on general preconditions for genocides and politicides. For example, Melson (1992) argues that revolutions create the conditions that allow genocidal movements and permit their leaders to come to power in the first place and impose their radical ideology, thereby legitimizing mass murder in the eyes of the populace by making it state sponsored. Following the work done by Laswell (1962) on the 'garrison state,' Gurr (1988) documents the establishment and expansion of the secret police and other institutions of the 'coercive state' as a direct result of wars and civil wars. Eisenstadt (1978) argues that hostile international pressures lead to greater isolation of the elites, which in turn leads to an increased probability that these elites will use repression. Some preliminary quantitative work has verified this hypothesis." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Montagnes motives 2019 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Montagnes|Wolton|2019|p=27}}: "Mass purges further seem to have occurred during, arguably, the most personalist phase, to borrow Geddes’s (2003) terminology, of the communist regimes in the USSR and China. We see two possible complementary reasons for this. According to Geddes (2003), personalist leaders control appointments, potentially raising the congruence of new agents, and the security apparatus, potentially reducing the cost of carrying out the purge. Purges may then have almost disappeared in China and the USSR following the deaths of Stalin and Mao because of the subsequent return to a form of collective leadership to avoid a repeat of past excesses (Levytsky, 1972; Teiwes, 2017). | |||
| Obviously, much more needs to be learned about why autocrats decide to start a mass purge. However, our framework can be seen as a possible starting point for a more general theory of coercive instruments in autocracy." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Montefiore USSR 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Montefiore|2005|p=649}}: "Perhaps 20 million had been killed; 28 million deported, of whom 18 million had slaved in the Gulags." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Volkogonov USSR 1999 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Volkogonov|1999|p=139}}: "Between 1929 and 1953 the state created by Lenin and set in motion by Stalin deprived 21.5 million Soviet citizens of their lives." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Yakovlev USSR 2002 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Yakovlev|2002|p=234}}: "My own many years and experience in the rehabilitation of victims of political terror allow me to assert that the number of people in the USSR who were killed for political motives or who died in prisons and camps during the entire period of Soviet power totaled 20 to 25 million. And unquestionably one must add those who died of famine—more than 5.5 million during the civil war and more than 5 million during the 1930s." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Gellately USSR 2007 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Gellately|2007|p=584}}: "More recent estimations of the Soviet-on-Soviet killing have been more 'modest' and range between ten and twenty million." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Brent USSR 2008 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Brent|2008}}: "Estimations on the number of Stalin's victims over his twenty-five year reign, from 1928 to 1953, vary widely, but 20 million is now considered the minimum." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Rosefielde USSR 2010 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Rosefielde|2010|p=17}}: "We now know as well beyond a reasonable doubt that there were more than 13 million Red Holocaust victims 1929–53, and this figure could rise above 20 million." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Žižek motive 2006 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Žižek|2006}}: "This 'cosmic perspective' is for Mao not just an irrelevant philosophical caveat; it has precise ethico-political consequences. When Mao high-handedly dismisses the threat of the atomic bomb, he is not down-playing the scope of the danger — he is fully aware that nuclear war may led to the extinction of humanity as such, so, to justify his defiance, he has to adopt the 'cosmic perspective' from which the end of life on Earth 'would hardly mean anything to the universe as a whole': | |||
| :The United States cannot annihilate the Chinese nation with its small stack of atom bombs. Even if the U.S. atom bombs were so powerful that, when dropped on China, they would make a hole right through the earth, or even blow it up, that would hardly mean anything to the universe as a whole, though it might be a major event for the solar system. | |||
| This 'cosmic perspective' also grounds Mao's dismissive attitude towards the human costs of economic and political endeavors. If one is to believe Mao's latest biography, he caused the greatest famine in history by exporting food to Russia to buy nuclear and arms industries: 38 million people were starved and slave-driven to death in 1958-61. Mao knew exactly what was happening, saying: 'half of China may well have to die.' This is instrumental attitude at its most radical: killing as part of a ruthless attempt to realize goal, reducing people to disposable means - and what one should bear in mind is that the Nazi holocaust was NOT the same: the killing of the Jews not part of a rational strategy, but a self-goal, a meticulously planned 'irrational' excess (recall the deportation of the last Jews from Greek islands in 1944, just before the German retreat, or the massive use of trains for transporting Jews instead of war materials in 1944). This is why Heidegger is wrong when he reduces holocaust to the industrial production of corpses: it was NOT that, Stalinist Communism was that." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Conquest USSR 2007 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Conquest|2007|p=xvi}}: "Exact numbers may never be known with complete certainty, but the total of deaths caused by the whole range of Soviet regime's terrors can hardly be lower than some fifteen million." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Snyder estimate USSR 2011 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Snyder|2011|p=}}: "All in all, the Germans deliberately killed about 11 million noncombatants, a figure that rises to more than 12 million if foreseeable deaths from deportation, hunger, and sentences in concentration camps are included. For the Soviets during the Stalin period, the analogous figures are approximately six million and nine million." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Wheatcroft USSR 1999 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Wheatcroft|1999|pp=315‒345}}: Stephen G. Wheatcroft gives the following numbers: During 1921–53, the number of sentences was (political convictions): sentences, 4,060,306; death penalties, 799,473; camps and prisons, 2,634,397; exile, 413,512; other, 215,942. In addition, during 1937‒52 there were 14,269,753 non-political sentences, among them 34,228 death penalties, 2,066,637 sentences for 0–1 year, 4,362,973 for 2–5 years, 1,611,293 for 6–10 years, and 286,795 for more than 10 years. Other sentences were non-custodial. | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Healey USSR 2018 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Healey|2018|p=1049}}: "New studies using declassified Gulag archives have provisionally established a consensus on mortality and 'inhumanity.' The tentative consensus says that once secret records of the Gulag administration in Moscow show a lower death toll than expected from memoir sources, generally between 1.5 and 1.7 million (out of 18 million who passed through) for the years from 1930 to 1953. Moreover, as Alexopoulos summarizes, we have found no 'plan of destruction' of prisoners (7), no statement of official intent to kill them in these records. Instead, historians have found that prisoner releases significantly predominated over deaths in the Gulag, with Alexopoulos's own earlier work on amnesty a leading statement of this view. Yet her encounter with the Gulag medical-sanitary service's Moscow archive 'surprised' Alexopoulos (1), and she now attempts to challenge the emergent scholarly consensus, with uneven success." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Governments USSR famine | |||
| |{{harvnb|BBC|2008b}}: "Латвія стала 19-ю країною світу, яка визнала Голодомор ґеноцидом українського народу. Литва й Естонія ухвалили такі декларації раніше." (translation: 'Latvia became the 19th country in the world that recognized the Holodomor as the genocide of the Ukrainian people. Lithuania and Estonia have adopted such declarations earlier.'); {{harvnb|Korrespondent|2008a}}: "Латвия присоеденилась к еще 15 странам, уже признавшим Голодомор в Украине геноцидом украинского народа. Декларация подготовлена в ответ на призыв Украины к международному сообществу признать и осудить Голодомор - голод на Украине 1930-х годов прошлого века. Как сообщалось, в феврале Мексика и Парагвай признали Голодомор 1932-1933 годов актом геноцида украинского народа." (translation: 'Latvia has joined 15 more countries that have already recognized the Holodomor in Ukraine as the genocide of the Ukrainian people. The declaration was prepared in response to Ukraine's appeal to the international community to recognize and condemn the Holodomor — the famine in Ukraine of the 1930s of the last century. As reported, in February, Mexico and Paraguay recognized the Holodomor of 1932–1933 as an act of genocide against the Ukrainian people.'); {{harvnb|Korrespondent|2008b}}: "Сусідні з Латвією Литва та Естонія визнали Голодомор в Україні геноцидом проти українського народу ще на початку 1990-х років. Загалом, Голодомор 1932-33 рр. геноцидом українців визнали понад 10 держав світу. Серед них США, Канада, Естонія, Аргентина, Австралія, Італія, Угорщина, Литва, Грузія, Польща, Еквадор і відтепер Латвія." (translation: 'Neighboring Latvia Lithuania and Estonia recognized the Holodomor in Ukraine as a genocide against the Ukrainian people in the early 1990s. In general, the Holodomor of 1932-33 has been identified by more than 10 states of the world as a genocide of Ukrainians. Among them are the USA, Canada, Estonia, Argentina, Australia, Italy, Hungary, Lithuania, Georgia, Poland, Ecuador and now Latvia.')." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Ellman USSR 2002 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Ellman|2002|pp=1151–1172}}: "The best estimate that can currently be made of the number of repression deaths in 1937–38 is the range 950,000–1.2 million, i.e., about a million. This estimate should be used by historians, teachers, and journalists concerned with twentieth century Russian—and world—history." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Deportations USSR | |||
| |{{harvnb|Kleveman|2003}}: In one estimate, based on a report by ] to Stalin, 150,000 of 478,479 deported Ingush and Chechen people (or 31.3 percent) died within the first four years of the resettlement.; {{harvnb|Naimark|2001}}: Another scholar puts the number of deaths at 22.7 percent: Extrapolating from ] records, 113,000 Ingush and Chechens died (3,000 before deportation, 10,000 during deportation, and 100,000 after resettlement) in the first three years of the resettlement out of 496,460 total deportees.; {{harvnb|Mawdsley|2003}}: A third source says a quarter of the 650,000 deported Chechens, Ingush, Karachais and Kalmyks died within four years of resettlement.; {{harvnb|Fischer|Leggett|2006}}: However, estimates of the number of deportees sometimes varies widely. Two scholars estimated the number of Chechen and Ingush deportees at 700,000, which would halve the percentage estimates of deaths. | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Fenby China 2008 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Fenby|2008|p=351}}: "Mao's responsibility for the extinction of anywhere from 40 to 70 million lives brands him as a mass killer greater than ] or Stalin, his indifference to the suffering and the loss of humans breathtaking." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Su China 2003 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Su|2003|pp=25–26}}: "In this study I have documented the patterns of mass killings in three Chinese provinces in the demobilization period of the Cultural Revolution. I also have also sought explanations for this historical tragedy by examining the role of the state. I have presented the findings from a few different angles. Now it is time to take a look at these findings together to formulate my central argument: The mass killings were rooted in the paradox of state sponsorship and state failure. ... | |||
| Mass killings occurred in the three provinces; in two provinces they were a widespread phenomenon. That this finding is from a published source sanctioned by the Chinese government unequivocally supports similar claims made by previous case studies. By examining the mass killings across more than 180 counties, with information from the previous case studies, I am able to uncover the following patterns. | |||
| First, the mass killings varied greatly across three provinces, while within one province, there appears to be a great degree of uniformity. This pattern indicates that the occurrence of mass killings was more germane to province-specific political conditions rather than national politics as a whole. I tentatively attribute the provincial difference to the different patterns of mass factional alignment vis-à-vis the governmental authorities in the province. In Hubei, the Rebel Faction, having had prevailed in the previous conflict, was incorporated into the new government. In contrast, in Guangxi and Guangdong, the Rebel Factions continued to be the outsider, and the two provinces were more prone to use violence as a weapon against the Rebel Factions. An alternative explanation for the difference is that Hubei was geographically, and by inference, politically closer to Beijing, hence the province tended to have more restraint against violence. | |||
| Second, the mass killings concentrate in the months after most counties established revolutionary committees, but in the time when the provincial capitals were still entangled in mass factionalism. The peaks of mass killings coincided with two announcements from the party center in July 1968 banning factional armed battles and disbanding mass organizations. The finding that historical timing was crucial factor helps us understand the nature and source of mass killings. The fact that most of them occurred after the new governments were put in place indicates that mass killings were the result of the repression by the local state rather than the result of conflicts between independent mass groups. The fact that they coincided with the crackdown of the oppositional mass organizations in the provincial capital indicates that the provincial authorities promoted the rhetoric of violence, although extreme violence in local communes and villages may not be what they intended. | |||
| Third, mass killings were primarily a rural phenomenon. In other words, they occurred not in provincial capitals or county seats, but in communes and villages. This is in stark contrast to earlier mass movements of the Cultural Revolution such as campaigns against intellectuals and government officials and the factional street battles which mostly occurred in urban settings. The imagery of top-down diffusion does not apply to the mass killings. This suggests that the class struggle rhetoric disseminated from urban centers found an expression in extreme violence in rural townships and villages, possibly due to the failure of the state to hold the action of the lowest bureaucrats accountable. This explanation is supported by another piece of evidence—the poorer and remoter counties were more likely to have mass killings. | |||
| Fourth, the perpetrators were the local leaders and their mass followers (e.g., militia members). The more party members in the local community, the more likely there were mass killings, likely because the local government in these communities enjoyed a stronger organizational base to mobilize the extreme violence. | |||
| Fifth, other things being equal (i.e., controlling for distance, county revenue, and party membership) counties with a significant presence of ethnic minority were not more likely to have mass killings. Similarly, population density, prior armed battle conflict, and the compositions of the county leadership have no association to the likelihood of mass killings. These findings to some extent eliminate alternative explanations to the argument fashioned here that stresses the role of the state." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Su China 2011 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Su|2011|pp=98–100}}: "The so-called class enemy as a category of the rural population had been in place for about two decades after 1949, but not until the Cultural Revolution did it become a victim group for eliminationist killing. This development cannot be explained by the communist doctrine of a classless society because the doctrine as previously practiced in China, for the most part, was not to create this society by physical elimination. Neither can it be explained by the notion that previously propertied classes posed an objective threat, hence that their elimination was imperative. This review of the origin of ''class enemy'' demonstrates that its creation, maintenance, and treatment all served the politics of the time. Mass-killing scholars who draw on political violence in communist societies for comparison, however, often take a realist view of the concept of class enemy (or 'people's enemy' in the case of the Soviet Union). That is, they write as though the opposition to the new communist system was real, with ''class enemy'' identifying a broad category of individuals who represent plausible or incipient opposition or resistance to the state. ... After the Land Reform movement, China was transformed into a classless society, if defined only in terms of property. From this classless society, the state created an artificial divide between 'the people' and the 'class enemy.' The toothless enemy class was never designed to be eliminated, either by murder or other means. In the first place, the numbers of class enemies were inflated. Quotas were established and sanctions were applied to local leadership if localities did not have a certain percentage of landlords and rich peasants; the numbers were always greater than their initial landed status would warrant. To underscore the artificiality and arbitrariness of this designation, a few years after Mao's death, class enemies were eliminated as a political class - not by murder but rather by declaration - once the new leadership decided that the categories and campaigns had become counterproductive. | |||
| Therefore, the class divides were imposed and maintained by the state and perpetuated through state-sponsored mass campaigns. What purpose, then, did the existence of a constructed enemy class serve? The answer links this artificial class divide to two main political tasks: mobilizing mass compliance and resolving elite conflict. These linkages are the key to understanding why the system deepened the politically constructed divide in times of political crisis. Its elastic nature, then, is the key to understanding why the class categorization could take on a genocidal dimension under extraordinary circumstances." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Etcheson Cambodia 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Etcheson|2005|p=78}}: "Were the Cambodian people somehow Pol Pot's 'willing executioners,' with the violence of the Khmer Rouge regime reflecting an underlying trait of the Cambodian people, historically unique to the time and place it occurred? Or did the violence of the Khmer Rouge regime emanate from some more broadly distributed ideological origin, therefore rendering it amenable to comparison? Perhaps the Khmer Rouge mass killing arose from the same tenets of communism that brought about the mass killing of Stalin's Russia and Mao's China but that was, by absolute numbers, much less ''evil''. Or perhaps the killing in Cambodia can be understood as a response to the perceived threat from Vietnam, as the Khmer Rouge themselves have argued at some length. These same themes and issues lay at the heart of the ''Historikerstreit'', and they are also part and parcel of genocide studies. | |||
| In the scholarly literature on the Khmer Rouge regime of Democratic Kampuchea, there have been two principal schools of thought regarding the nature of the violence that took so many lives in such a short period of time. One school of thought holds that the primary locus of the violence was local and that it was largely the result of the spontaneous excesses of a vengeful, undisciplined peasant army. A prominent proponent of this school of thought is Michael Vickery. A second school of thought holds that the locus of the violence was centralized and that it was largely the result of a carefully planned and centrally controlled security apparatus. Several observers have proposed this explanation of the violence in the Democratic Kampuchea regime, including, for example, the recently retired U.S. ambassador to Cambodia, Kenneth Quinn. It can be argued, however, that until recently there was an inadequate amount of data to make an unambiguous determination of the question. | |||
| A wide range of new evidence uncovered by the Documentation Center of Cambodia over the course of the last ten years has done much to resolve this controversy. In particular, data on the frequency, distribution, and origin of mass graves, combined with data gleaned from newly discovered Khmer Rouge internal security documents, have given us new insight into the question of the economy of violence within Democratic Kampuchea. The data lead inexorably to the conclusion that most of the violence was carried out pursuant to orders from the highest political authorities of the Communist Party of Kampuchea. In this chapter, I briefly review some of the new evidence that so strongly suggests this new and well-documented conclusion." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Harff Gurr others 1988 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Harff|Gurr|1988|p=369}}: "''Revolutionary mass murder'': the most common type of politicide (following repressive politicide), with ten examples in our data set. In all these instances new regimes have come to power committed to bringing about fundamental social, economic, and political change. Their enemies usually are defined by variants of Marxist-Leninist ideology: initially their victims include the officials and most prominent supporters of the old regime and landowners and wealthy peasants. Later they may include-as they did in Kampuchea and in China during the Cultural Revolution-cadres who lack revolutionary zeal. In Laos and Ethiopia they have included ordinary peasants in regions which actively or passively resisted revolutionary policies. Most Marxist-Leninist regimes which came to power through protracted armed struggle in the postwar period perpetrated one or more politicides, though of vastly different magnitudes. The worst offender was the Pol Pot regime in Kampuchea; the second worst, the Chinese Communist regime." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Jambrek Yugoslavia 2008 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Jambrek|2008|p=156}}: "Most of the mass killings were carried out from May to July 1945; among the victims were mostly the 'returned' (or 'home-captured') Home guards and prisoners from other Yugoslav provinces. In the following months, up to January 1946 when the Constitution of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia was passed and OZNA had to hand the camps over to the organs of the Ministry of the Interior, those killings were followed by mass killing of Germans, Italians and Slovenes suspected of collaborationism and anti-communism. Individual secret killings were carried out at later dates as well. The decision to 'annihilate' opponents must had been adopted in the closest circles of Yugoslav state leadership, and the order was certainly issued by the Supreme Commander of the Yugoslav Army Josip Broz — Tito, although it is not known when or in what form." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Vu Vietnam 2010 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Vu|2010a|p=103}}: "Clearly Vietnamese socialism followed a moderate path relative to China. ... Yet the Vietnamese 'land reform' campaign ... testified that Vietnamese communists could be as radical and murderous as their comrades elsewhere. In May 1953, on the eve of the campaign, the VWP Politburo chaired by Ho authorized the execution of landlords by a ratio of one person for every thousand people, or 0.1 percent of the population.<sup>5</sup> ... | |||
| 5. 'Chi thi cua Bo Chinh Tri' (Politburo's Decree), May 4, 1953 (Dang Cong San Viet Nam, hereafter DCSVN, 2001, 14: 201). Based on other sources, Edwin Moise (2001, 7-9) accepts an estimate close to 15,000 executions. This was about 0.1 percent of the total population of 13.5 million in North Vietnam in 1955." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Valentino Afghanistan 2005 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Valentino|2005|p=223}}: "The pattern of Soviet military operations strongly suggests that population relocation was a significant part of Soviet counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan. Although direct evidence of Soviet intentions is limited, most analysts and observers of the war have concluded that the Soviets adopted an intentional policy of attacking villages in areas of high guerrilla activity in the effort to force the population into flight. Free-fire zones were established in depopulated areas, permitting Soviet troops to shoot anything that moved. In addition to killing tens of thousands in attacks on villages, this policy eventually produced one of the most massive refugee movements in modern history. Approximately 5 million people out of a total prewar population of between 15.5 and 17 million had fled the country by the early 1990s, the great majority across the border to Pakistan. Two million more were displaced within Afghanistan. Many refugees died during the difficult journey over mountain passes to Pakistan." | |||
| }} | |||
| {{efn|name=Courtois famine 1999 | |||
| |{{harvnb|Courtois|1999|p=9}}: "As for the great famine in Ukraine in 1932-33, which resulted from the rural population's resistance to forced collectivization, 6 million died in a period of several months. | |||
| Here, the genocide of a 'class' may well be tantamount to the genocide of a 'race' — the deliberate starvation of a child of a Ukrainian kulak as a result of the famine causes by Stalin's regime 'is equal to' the starvation of a Jewish child in the Warsaw ghetto as a result of the famine caused by the Nazi regime. Such arguments in no way detract from the unique nature of Auschwitz — the mobilization of leading-edge technological resources and their use in an 'industrial process' involving the construction of an 'extermination factory,' the use of gas, and cremation. However, this argument highlights one particular feature of many Communist regimes — their systematic use of famine as a weapon. The regime aimed to control the total available food supply and, with immense ingenuity, to distribute food purely on the basis of 'merits' and 'demerits' earned by individuals. This policy was a recipe for creating famine on a massive scale. Remember that in the period after 1918, only Communist countries experienced such famines, which led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands, and in some cases millions, of people. And again in the 1980s, two African countries that claimed to be Marxist-Leninist, Ethiopia and Mozambique, were the only such countries to suffer these deadly famines." | |||
| }} | |||
| }} | |||
| === Citations === | === Citations === | ||
| {{reflist|20em}} | {{reflist|20em}} | ||
| Line 665: | Line 191: | ||
| === Bibliography === | === Bibliography === | ||
| {{refbegin|30em}} | {{refbegin|30em}} | ||
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| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|UNPO|2004}} |title=Chechnya: European Parliament recognises the genocide of the Chechen People in 1944 |url=http://www.unpo.org/article/438 |publisher=Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization |date=February 27, 2004 |access-date=May 23, 2012 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120604125012/http://www.unpo.org/article/438 |archive-date=June 4, 2012}} | |||
| * {{citation|ref={{harvid|BBC|1999}}|title=US admits helping Mengistu escape|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/575405.stm|work=]|date=December 22, 1999}} | |||
| * {{citation|ref={{harvid| |
* {{citation |ref={{harvid|ERR2|2018}} |title=Cornerstone laid for new memorial for victims of communist crimes |url=https://news.err.ee/828730/cornerstone-laid-for-new-memorial-for-victims-of-communist-crimes |publisher=ERR News |date=May 4, 2018}} | ||
| * {{citation|ref={{harvid| |
* {{citation |ref={{harvid|BBC|2008a}} |title=Court Sentences Mengistu to Death |work=] |date=May 26, 2008 |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7420212.stm}} | ||
| * {{citation|ref={{harvid| |
* {{citation |ref={{harvid|HRW|1999}} |title=Ethiopian Dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam |publisher=] |date=November 24, 1999}} | ||
| * {{ |
* {{citation |ref={{harvid|Memoriaal}} |title=Estonia's Victims of Communism 1940-1991 - The Memorial |url=https://www.memoriaal.ee/en/memorial/ |access-date=November 6, 2018}} | ||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|BBC|2018}} |title=Khmer Rouge: Cambodia's years of brutality |website=] |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-10684399 |date=16 November 2018}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|Cambodia}} |title=The Khmer Rouge Trial Task Force |url=http://www.cambodia.gov.kh/krt/english/ |publisher=Royal Government of Cambodia |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090317105511/http://www.cambodia.gov.kh/krt/english/ |archive-date=March 17, 2009}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|BBC|2008b}} |title=Латвія визнала Голодомор ґеноцидом |trans-title=Latvia recognized the Holodomor as a genocide |language=uk |publisher=BBCUkrainian |url=https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/domestic/story/2008/03/080313_latvia_holodomor_oh.shtml |date=March 13, 2008}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|Korrespondent|2008b}} |title=Латвія визнала Голодомор 1932-33 рр. геноцидом українців |trans-title=Latvia recognized the Holodomor of 1932-33 as a genocide of Ukrainians |language=uk |publisher=Korrespondent.net |url=https://ua.korrespondent.net/ukraine/403780-latviya-viznala-golodomor-1932-33-rr-genocidom-ukrayinciv |date=March 14, 2008}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|RFE/RL|2019}} |title=Latvian Lawmakers Label 1944 Deportation Of Crimean Tatars An Act Of Genocide |url=https://www.rferl.org/a/latvian-lawmakers-label-1944-deportation-of-crimean-tatars-as-act-of-genocide/29933467.html |publisher=RFE/RL, Inc. |date=May 10, 2019 |access-date=May 10, 2019}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|Chicago Tribune|2017}} |title=The legacy of 100 years of communism: 65 million deaths |url=http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/editorials/ct-edit-communism-bolshevik-anniversary-putin-20171106-story.html |newspaper=Chicago Tribune |date=November 6, 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171107032519/http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/editorials/ct-edit-communism-bolshevik-anniversary-putin-20171106-story.html |archive-date=November 7, 2017}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|BalticTimes|2019}} |title=Lithuanian parliament recognizes Soviet crimes against Crimean Tatars as genocide |url=https://www.baltictimes.com/lithuanian_parliament_recognizes_soviet_crimes_against_crimean_tatars_as_genocide/ |date=6 June 2019 |publisher=The Baltic Times |access-date=6 June 2019}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|BBC|2006}} |title=Mengistu found guilty of genocide |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6171429.stm |date=December 12, 2006 |work=] |access-date=January 2, 2010}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|AFP|2009}} |title=Polish experts lower nation's WWII death toll |url=http://www.expatica.com/de/news/german-news/Polish-experts-lower-nation_s-WWII-death-toll--_55843.html |access-date=November 4, 2009 |date=July 30, 2009 |publisher=AFP/Expatica |archive-date=6 April 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120406115752/http://www.expatica.com/de/news/german-news/Polish-experts-lower-nation_s-WWII-death-toll--_55843.html |url-status=dead}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|Saeima|2019}} |title=Saeima pieņem paziņojumu par Krimas tatāru deportāciju 75.gadadienu, atzīstot notikušo par genocīdu |url=http://www.saeima.lv/lv/aktualitates/saeimas-zinas/27934-saeima-pienem-pazinojumu-par-krimas-tataru-deportaciju-75-gadadienu-atzistot-notikuso-par-genocidu |date=9 May 2019 |publisher=Saeima of the Republic of Latvia |access-date=May 11, 2019}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|BBC|2007}} |title=Senior Khmer Rouge leader charged |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/7002053.stm |date=September 19, 2007 |work=]}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|Kremlin|1998}} |title='Stalinism' was a collective responsibility – Kremlin papers |url=http://www.unimelb.edu.au/ExtRels/Media/UN/archive/1998/319/stalinismwasacollective.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030429084514/http://www.unimelb.edu.au/ExtRels/Media/UN/archive/1998/319/stalinismwasacollective.html |archive-date=April 29, 2003 |periodical=The News in Brief |publisher=] |date=June 19, 1998 |volume=7 |number=22}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|EuropeanParliament|2004}} |title=Texts adopted: Final edition EU-Russia relations |url=http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=TA&language=EN&reference=P5-TA-2004-0121 |publisher=European Parliament |date=February 26, 2004 |location=Brussels |access-date=22 September 2017 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170923003031/http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=TA&language=EN&reference=P5-TA-2004-0121 |archive-date=September 23, 2017}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|White|2010}} |title=The Lesser Multicides of the Twentieth Century |work=Twentieth Century Atlas – Death Tolls |date=October 2010 |publisher=Matthew White |access-date=June 21, 2020 |url=http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat5.htm#Mong2 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191022115708/http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat5.htm#Mong2 |archive-date=October 22, 2019}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|RFE/RL|2015}} |title=Ukraine's Parliament Recognizes 1944 'Genocide' Of Crimean Tatars |url=https://www.rferl.org/a/ukraine-tatar-deportation-parliament-genocide/27360343.html |publisher=RFE/RL |date=November 12, 2015}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|Britannica1|2008}} |title=Ukraine – The famine of 1932–33 |url=https://www.britannica.com/eb/article-275913/Ukraine |access-date=June 26, 2008 |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|BBC|1999}} |title=US admits helping Mengistu escape |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/575405.stm |work=] |date=December 22, 1999}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|CBC|2018}} |title=Victims of communism monument could be unveiled next spring |url=https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/ottawa/victims-communism-monument-unveiling-date-unknown-1.4581995 |publisher=CBC News |date=March 19, 2018}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|ERR|2018}} |title=Victims of Communism Memorial opened in Tallinn |url=https://news.err.ee/855812/gallery-victims-of-communism-memorial-opened-in-tallinn |publisher=ERR News |date=August 24, 2018}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|BBC|2017}} |title=Wall of Grief: Putin opens first Soviet victims memorial |website=] |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-41809659 |date=30 October 2017}} | |||
| * {{citation |ref={{harvid|Amnesty International|1989}} |title=When the State Kills: The Death Penalty v. Human Rights |publisher=Amnesty International |date=1989}} | |||
| {{refend}} | {{refend}} | ||
| * {{cite encyclopedia |ref={{sfnref| Britannica Holodomor}} |last1=Makuch |first1=Andrij |title=The famine of 1932–1933 |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica online |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Ukraine/History#ref404577 |access-date=2 November 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123082312/https://www.britannica.com/place/Ukraine/History#ref404577 |archive-date=23 November 2015 |quote=The Great Famine (Holodomor) of 1932–1933 – a man-made demographic catastrophe unprecedented in peacetime. Of the estimated six to eight million people who died in the Soviet Union, about four to five million were Ukrainians ... Its deliberate nature is underscored by the fact that no physical basis for famine existed in Ukraine ... Soviet authorities set requisition quotas for Ukraine at an impossibly high level. Brigades of special agents were dispatched to Ukraine to assist in procurement, and homes were routinely searched and foodstuffs confiscated ... The rural population was left with insufficient food to feed itself. |url-status=live}} | |||
| * {{cite book |first1=James |last1=Mace |author1-link=James Mace |year=1986 |chapter=The man-made famine of 1933 in Soviet Ukraine |editor1-last=Serbyn |editor1-first=Roman |editor2-last=Krawchenko |editor2-first=Bohdan |title=Famine in Ukraine in 1932–1933 |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/famineinukraine100serb |publisher=] |isbn=9780092862434 |location=Canada|language=English |editor2-link=Bohdan Krawchenko}} | |||
| * {{cite book |last1=Lemkin |first1=Raphael |orig-year=1953 |chapter-url=http://www.uccla.ca/SOVIET_GENOCIDE_IN_THE_UKRAINE.pdf |chapter=Soviet Genocide in the Ukraine |editor1-first=Lubomyr |editor1-last=Luciuk |editor2-first=Lisa |editor2-last=Grekul |year=2008 |title=Holodomor: Reflections on the Great Famine of 1932–1933 in Soviet Ukraine |isbn=978-1896354330 |publisher=Kashtan Press |access-date=22 July 2012 |archive-date=2 March 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120302234607/http://www.uccla.ca/SOVIET_GENOCIDE_IN_THE_UKRAINE.pdf |url-status=dead}} | |||
| == Further reading == | == Further reading == | ||
| '''Bibliographies''' | |||
| ; General | |||
| * {{section link|Bibliography of the Russian Revolution and Civil War|Violence and terror}} | |||
| * {{section link|Bibliography of the Russian Revolution and Civil War|Violence and terror}} | |||
| * {{section link|Bibliography of the Soviet Union during World War II|Genocide, ethnic cleansing, and war crimes}} | |||
| * {{section link|Bibliography of Ukrainian history|Gulag, ethnic cleansing and terror}} | |||
| * {{section link|Bibliography of the history of Central Asia|Violence, terror, and famine}} | |||
| * {{section link|Bibliography of the history of Belarus and Byelorussia|Violence and terror}} | |||
| * {{section link|Bibliography of Poland during World War II|War crimes}} | |||
| '''General''' | |||
| {{refbegin|40em}} | {{refbegin|40em}} | ||
| * {{citation|editor-last=Courtois|editor-first=Stéphane|editor-link=Stephane Courtois|title=The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression|year=1999|translator1=Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer|translator2=Mark Kramer (consulting ed.)|location=Cambridge, MA|publisher=Harvard University Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H1jsgYCoRioC|isbn=978-0-674-07608-2|ref=none}} | * {{citation |editor-last=Courtois |editor-first=Stéphane |editor-link=Stephane Courtois |title=The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression |year=1999 |translator1=Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer |translator2=Mark Kramer (consulting ed.) |location=Cambridge, MA |publisher=Harvard University Press |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H1jsgYCoRioC |isbn=978-0-674-07608-2 |ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Fein|first=Helen|author-link=Helen Fein|title=Genocide: a sociological perspective; Contextual and Comparative Studies I: Ideological Genocides|year=1993|publisher=]|isbn=978-0-8039-8829-3|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=n4TaAAAAMAAJ&q=%22Soviet+and+Communist+Genocides%22|ref=none}} | * {{citation |last=Fein |first=Helen |author-link=Helen Fein |title=Genocide: a sociological perspective; Contextual and Comparative Studies I: Ideological Genocides |year=1993 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-8039-8829-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=n4TaAAAAMAAJ&q=%22Soviet+and+Communist+Genocides%22 |ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Ghodsee|first=Kristen|title=Red Hangover: Legacies of Twentieth-Century Communism|date=2017|url=https://www.dukeupress.edu/red-hangover|publisher=]|isbn=978-0-822-36949-3|author-link=Kristen R. Ghodsee|ref=none}} | * {{citation |last=Ghodsee |first=Kristen |title=Red Hangover: Legacies of Twentieth-Century Communism |date=2017 |url=https://www.dukeupress.edu/red-hangover |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-822-36949-3 |author-link=Kristen R. Ghodsee |ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation| |
* {{citation |last=Mann |first=Michael |title=The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing |year=2005 |location=New York |publisher=Cambridge University Press |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cGHGPgj1_tIC |isbn=978-0-521-53854-1 |ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation |last=Semelin |first=Jacques |chapter=Destroying to Subjugate: Communist regimes: Reshaping the social body |title=Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide |series=CERI Series in Comparative Politics and International Studies |editor-last=Jaffrelot |editor-first=Christophe |year=2009 |translator1=Cynthia Schoch |location=New York |publisher=Columbia University Press |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mwf-pHi_2I0C |isbn=978-0-231-14283-0 |ref=none}} | |||
| * {{citation|last1=Karlsson|first1=Klas-Göran|last2=Schoenhals|first2=Michael|title=Crimes against humanity under communist regimes – Research review|publisher=Forum for Living History|year=2008|url=https://www.levandehistoria.se/sites/default/files/material_file/research-review-crimes-against-humanity.pdf|isbn=978-91-977487-2-8|ref=none}} | |||
| * {{citation|last= |
* {{citation |last=Totten |first=Samuel |author-link=Samuel Totten |author2=Paul Robert Bartrop |author3=Steven L. Jacobs |chapter=Communism |title=Dictionary of genocide, Volume 1 |publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group |year=2008 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xWKjSc0ql3cC&q=Lenin+genocide |isbn=978-0-313-34642-2 |ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation|last= |
* {{citation |last=Valentino |first=Benjamin |title=Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century |year=2005 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-801-47273-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LQfeXVU_EvgC |ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation |last=Watson |first=George |title=The Lost Literature of Socialism |publisher=Lutterworth Press |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=F3EmtyNuKfQC&pg=PA77 |year=1998 |isbn=978-0-7188-2986-5 |ref=none}} | |||
| * {{citation|last=Rummel|first=Rudolph Joseph|url=https://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/COM.ART.HTM#*|title=How Many did Communist Regimes Murder?|access-date=September 15, 2018|publisher=University of Hawaii Political Science Department|date=November 1993|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180827103150/https://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/COM.ART.HTM|archive-date=August 27, 2018|ref=none}} | |||
| * {{citation|last= |
* {{citation |last=White |first=Matthew |chapter=The Black Chapter of Communism |title=Atrocities: The 100 Deadliest Episodes in Human History |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0-fQHlaIpR4C&q=The+Black+Chapter+of+Communism |year=2011 |publisher=W. W. Norton & Company |isbn=978-0-393-08192-3 |ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Semelin|first=Jacques|chapter=Destroying to Subjugate: Communist regimes: Reshaping the social body|title=Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide|series=CERI Series in Comparative Politics and International Studies|editor-last=Jaffrelot|editor-first=Christophe|year=2009|translator1=Cynthia Schoch|location=New York|publisher=Columbia University Press|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mwf-pHi_2I0C|isbn=978-0-231-14283-0|ref=none}} | |||
| * {{citation|last=Totten|first=Samuel|author-link=Samuel Totten|author2=Paul Robert Bartrop|author3=Steven L. Jacobs|chapter=Communism|title=Dictionary of genocide, Volume 1|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|year=2008|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xWKjSc0ql3cC&q=Lenin+genocide|isbn=978-0-313-34642-2|ref=none}} | |||
| * {{citation|last=Valentino|first=Benjamin A.|title=Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century|year=2005|publisher=]|isbn=978-0-801-47273-2|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LQfeXVU_EvgC|ref=none}} | |||
| * {{citation|last=Watson|first=George|title=The Lost Literature of Socialism|publisher=Lutterworth Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=F3EmtyNuKfQC&pg=PA77|year=1998|isbn=978-0-7188-2986-5|ref=none}} | |||
| * {{citation|last=White|first=Matthew|chapter=The Black Chapter of Communism|title=Atrocities: The 100 Deadliest Episodes in Human History|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0-fQHlaIpR4C&q=The+Black+Chapter+of+Communism|year=2011|publisher=W. W. Norton & Company|isbn=978-0-393-08192-3|ref=none}} | |||
| {{refend}} | {{refend}} | ||
| '''Soviet Union''' | |||
| {{refbegin}} | {{refbegin}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Deker|first=Nikolai|author2=Institute for the study of the U.S.S.R. Munich|title=Genocide in the USSR: studies in group destruction|year=1958|publisher=Scarecrow Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=S9NoAAAAMAAJ|ref=none}} | * {{citation|last=Deker|first=Nikolai|author2=Institute for the study of the U.S.S.R. Munich|title=Genocide in the USSR: studies in group destruction|year=1958|publisher=Scarecrow Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=S9NoAAAAMAAJ|ref=none}} | ||
| Line 959: | Line 513: | ||
| {{refend}} | {{refend}} | ||
| '''China''' | |||
| {{refbegin}} | {{refbegin}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Lorenz|first=Andreas|title=The Chinese Cultural Revolution: Remembering Mao's Victims|date=May 15, 2007|newspaper=] Online|url=http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,483023,00.html|ref=none}} | * {{citation|last=Lorenz|first=Andreas|title=The Chinese Cultural Revolution: Remembering Mao's Victims|date=May 15, 2007|newspaper=] Online|url=http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,483023,00.html|ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Rummel|first=Rudolph Joseph|title=China's Bloody Century: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900|year=2011|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-412-81400-3|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iIEPoEL4lG0C|ref=none}} | * {{citation|last=Rummel|first=Rudolph Joseph|title=China's Bloody Century: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900|year=2011|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-412-81400-3|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iIEPoEL4lG0C|ref=none}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Song|first=Yongyi|title=Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976)|date=August 25, 2011|journal=Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence|issn=1961-9898|url=http://bo-k2s.sciences-po.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance/en/document/chronology-mass-killings-during-chinese-cultural-revolution-1966-1976|ref=none}} | * {{citation|last=Song|first=Yongyi|title=Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976)|date=August 25, 2011|journal=Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence|issn=1961-9898|url=http://bo-k2s.sciences-po.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance/en/document/chronology-mass-killings-during-chinese-cultural-revolution-1966-1976|ref=none}}{{Dead link|date=September 2023 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }} | ||
| {{refend}} | {{refend}} | ||
| '''Cambodia''' | |||
| {{refbegin}} | {{refbegin}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Barron|first=John|author2=Paul, Anthony|title=Murder of A Gentle Land, The Untold Story of Communist Genocide in Cambodia|publisher=Reader's Digest Press|year=1977|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GYZuAAAAMAAJ|isbn=978-0-88349-129-4|ref=none}} | * {{citation|last=Barron|first=John|author2=Paul, Anthony|title=Murder of A Gentle Land, The Untold Story of Communist Genocide in Cambodia|publisher=Reader's Digest Press|year=1977|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GYZuAAAAMAAJ|isbn=978-0-88349-129-4|ref=none}} | ||
| Line 972: | Line 526: | ||
| {{refend}} | {{refend}} | ||
| '''Others''' | |||
| {{refbegin}} | {{refbegin}} | ||
| * {{citation|last=Rummel|first=Rudolph Joseph|title=Statistics Of Yugoslavia's Democide: Estimates, Calculations, And Sources|year=1997|publisher=University of Hawaii Political Science Department|url=http://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/SOD.CHAP9.HTM|ref=none}} | * {{citation|last=Rummel|first=Rudolph Joseph|title=Statistics Of Yugoslavia's Democide: Estimates, Calculations, And Sources|year=1997|publisher=University of Hawaii Political Science Department|url=http://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/SOD.CHAP9.HTM|ref=none}} | ||
| Line 981: | Line 535: | ||
| == External links == | == External links == | ||
| * {{Commons category-inline|Communist repression}} | * {{Commons category-inline|Communist repression}} | ||
| {{Communism}} | |||
| {{Genocide navbox}} | |||
| {{communism}} | |||
| ] | |||
| {{genocide navbox}} | |||
| ] | |||
| {{World topic|prefix=Extrajudicial killings in|title= ] by country |noredlinks=yes}} | |||
| {{DEFAULTSORT:Communist mass killings}} | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
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Latest revision as of 07:14, 6 January 2025
| Part of a series on |
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Mass killings under communist regimes occurred through a variety of means during the 20th century, including executions, famine, deaths through forced labour, deportation, starvation, and imprisonment. Some of these events have been classified as genocides or crimes against humanity. Other terms have been used to describe these events, including classicide, democide, red holocaust, and politicide. The mass killings have been studied by authors and academics and several of them have postulated the potential causes of these killings along with the factors which were associated with them. Some authors have tabulated a total death toll, consisting of all of the excess deaths which cumulatively occurred under the rule of communist states, but these death toll estimates have been criticised. Most frequently, the states and events which are studied and included in death toll estimates are the Holodomor and the Great Purge in the Soviet Union, the Great Chinese Famine and the Cultural Revolution in the People's Republic of China, and the Cambodian genocide in Democratic Kampuchea (now Cambodia). Estimates of individuals killed range from a low of 10–20 million to as high as 148 million.
The concepts of connecting disparate killings to the status of the communist states which committed them, and of trying to ascribe common causes and factors to them, have been both supported and criticized by the academic community. Some academics view these concepts as an indictment of communism as an ideology, while other academics view them as being overly simplistic and rooted in anti-communism. There is academic debate over whether the killings should be attributed to the political system, or primarily to the individual leaders of the communist states; similarly, there is debate over whether all the famines which occurred during the rule of communist states can be considered mass killings. Mass killings which were committed by communist states have been compared to killings which were committed by other types of states. Monuments to individuals and groups considered to be victims of communism exist in almost all the capitals of Eastern Europe, as well as many other cities in the world.
Terminology and usage
See also: Genocide definitions and Mass killing § TerminologySeveral different terms are used to describe the intentional killing of large numbers of noncombatants. According to historian Anton Weiss-Wendt, the field of comparative genocide studies has very "little consensus on defining principles such as definition of genocide, typology, application of a comparative method, and timeframe." According to professor of economics Attiat Ott, mass killing has emerged as a "more straightforward" term.
The following terminology has been used by individual authors to describe mass killings of unarmed civilians by communist governments, individually or as a whole:
- Classicide – sociologist Michael Mann has proposed classicide to mean the "intended mass killing of entire social classes." Classicide is considered "premeditated mass killing" narrower than genocide in that it targets a part of a population defined by its social status, but broader than politicide in that the group is targeted without regard to their political activity.
- Crime against humanity – historian Klas-Göran Karlsson uses crimes against humanity, which includes "the direct mass killings of politically undesirable elements, as well as forced deportations and forced labour." Karlsson acknowledges that the term may be misleading in the sense that the regimes targeted groups of their own citizens, but he considers it useful as a broad legal term which emphasizes attacks on civilian populations and because the offenses demean humanity as a whole. Historian Jacques Sémelin, as well as Michael Mann, believe that crime against humanity is more appropriate than genocide or politicide when speaking of violence by communist regimes.
- Democide – political scientist Rudolph Rummel defined democide as "the intentional killing of an unarmed or disarmed person by government agents acting in their authoritative capacity and pursuant to government policy or high command." His definition covers a wide range of deaths, including forced labor and concentration camp victims, killings by "unofficial" private groups, extrajudicial summary killings, and mass deaths due to the governmental acts of criminal omission and neglect, such as in deliberate famines as well as killings by de facto governments, such as warlords or rebels in a civil war. This definition covers any murder of any number of persons by any government, and it has been applied to killings that were perpetrated by communist regimes.
- Genocide – under the Genocide Convention, the crime of genocide generally applies to the mass murder of ethnic rather than political or social groups. The clause which granted protection to political groups was eliminated from the United Nations resolution after a second vote because many states, including the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin, feared that it could be used to impose limitations on their right to suppress internal disturbances. Scholarly studies of genocide usually acknowledge the UN's omission of economic and political groups and use mass political killing datasets of democide and genocide and politicide or geno-politicide. The killings that were committed by the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia has been labeled a genocide or an autogenocide, and the deaths that occurred under Leninism and Stalinism in the Soviet Union, as well as those that occurred under Maoism in China, have been controversially investigated as possible cases. In particular, the Soviet famine of 1930–1933 and the Great Chinese Famine, which occurred during the Great Leap Forward, have both been "depicted as instances of mass killing underpinned by genocidal intent."
- Red holocaust – the term, which was coined by the Munich Institut für Zeitgeschichte, has been used by professor of comparative economic systems Steven Rosefielde for communist "peacetime state killings", while stating that it "could be defined to include all murders (judicially sanctioned terror-executions), criminal manslaughter (lethal forced labor and ethnic cleansing), and felonious negligent homicide (terror-starvation) incurred from insurrectionary actions and civil wars prior to state seizure, and all subsequent felonious state killings." According to historian Jörg Hackmann, this term is not popular among scholars in Germany or internationally. Historian Alexandra Laignel-Lavastine writes that usage of this term "allows the reality it describes to immediately attain, in the Western mind, a status equal to that of the extermination of the Jews by the Nazi regime." Political scientist Michael Shafir writes that the use of the term supports the "competitive martyrdom component of Double Genocide", a theory whose worst version is Holocaust obfuscation. Professor of political science George Voicu wrote that Leon Volovici, a literary historian of Jewish culture, has "rightfully condemned the abusive use of this concept as an attempt to 'usurp' and undermine a symbol specific to the history of European Jews."
- Mass killing – professor of psychology Ervin Staub defined mass killing as "killing members of a group without the intention to eliminate the whole group or killing large numbers of people without a precise definition of group membership. In a mass killing the number of people killed is usually smaller than in genocide." Referencing earlier definitions, Professors of economics Joan Esteban, Massimo Morelli, and Dominic Rohner have defined mass killings as "the killings of substantial numbers of human beings, when not in the course of military action against the military forces of an avowed enemy, under the conditions of the essential defenselessness and helplessness of the victims." The term has been defined by political scientist Benjamin Valentino as "the intentional killing of a massive number of noncombatants", where a "massive number" is defined as at least 50,000 intentional deaths over the course of five years or less. This is the most accepted quantitative minimum threshold for the term. He applied this definition to the cases of Stalin's Soviet Union, China under Mao Zedong and Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge while admitting that "mass killings on a smaller scale" also appear to have been carried out by regimes in North Korea, Vietnam, Eastern Europe (in specific nations of the Warsaw Pact, like Poland) and various nations in Africa. Alongside Valentino, political scientist Jay Ulfelder has used a threshold of 1,000 killed. Professor of peace and conflict studies Alex J. Bellamy states that 14 of the 38 instances of "mass killing since 1945 perpetrated by non-democratic states outside the context of war" were by communist governments. Professor of political science Atsushi Tago and professor of international relations Frank W. Wayman used mass killing from Valentino and concluded that even with a lower threshold (10,000 killed per year, 1,000 killed per year, or even 1 killed per year) "autocratic regimes, especially communist, are prone to mass killing generically, but not so strongly inclined (i.e. not statistically significantly inclined) toward geno-politicide." According to professor of economics Attiat F. Ott and associate professor of economics Sang Hoo Bae, there is a general consensus that mass killing constitutes the act of intentionally killing a number of non-combatants, but that number can range from as few as four to more than 50,000 people. Sociologist Yang Su used a definition of mass killing from Valentino but allows as a "significant number" more than 10 killed in one day in one town. He used collective killing for analysis of mass killing in areas smaller than a whole country that may not meet Valentino's threshold.
- Politicide – genocide scholar Barbara Harff defines genocide and politicide, sometimes shortened as geno-politicide, to include the killing of political, economic, ethnic, and cultural groups, some of whom would not otherwise be covered by the Genocide Convention. Political science Manus I. Midlarsky uses politicide to describe an arc of large-scale killing from the western parts of the Soviet Union to China and Cambodia. In his book The Killing Trap: Genocide in the Twentieth Century, Midlarsky raises similarities between the killings of Stalin and Pol Pot.
Estimates
According to historian Klas-Göran Karlsson, discussions of the number of victims of communist regimes have been "extremely extensive and ideologically biased." Any attempt to estimate a total number of killings under communist regimes depends greatly on definitions, ranging from a low of 10–20 million to as high as 148 million. Political scientist Rudolph Rummel and historian Mark Bradley have written that, while the exact numbers have been in dispute, the order of magnitude is not. Professor Barbara Harff says that Rummel and other genocide scholars are focused primarily on establishing patterns and testing various theoretical explanations of genocides and mass killings. They work with large data sets that describe mass mortality events globally and have to rely on selective data provided by country experts; researchers cannot expect absolute precision, and it is not required as a result of their work.
Any attempt to estimate a total number of killings under communist regimes depends greatly on definitions. Historian Alexander Dallin argued that the idea to group together different countries such as Afghanistan and Hungary has no adequate explanation. During the Cold War era, some authors (Todd Culberston), dissidents (Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn), and anti-communists in general have attempted to make both country-specific and global estimates. Scholars of communism have mainly focused on individual countries, and genocide scholars have attempted to provide a more global perspective, while maintaining that their goal is not reliability but establishing patterns. Scholars of communism have debated on estimates for the Soviet Union, not for all communist regimes, an attempt which was popularized by the introduction to The Black Book of Communism which was controversial. Among them, Soviet specialists Michael Ellman and J. Arch Getty have criticized the estimates for relying on émigré sources, hearsay, and rumor as evidence, and cautioned that historians should instead utilize archive material. Such scholars distinguish between historians who base their research on archive materials, and those whose estimates are based on witnesses evidence and other data that they consider unreliable. Soviet specialist Stephen G. Wheatcroft says that historians relied on Solzhenitsyn to support their higher estimates but research in the state archives supported the lower estimates, and that the popular press has continued to include serious errors that should not be cited, or relied on, in academia. Rummel was also another widely used and cited source.
Notable estimate attempts include the following:
- In 1993, Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Advisor to Jimmy Carter, wrote that "the failed effort to build communism in the twentieth century consumed the lives of almost 60,000,000."
- In 1994, Rummel's book Death by Government included about 110 million people, foreign and domestic, killed by communist democide from 1900 to 1987. This total excluded deaths from the Great Chinese Famine of 1958–1961 due to Rummel's then belief that "although Mao's policies were responsible for the famine, he was misled about it, and finally when he found out, he stopped it and changed his policies." Rummel would later revise his estimate from 110 million to about 148 million due to additional information about Mao's culpability in the Great Chinese Famine from Mao: The Unknown Story, including Jon Halliday and Jung Chang's estimated 38 million famine deaths.
- In 2004, historian Tomislav Dulić criticized Rummel's estimate of the number killed in Tito's Yugoslavia as an overestimation based on the inclusion of low-quality sources, and stated that Rummel's other estimates may suffer from the same problem if he used similar sources for them. Rummel responded with a critique of Dulić's analysis. Karlsson says that Rummel's thesis of "extreme intentionality in Mao" for the famine is "hardly an example of a serious and empirically-based writing of history", and describes Rummel's 61,911,000 estimate for the Soviet Union as being based on "an ideological preunderstanding and speculative and sweeping calculations".
- In 1997, historian Stéphane Courtois's introduction to The Black Book of Communism, an impactful yet controversial work written about the history of communism in the 20th century, gave a "rough approximation, based on unofficial estimates". The subtotals listed by Courtois added up to 94.36 million killed. Nicolas Werth and Jean-Louis Margolin, contributing authors to the book, criticized Courtois as obsessed with reaching a 100 million overall total.
- In his foreword to the 1999 English edition, Martin Malia wrote that "a grand total of victims variously estimated by contributors to the volume at between 85 million and 100 million." Historian Michael David-Fox states that Malia is able to link disparate regimes, from radical Soviet industrialists to the anti-urbanists of the Khmer Rouge, under the guise of a "generic communism" category "defined everywhere down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals." Courtois's attempt to equate Nazism and communist regimes was controversial.
- In 2005, professor Benjamin Valentino stated that the number of non-combatants killed by communist regimes in the Soviet Union, China, and Cambodia alone ranged from a low of 21 million to a high of 70 million.
- In 2010, professor of economics Steven Rosefielde wrote in Red Holocaust that the internal contradictions of communist regimes caused the killing of approximately 60 million people and perhaps tens of millions more.
- In 2012, academic Alex J. Bellamy wrote that a "conservative estimate puts the total number of civilians deliberately killed by communists after the Second World War between 6.7 million and 15.5 million people, with the true figure probably much higher."
- In 2014, professor of Chinese politics Julia Strauss wrote that while there was the beginning of a scholarly consensus on figures of around 20 million killed in the Soviet Union and 2–3 million in Cambodia, there was no such consensus on numbers for China.
- In 2017, historian Stephen Kotkin wrote in The Wall Street Journal that 65 million people died prematurely under communist regimes according to demographers, and those deaths were a result of "mass deportations, forced labor camps and police-state terror" but mostly "from starvation as a result of its cruel projects of social engineering."
Criticism of estimates
Criticism of the estimates is mostly focused on three aspects, namely that the estimates are based on sparse and incomplete data, making significant errors inevitable; the figures are skewed to higher possible values; and victims of civil wars, Holodomor and other famines, and wars involving communist governments should not be counted. Criticism also includes arguments that these estimates ignore lives saved by communist modernization and that they engage in comparisons and equations with Nazism, which are described by scholars as Holocaust obfuscation, Holocaust trivialization, and anti-communist oversimplifications. In addition, the communist grouping as applied by Courtois and Malia in The Black Book of Communism has been claimed to have no adequate explanation by historian Alexander Dallin, and Malia is able to link disparate regimes, from radical Soviet industrialists to the anti-urbanists of the Khmer Rouge, under the guise of a "generic communism" category "defined everywhere down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals."
Criticism of Rummel's estimates have focused on two aspects, namely his choice of data sources and his statistical approach. According to Barbara Harff, the historical sources Rummel based his estimates upon can rarely serve as sources of reliable figures. The statistical approach Rummel used to analyze big sets of diverse estimates may lead to dilution of useful data with noisy ones.
Another criticism, as articulated by ethnographer and postsocialist gender studies scholar Kristen Ghodsee and political scientist Laure Neumayer, is that the body-counting reflects an anti-communist point of view, is mainly approached by anti-communist scholars, and is part of the popular "victims of communism" narrative, who have frequently used the 100 million figure from the introduction to The Black Book of Communism, which is used not only to discredit the communist movement, but the whole political left. They say the same body-counting can be easily applied to other ideologies or systems, such as capitalism and colonialism. However, alongside philosopher Scott Sehon, Ghodsee wrote that "quibbling about numbers is unseemly. What matters is that many, many people were killed by communist regimes."
Proposed causes and enabling factors
Main article: Criticism of communist party ruleCommunist party mass killings have been criticized by members of the political right, who state that the mass killings are an indictment of communism as an ideology, and has also been criticized by other socialists such as anarchists, communists, democratic socialists, libertarian socialists, and Marxists. Opponents of this hypothesis, including those on the political left and communist party members, state that these killings were aberrations caused by specific authoritarian regimes, and not caused by communism itself, and point to mass deaths that they say were caused by anti-communism and capitalism as a counterpoint to those killings.
Ideology
Historian Klas-Göran Karlsson writes: "Ideologies are systems of ideas, which cannot commit crimes independently. However, individuals, collectives and states that have defined themselves as communist have committed crimes in the name of communist ideology, or without [sic] naming communism as the direct source of motivation for their crimes." John Gray, Daniel Goldhagen, and Richard Pipes consider the ideology of communism to be a significant causative factor in mass killings. In the introduction to The Black Book of Communism, Stéphane Courtois claims an association between communism and criminality, stating that "Communist regimes ... turned mass crime into a full-blown system of government", while adding that this criminality lies at the level of ideology rather than state practice.
Professor Mark Bradley writes that communist theory and practice has often been in tension with human rights and most communist states followed the lead of Karl Marx in rejecting "Enlightenment-era inalienable individual political and civil rights" in favor of "collective economic and social rights." Christopher J. Finlay posits that Marxism legitimates violence without any clear limiting principle because it rejects moral and ethical norms as constructs of the dominant class, and states that "it would be conceivable for revolutionaries to commit atrocious crimes in bringing about a socialist system, with the belief that their crimes will be retroactively absolved by the new system of ethics put in place by the proletariat." Rustam Singh states that Marx had alluded to the possibility of peaceful revolution; after the failed Revolutions of 1848, Singh states that Marx emphasized the need for violent revolution and revolutionary terror.
Literary historian George Watson cited an 1849 article written by Friedrich Engels called "The Hungarian Struggle" and published in Marx's journal Neue Rheinische Zeitung, and commented that "entire nations would be left behind after a workers' revolution against the bourgeoisie, feudal remnants in a socialist age, and since they could not advance two steps at a time, they would have to be killed. They were racial trash, as Engels called them, and fit only for the dung-heap of history." One book review criticized this interpretation, maintaining that "what Marx and Engels are calling for is ... at the very least a kind of cultural genocide; but it is not obvious, at least from Watson's citations, that actual mass killing, rather than (to use their phraseology) mere 'absorption' or 'assimilation', is in question." Talking about Engels's 1849 article, historian Andrzej Walicki states: "It is difficult to deny that this was an outright call for genocide." Jean-François Revel writes that Joseph Stalin recommended study of the 1849 Engels article in his 1924 book On Lenin and Leninism.
According to Rummel, the killings committed by communist regimes can best be explained as the result of the marriage between absolute power and the absolutist ideology of Marxism. Rummel states that "communism was like a fanatical religion. It had its revealed text and its chief interpreters. It had its priests and their ritualistic prose with all the answers. It had a heaven, and the proper behavior to reach it. It had its appeal to faith. And it had its crusades against nonbelievers. What made this secular religion so utterly lethal was its seizure of all the state's instruments of force and coercion and their immediate use to destroy or control all independent sources of power, such as the church, the professions, private businesses, schools, and the family." Rummels writes that Marxist communists saw the construction of their utopia as "though a war on poverty, exploitation, imperialism and inequality. And for the greater good, as in a real war, people are killed. And, thus, this war for the communist utopia had its necessary enemy casualties, the clergy, bourgeoisie, capitalists, wreckers, counterrevolutionaries, rightists, tyrants, rich, landlords, and noncombatants that unfortunately got caught in the battle. In war millions may die, but the cause may be well justified, as in the defeat of Hitler and an utterly racist Nazism. And to many communists, the cause of a communist utopia was such as to justify all the deaths."
Benjamin Valentino writes that "apparently high levels of political support for murderous regimes and leaders should not automatically be equated with support for mass killing itself. Individuals are capable of supporting violent regimes or leaders while remaining indifferent or even opposed to specific policies that these regimes and carried out." Valentino quotes Vladimir Brovkin as saying that "a vote for the Bolsheviks in 1917 was not a vote for Red Terror or even a vote for a dictatorship of the proletariat." According to Valentino, such strategies were so violent because they economically dispossess large numbers of people, commenting: "Social transformations of this speed and magnitude have been associated with mass killing for two primary reasons. First, the massive social dislocations produced by such changes have often led to economic collapse, epidemics, and, most important, widespread famines. ... The second reason that communist regimes bent on the radical transformation of society have been linked to mass killing is that the revolutionary changes they have pursued have clashed inexorably with the fundamental interests of large segments of their populations. Few people have proved willing to accept such far-reaching sacrifices without intense levels of coercion." According to Jacques Sémelin, "communist systems emerging in the twentieth century ended up destroying their own populations, not because they planned to annihilate them as such, but because they aimed to restructure the 'social body' from top to bottom, even if that meant purging it and recarving it to suit their new Promethean political imaginaire."
Daniel Chirot and Clark McCauley write that, especially in Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union, Mao Zedong's China, and Pol Pot's Cambodia, a fanatical certainty that socialism could be made to work motivated communist leaders in "the ruthless dehumanization of their enemies, who could be suppressed because they were 'objectively' and 'historically' wrong. Furthermore, if events did not work out as they were supposed to, then that was because class enemies, foreign spies and saboteurs, or worst of all, internal traitors were wrecking the plan. Under no circumstances could it be admitted that the vision itself might be unworkable, because that meant capitulation to the forces of reaction." Michael Mann writes that communist party members were "ideologically driven, believing that in order to create a new socialist society, they must lead in socialist zeal. Killings were often popular, the rank-and-file as keen to exceed killing quotas as production quotas." According to Vladimir Tismăneanu, "the Communist project, in such countries as the USSR, China, Cuba, Romania, or Albania, was based precisely on the conviction that certain social groups were irretrievably alien and deservedly murdered." Alex Bellamy writes that "communism's ideology of selective extermination" of target groups was first developed and applied by Joseph Stalin but that "each of the communist regimes that massacred large numbers of civilians during the Cold War developed their own distinctive account", while Steven T. Katz states that distinctions based on class and nationality, stigmatized and stereotyped in various ways, created an "otherness" for victims of communist rule that was important for legitimating oppression and death. Martin Shaw writes that "nationalist ideas were at the heart of many mass killings by Communist states", beginning with Stalin's "new nationalist doctrine of 'socialism in one country'", and killing by revolutionary movements in the Third World was done in the name of national liberation.
Political system
Further information: Communist state
Anne Applebaum writes that "without exception, the Leninist belief in the one-party state was and is characteristic of every communist regime" and "the Bolshevik use of violence was repeated in every communist revolution." Phrases which were first uttered by Vladimir Lenin and Cheka founder Felix Dzerzhinsky were uttered all over the world. Applebaum states that as late as 1976, Mengistu Haile Mariam unleashed a Red Terror in Ethiopia. To his colleagues in the Bolshevik government, Lenin was quoted as saying: "If we are not ready to shoot a saboteur and White Guardist, what sort of revolution is that?".
Robert Conquest stated that Stalin's purges were not contrary to the principles of Leninism, rather, they were a natural consequence of the system which was established by Lenin, who personally ordered the killing of local groups of class enemy hostages. Alexander Nikolaevich Yakovlev, architect of perestroika and glasnost and later head of the Presidential Commission for the Victims of Political Repression, elaborates on this point, stating: "The truth is that in punitive operations Stalin did not think up anything that was not there under Lenin: executions, hostage taking, concentration camps, and all the rest." Historian Robert Gellately concurs, commenting: "To put it another way, Stalin initiated very little that Lenin had not already introduced or previewed."
Stephen Hicks of Rockford College ascribes the violence characteristic of 20th-century socialist rule to these collectivist regimes' abandonment of protections of civil rights and rejection of the values of civil society. Hicks writes that whereas "in practice every liberal capitalist country has a solid record for being humane, for by and large respecting rights and freedoms, and for making it possible for people to put together fruitful and meaningful lives", in socialism "practice has time and again proved itself more brutal than the worst dictatorships prior to the twentieth century. Each socialist regime has collapsed into dictatorship and begun killing people on a huge scale."
Eric D. Weitz states that the mass killing in communist states is a natural consequence of the failure of the rule of law, commonly seen during periods of social upheaval in the 20th century. For both communist and non-communist mass killings, "genocides occurred at moments of extreme social crisis, often generated by the very policies of the regimes", and are not inevitable but are political decisions. Steven Rosefielde writes that communist rulers had to choose between changing course and "terror-command" and more often than not, they chose the latter. Michael Mann posits that a lack of institutionalized authority structures meant that a chaotic mix of both centralized control and party factionalism were factors which contributed to the killings.
Leaders
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Professor Matthew Krain states that many scholars have pointed to revolutions and civil wars as providing the opportunity for radical leaders and ideologies to gain power and the preconditions for mass killing by the state. Professor Nam Kyu Kim writes that exclusionary ideologies are critical to explaining mass killing, but the organizational capabilities and individual characteristics of revolutionary leaders, including their attitudes towards risk and violence, are also important. Besides opening up political opportunities for new leaders to eliminate their political opponents, revolutions bring to power leaders who are more apt to commit large-scale acts of violence against civilians in order to legitimize and strengthen their own power. Genocide scholar Adam Jones states that the Russian Civil War was very influential on the emergence of leaders like Stalin and it also accustomed people to "harshness, cruelty, terror." Martin Malia called the "brutal conditioning" of the two World Wars important to understanding communist violence, although not its source.
Historian Helen Rappaport describes Nikolay Yezhov, the bureaucrat who was in charge of the NKVD during the Great Purge, as a physically diminutive figure of "limited intelligence" and "narrow political understanding. ... Like other instigators of mass murder throughout history, compensated for his lack of physical stature with a pathological cruelty and the use of brute terror." Russian and world history scholar John M. Thompson places personal responsibility directly on Joseph Stalin. According to him, "much of what occurred only makes sense if it stemmed in part from the disturbed mentality, pathological cruelty, and extreme paranoia of Stalin himself. Insecure, despite having established a dictatorship over the party and country, hostile and defensive when confronted with criticism of the excesses of collectivization and the sacrifices required by high-tempo industrialization, and deeply suspicious that past, present, and even yet unknown future opponents were plotting against him, Stalin began to act as a person beleaguered. He soon struck back at enemies, real or imaginary." Professors Pablo Montagnes and Stephane Wolton posit that the purges in the Soviet Union and China can be attributed to the personalist leadership of Stalin and Mao, who were incentivized by having both control of the security apparatus used to carry out the purges and control of the appointment of replacements for those purged. Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek attributes Mao allegedly viewing human life as disposable to his "cosmic perspective" on humanity.
American historian and author William Rubinstein wrote that "Most of the millions who perished at the hands of Stalin, Mao Tse-tung, Pol Pot and the other communist dictators died because the party's leaders believed they belonged to a dangerous or subversive social class or political grouping."
Debate over famines
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According to historian J. Arch Getty, over half of the 100 million deaths which are attributed to communism were due to famines. Stéphane Courtois posits that many communist regimes caused famines in their efforts to forcibly collectivize agriculture and systematically used it as a weapon by controlling the food supply and distributing food on a political basis. Courtois states that "in the period after 1918, only communist countries experienced such famines, which led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands, and in some cases millions, of people. And again in the 1980s, two African countries that claimed to be Marxist–Leninist, Ethiopia and Mozambique, were the only such countries to suffer these deadly famines."
Stephen G. Wheatcroft, R. W. Davies, and Mark Tauger reject the idea that the Ukrainian famine was an act of genocide that was intentionally inflicted by the Soviet government. Wheatcroft says that the Soviet government's policies during the famine were criminal acts of fraud and manslaughter, though not outright murder or genocide. Joseph Stalin biographer Stephen Kotkin supports a similar view, stating that while "there is no question of Stalin's responsibility for the famine" and many deaths could have been prevented if not for the "insufficient" and counterproductive Soviet measures, there is no evidence for Stalin's intention to kill the Ukrainians deliberately. According to history professor Ronald Grigor Suny, most scholars view the famine in Ukraine not as a genocide but rather as the result of badly conceived and miscalculated Soviet economic policies. Getty posits that the "overwhelming weight of opinion among scholars working in the new archives is that the terrible famine of the 1930s was the result of Stalinist bungling and rigidity rather than some genocidal plan."
In contrast, according to Simon Payaslian, a scholarly consensus classifies the Holodomor in the former Soviet Ukraine as a genocide. Some historians conclude that the famine was planned and exacerbated by Joseph Stalin in order to eliminate a Ukrainian independence movement. Oleksandr Kramarenko argues that this conclusion is supported by Raphael Lemkin's original definition of genocide, which included "the deliberate extermination of social groups." The Genocide Convention, which Lemkin campaigned to establish, did not include political killing in its definition of genocide under pressure from the USSR. Lemkin, James Mace, Norman Naimark, Timothy Snyder and Anne Applebaum have called the Holodomor a genocide and the intentional result of Stalinist policies. According to Lemkin, Holodomor "is a classic example of the Soviet genocide, the longest and most extensive experiment in Russification, namely the extermination of the Ukrainian nation". Lemkin said that in order for the Soviet Union to accomplish its aims of Russification and collectivization in Ukraine, it did not need to follow the pattern of the Holocaust. Because Ukraine was so populous, and its religious, intellectual and political leadership was comparatively small, Instead the "Soviet genocide" consisted of four steps: 1) extermination of the Ukrainian national elite 2) liquidation of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church 3) extermination of a significant part of the Ukrainian peasantry as "custodians of traditions, folklore and music, national language and literature 4) populating the territory with other nationalities with intent of mixing Ukrainians with them, which would eventually lead to the dissolvance of the Ukrainian nation.
Benjamin Valentino writes: "Although not all the deaths due to famine in these cases were intentional, communist leaders directed the worst effects of famine against their suspected enemies and used hunger as a weapon to force millions of people to conform to the directives of the state." Daniel Goldhagen says that in some cases deaths from famine should not be distinguished from mass murder, commenting: "Whenever governments have not alleviated famine conditions, political leaders decided not to say no to mass death – in other words, they said yes." Goldhagen says that instances of this occurred in the Mau Mau rebellion, the Great Leap Forward, the Nigerian Civil War, the Eritrean War of Independence, and the War in Darfur. Martin Shaw posits that if a leader knew the ultimate result of their policies would be mass death by famine, and they continue to enact them anyway, these deaths can be understood as intentional.
Economics professor Michael Ellman is critical of the fixation on a "uniquely Stalinist evil" when it comes to excess deaths from famines. Ellman posits that mass deaths from famines are not a "uniquely Stalinist evil", commenting that throughout Russian history, famines, and droughts have been a common occurrence, including the Russian famine of 1921–1922, which occurred before Stalin came to power. He also states that famines were widespread throughout the world in the 19th and 20th centuries in countries such as India, Ireland, Russia and China. According to Ellman, the G8 "are guilty of mass manslaughter or mass deaths from criminal negligence because of their not taking obvious measures to reduce mass deaths" and Stalin's "behaviour was no worse than that of many rulers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries."
Memorials and museums
See also: Black Ribbon Day, Double genocide theory, and Prague Declaration
Monuments to the victims of communist states exist in almost all the capitals of Eastern Europe and there are several museums documenting communist rule such as the Museum of Occupations and Freedom Fights in Lithuania, the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia in Riga, and the House of Terror in Budapest, all three of which also document Nazi rule. In Washington D.C., a bronze statue based upon the 1989 Tiananmen Square Goddess of Democracy sculpture was dedicated as the Victims of Communism Memorial in 2007, having been authorized by the United States Congress in 1993. The Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation plans to build an International Museum on Communism in Washington. As of 2008, Russia contained 627 memorials and memorial plaques dedicated to victims of the communist states, most of which were created by private citizens and did not have a national monument or a national museum. The Wall of Grief in Moscow, inaugurated in October 2017, is Russia's first monument for victims of political persecution by Stalin during the country's Soviet era. In 2017, Canada's National Capital Commission approved the design for a memorial to the victims of communism to be built at the Garden of the Provinces and Territories in Ottawa. On 23 August 2018, Estonia's Victims of Communism 1940–1991 Memorial was inaugurated in Tallinn by President Kersti Kaljulaid. The memorial construction was financed by the state and is managed by the Estonian Institute of Historical Memory. The opening ceremony was chosen to coincide with the official European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism. The Czech Republic enshrines in its 1992 constitution a prison sentence for anyone who "denies, doubts, approves or even tries to justify the communist genocide, as well as the Nazi genocide".
According to anthropologist Kristen Ghodsee, efforts to institutionalize the victims of communism narrative, or the moral equivalence between the Nazi Holocaust (race murder) and the victims of communism (class murder), and in particular the push at the beginning of the 2007–2008 financial crisis for commemoration of the latter in Europe, can be seen as the response by economic and political elites to fears of a leftist resurgence in the face of devastated economies and extreme inequalities in both the East and West as the result of the excesses of neoliberal capitalism. Ghodsee argues that any discussion of the achievements under communist states, including literacy, education, women's rights, and social security is usually silenced, and any discourse on the subject of communism is focused almost exclusively on Stalin's crimes and the double genocide theory. According to Laure Neumayer, this is used as an anti-communist narrative "based on a series of categories and figures" to "denounce Communist state violence (qualified as 'Communist crimes', 'red genocide' or 'classicide') and to honour persecuted individuals (presented alternatively as 'victims of Communism' and 'heroes of anti totalitarian resistance')."
Related crimes
During the mass killing events, in addition to the people who were killed, many others were victimized but did not die. The crimes against them have been described as crimes against humanity. For instance, the 2008 Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism stated that crimes which were committed in the name of communism should be assessed as crimes against humanity. The government of Cambodia has prosecuted former members of the Khmer Rouge, and the governments of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have passed laws that have led to the prosecution of several perpetrators for their crimes against the Baltic peoples. They were tried for crimes which they committed during the occupation of the Baltic states in 1940 and 1941 as well as for crimes which they committed during the Soviet reoccupation of those states which occurred after World War II.
Soviet Union
Further information: Soviet war crimes, Political repression in the Soviet Union, Human rights in the Soviet Union, and Holodomor genocide question
Some scholars (such as Robert Conquest, Norman Naimark, Timothy Snyder and Michael Ellman) consider the Holodomor, a famine in Soviet Ukraine from 1932 to 1933 that killed millions of Ukrainians, as an act of genocide or a crime against humanity, although others, such as R. W. Davies and Stephen G. Wheatcroft, argue that the famine was man-made but unintentional. Stalin's "Great Purge" of 1937 is often considered a crime against humanity, with deaths of 700,000 to 1.2 million.
The war crimes which were perpetrated by the Soviet Union's armed forces from 1919 to 1991 include acts which were committed by the Red Army (later called the Soviet Army) as well as acts which were committed by the country's secret police, NKVD, including its Internal Troops. In many cases, these acts were committed upon the orders of the Soviet leaders Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin in pursuance of the early Soviet government's policy of Red Terror. In other instances they were committed without orders by Soviet troops against prisoners of war or civilians of countries that had been in armed conflict with the USSR, or they were committed during partisan warfare.
A significant number of these incidents occurred in Northern, Central, and Eastern Europe recently before, and during, the aftermath of World War II, involving summary executions and the mass murder of prisoners of war, such as in the Katyn massacre and mass rape by troops of the Red Army in territories they occupied.
When the Allies of World War II founded the post-war International Military Tribunal to examine war crimes committed during the conflict by Nazi Germany, with officials from the Soviet Union taking an active part in the judicial processes, there was no examination of the Allied forces' actions and no charges were ever brought against their troops, because they were undefeated powers which then held Europe under military occupation, marring the historical authority of the Tribunal's activity as being, in part, victor's justice.
In the 1990s and 2000s, war crimes trials held in the Baltic states led to the prosecution of some Russians and Ukrainians, mostly in absentia, and some Latvians, Lithuanians and Estonians, for crimes against humanity committed during or shortly after World War II, including killings or deportations of civilians.
China
Under Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong was the chairman of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which took control of China in 1949 until his death in September 1976. During this time, he instituted several reform efforts, the most notable of which were the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. In January 1958, Mao launched the second five-year plan, which was known as the Great Leap Forward. The plan was intended to expedite production and heavy industry as a supplement to economic growth similar to the Soviet model and the defining factor behind Mao's Chinese Marxist policies. Mao spent ten months touring the country in 1958 to gain support for the Great Leap Forward and inspect the progress that had already been made. What this entailed was the humiliation, public castigation and torture of all who questioned the leap. The five-year-plan first instituted the division of farming communities into communes. The Chinese National Program for Agricultural Development (NPAD) began to accelerate its drafting plans for the countries industrial and agricultural outputs. The drafting plans were initially successful as the Great Leap Forward divided the Chinese workforce and production briefly soared.
Eventually CCP planners developed even more ambitious goals such as replacing the draft plans for 1962 with those for 1967 and the industries developed supply bottlenecks, but they could not meet the growth demands. Rapid industrial development came in turn with a swelling of urban populations. Due to the furthering of collectivization, heavy industry production and the stagnation of the farming industry that did not keep up with the demands of population growth in combination with a year (1959) of unfortunate weather in farming areas, only 170 million tons of grain were produced, far below the actual amount of grain which the population needed. Mass starvation ensued and it was made even worse in 1960, when only 144 million tons of grain were produced, a total amount which was 26 million tons lower than the total amount of grain that was produced in 1959. The government instituted rationing, but between 1958 and 1962 it is estimated that at least 10 million people died of starvation. The famine did not go unnoticed and Mao was fully aware of the major famine that was sweeping the countryside, but rather than try to fix the problem he blamed it on counterrevolutionaries who were "hiding and dividing grain". Mao even symbolically decided to abstain from eating meat in honor of those who were suffering.
An original estimate of the final death toll ranged from 15 to 40 million. According to Frank Dikötter, a chair professor of humanities at the University of Hong Kong and the author of Mao's Great Famine, a book which details the Great Leap Forward and the consequences of the strong armed implementation of the economic reform, the total number of people who were killed in the famine which lasted from 1958 to 1962 ran upwards of 45 million. Of those who were killed in the famine, 6–8% of them were often tortured first and then prematurely killed by the government, 2% of them committed suicide and 5% of them died in Mao's labor camps which were built to hold those who were labelled "enemies of the people". In an article for The New York Times, Dikötter also references severe punishments for slight infractions such as being buried alive for stealing a handful of grain or losing an ear and being branded for digging up a potato. Dikotter claims that a chairman in an executive meeting in 1959 expressed apathy with regard to the widespread suffering, stating: "When there is not enough to eat, people starve to death. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill". Anthony Garnaut clarifies that Dikötter's interpretation of Mao's quotation, "It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill." not only ignores the substantial commentary on the conference by other scholars and several of its key participants, but defies the very plain wording of the archival document in his possession on which he hangs his case.
Under Xi Jinping
See also: Persecution of Uyghurs in China and UN Human Rights Office report on XinjiangSince 2014, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), under the administration of CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping, has pursued policies in its Xinjiang region that have resulted in the incarceration of more than an estimated one million Uyghur Muslims in internment camps without any legal process. This is the largest-scale detention of ethnic and religious minorities since World War II. Experts estimate that, since 2017, some sixteen thousand mosques have been razed or damaged, and hundreds of thousands of children have been forcibly separated from their parents and sent to boarding schools.
On 31 August 2022 the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) published a report which concluded that "the extent of arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim groups, pursuant to law and policy, in context of restrictions and deprivation more generally of fundamental rights enjoyed individually and collectively, may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity."
Cambodia
There is a scholarly consensus that the Cambodian genocide which was carried out by the Khmer Rouge under the leadership of Pol Pot in what became known as the Killing Fields was a crime against humanity. Over the course of 4 years, the Pol Pot regime was responsible for the deaths of approximately 2 million people through starvation, exhaustion, execution, lack of medical care as a result of the communist utopia experiment. Legal scholars Antoine Garapon and David Boyle, sociologist Michael Mann and professor of political science Jacques Sémelin all believe that the actions of the Communist Party of Kampuchea can best be described as a crime against humanity rather than a genocide. In 2018, the Khmer Rouge Tribunal found the Khmer Rouge guilty of committing genocide against the minority Muslim Cham and Vietnamese. Conviction appeal against court decision was rejected in 2022. It reaffirms the ECCC's recognition of the Khmer Rouge's racial discrimination and ethnic cleansing against non-Cambodian (Khmer) minorities. The naming of the Cambodian genocide is an overlooked problem because it downplays the overwhelming sufferings among targeted minority groups and the important roles of racism in understanding how the genocide was perpetrated. Historian Eric D. Weitz calls the Khmer Rouge's ethnic policy "racial communism."
In 1997 the co-prime ministers of Cambodia sought help from the United Nations in seeking justice for the crimes which were perpetrated by the communists during the years from 1975 to 1979. In June 1997, Pol Pot was taken prisoner during an internal power struggle within the Khmer Rouge and offered up to the international community. However, no country was willing to seek his extradition. The policies enacted by the Khmer Rouge led to the deaths of one quarter of the population in just four years.
Ethiopia
Main article: Red Terror (Ethiopia)Following the overthrow of Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie in 1974, the Derg gained control over Ethiopia and established a Marxist–Leninist state. They enacted the Red Terror against political opponents, killing an estimated 10,000 to 750,000 people. Derg chairman Mengistu Haile Mariam said "We are doing what Lenin did. You cannot build socialism without Red Terror." The Save the Children Fund reported that the victims of the Red Terror included not only adults but 1,000 or more children, mostly aged between eleven and thirteen, whose corpses were left in the streets of Addis Ababa.
On 13 August 2004, 33 top former Derg officials were presented in trial for genocide and other human rights violations during the Red Terror. The officials appealed for a pardon to the Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in a forum to "beg the Ethiopian public for their pardon for the mistakes done knowingly or unknowingly" during the Derg regime. No official response made by the government to the date. The Red Terror trial included grave human rights violations, comprising genocide, crime against humanity, torture, rape and forced disappearances which be would punishable under Article 7 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as article 3 of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights, all of which made part of the Ethiopian law.
North Korea
Further information: Human experimentation in North Korea, Human rights in North Korea, and Prisons in North KoreaThree victims of the prison camp system in North Korea unsuccessfully attempted to bring Kim Jong-il to justice with the aid of the Citizens Coalition for Human Rights of abductees and North Korean Refugees. In December 2010, they filed charges in The Hague. The NGO group Christian Solidarity Worldwide has stated that the gulag system appears to be specifically designed to kill a large number of people who are labelled enemies or have a differing political belief.
Romania
In a speech before the Parliament of Romania, President Traian Băsescu stated that "the criminal and illegitimate former communist regime committed massive human rights violations and crimes against humanity, killing and persecuting as many as two million people between 1945 and 1989". The speech was based on the 660-page report of a Presidential Commission headed by Vladimir Tismăneanu, a professor at the University of Maryland. The report also stated that "the regime exterminated people by assassination and deportation of hundreds of thousands of people" and it also highlighted the Pitești Experiment.
Engineer and former political prisoner Gheorghe Boldur-Lățescu has also stated that the Pitești Experiment was a crime against humanity, while Dennis Deletant has described it as "n experiment of a grotesque originality ... employed techniques of psychiatric abuse which were not only designed to inculcate terror into opponents of the regime but also to destroy the personality of the individual. The nature and enormity of the experiment ... set Romania apart from the other Eastern European regimes."
Yugoslavia
Dominic McGoldrick writes that as the head of a "highly centralized and oppressive" dictatorship, Josip Broz Tito wielded tremendous power in Yugoslavia, with his dictatorial rule administered through an elaborate bureaucracy which routinely suppressed human rights. First repressions included reprisal killings against World War II POWs, most prominent being Bleiburg repatriations and Foibe massacres. Near the end of the Second World War, Banat Swabians who were suspected to have been involved with the Nazi administration were placed into internment camps. Many were tortured, and at least 5,800 were killed. Others were subject to forced labor. In March 1945, the surviving Swabians were ghettoized in "village camps", later described as "extermination camps" by the survivors, where the death rate ranged as high as 50%. The most notorious camp was at Knićanin (formerly Rudolfsgnad), where an estimated 11,000 to 12,500 Swabians died.
Some 120,000 Macedonian Serbs were forced to emigrate to Serbia by the Yugoslav Communists after they had opted for Serbian citizenship in 1944. Those who stayed were subject to increasing Macedonian efforts, such as forcibly changing their surnames, substituting "ić" with "ski " (Jovanović - Jovanovski). In the whole period after the Second World War the Serbs in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia were kept from freely developing their national and cultural identity. The Serbs were treated like second-class citizens.
The Tito–Stalin split initiated a repression against known and alleged Stalinists, which included even some of the most prominent among Tito's collaborators, most of which were taken to a labor camp on Goli otok. On 19 November 1956, Milovan Đilas, perhaps the closest of Tito's collaborators and widely regarded as Tito's possible successor, was arrested and jailed for four years because of his criticism against certain actions of the Yugoslav regime. The repression did not exclude intellectuals and writers such as Venko Markovski, who was arrested and sent to jail in January 1956 for writing poems considered anti-Titoist.
Tito's Yugoslavia had been described as a tightly controlled police state. According to David Matas, outside the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia had more political prisoners than all of the rest of Eastern Europe combined. Tito's secret police was modeled on the Soviet KGB. Its members were ever-present and often acted extrajudicially, with victims including middle-class intellectuals, liberals and democrats. Yugoslavia was a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, but scant regard was paid to some of its provisions.
See also
Communist movements and violence
- Anti-communist mass killings
- Communist terrorism
- Criticism of communist party rule
- Left-wing terrorism
- Red Terror (disambiguation)
- Repressive psychiatry in the Soviet Union
Violence by governments in general and comparative studies
- Comparison of Nazism and Stalinism
- Genocide studies
- Holocaust studies
- Political violence
- Soviet and communist studies
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At first sight, accusations that Hitler and Stalin mirrored each other as they 'conducted wars of annihilation against internal and external enemeis ... of class, race, and nation,' seem plausible. But such a perspective, in reality a recapitulation of the long-discredited totalitarian perspective equating Stalin's Soviet Union with Hitler's National Socialist Germany, is not tenable. It betrays a profound misunderstanding of the distinct natures of the Stalinist and Nazi regimes, which made them mortal enemies. Stalin's primary objective was to forge an autarkic, industrialized, multinational state, under the rubric of 'socialism in one country'. Nationalism and nation-building were on Stalin's agenda, not genocide; nor was it inherent in the construction of a non-capitalist, non-expansionary state—however draconian.
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The best estimate that can currently be made of the number of repression deaths in 1937–38 is the range 950,000–1.2 million, i.e. about a million. This is the estimate which should be used by historians, teachers and journalists concerned with twentieth century Russian—and world—history
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The Great Famine (Holodomor) of 1932–1933 – a man-made demographic catastrophe unprecedented in peacetime. Of the estimated six to eight million people who died in the Soviet Union, about four to five million were Ukrainians ... Its deliberate nature is underscored by the fact that no physical basis for famine existed in Ukraine ... Soviet authorities set requisition quotas for Ukraine at an impossibly high level. Brigades of special agents were dispatched to Ukraine to assist in procurement, and homes were routinely searched and foodstuffs confiscated ... The rural population was left with insufficient food to feed itself.
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Further reading
Bibliographies
- Bibliography of the Russian Revolution and Civil War § Violence and terror
- Bibliography of the Russian Revolution and Civil War § Violence and terror
- Bibliography of the Soviet Union during World War II § Genocide, ethnic cleansing, and war crimes
- Bibliography of Ukrainian history § Gulag, ethnic cleansing and terror
- Bibliography of the history of Central Asia § Violence, terror, and famine
- Bibliography of the history of Belarus and Byelorussia § Violence and terror
- Bibliography of Poland during World War II § War crimes
General
- Courtois, Stéphane, ed. (1999), The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression, translated by Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer; Mark Kramer (consulting ed.), Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-07608-2
- Fein, Helen (1993), Genocide: a sociological perspective; Contextual and Comparative Studies I: Ideological Genocides, SAGE Publications, ISBN 978-0-8039-8829-3
- Ghodsee, Kristen (2017), Red Hangover: Legacies of Twentieth-Century Communism, Duke University Press, ISBN 978-0-822-36949-3
- Mann, Michael (2005), The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing, New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-53854-1
- Semelin, Jacques (2009), "Destroying to Subjugate: Communist regimes: Reshaping the social body", in Jaffrelot, Christophe (ed.), Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide, CERI Series in Comparative Politics and International Studies, translated by Cynthia Schoch, New York: Columbia University Press, ISBN 978-0-231-14283-0
- Totten, Samuel; Paul Robert Bartrop; Steven L. Jacobs (2008), "Communism", Dictionary of genocide, Volume 1, Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 978-0-313-34642-2
- Valentino, Benjamin (2005), Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century, Cornell University Press, ISBN 978-0-801-47273-2
- Watson, George (1998), The Lost Literature of Socialism, Lutterworth Press, ISBN 978-0-7188-2986-5
- White, Matthew (2011), "The Black Chapter of Communism", Atrocities: The 100 Deadliest Episodes in Human History, W. W. Norton & Company, ISBN 978-0-393-08192-3
Soviet Union
- Deker, Nikolai; Institute for the study of the U.S.S.R. Munich (1958), Genocide in the USSR: studies in group destruction, Scarecrow Press
- Weiss-Wendt, Anton (December 2005), "Hostage of Politics Raphael Lemkin on "Soviet Genocide"" (PDF), Journal of Genocide Research, 7 (4): 551–559, doi:10.1080/14623520500350017, S2CID 144612446, archived from the original (PDF) on June 10, 2007
- Wheatcroft, Stephen (1996), "The Scale and Nature of German and Soviet Repression and Mass Killings, 1930–45" (PDF), Europe-Asia Studies, 48 (8): 1319–1353, doi:10.1080/09668139608412415
China
- Lorenz, Andreas (15 May 2007), "The Chinese Cultural Revolution: Remembering Mao's Victims", Der Spiegel Online
- Rummel, Rudolph Joseph (2011), China's Bloody Century: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900, Transaction Publishers, ISBN 978-1-412-81400-3
- Song, Yongyi (25 August 2011), "Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976)", Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence, ISSN 1961-9898
Cambodia
- Barron, John; Paul, Anthony (1977), Murder of A Gentle Land, The Untold Story of Communist Genocide in Cambodia, Reader's Digest Press, ISBN 978-0-88349-129-4
- Sarup, Kamala (5 September 2005), Communist Genocide In Cambodia (PDF), Genocide Watch, archived from the original (PDF) on 14 July 2010, retrieved 30 September 2009
Others
- Rummel, Rudolph Joseph (1997), Statistics Of Yugoslavia's Democide: Estimates, Calculations, And Sources, University of Hawaii Political Science Department
- —— (1997), Statistics of North Korean Democide: Estimates, Calculations, and Sources, University of Hawaii Political Science Department
- Sharlanov, Dinyu; Ganev, Venelin I. (2010), "Crimes Committed by the Communist Regime in Bulgaria", "Crimes of the Communist Regimes" Conference Country Report, February 24–26, 2010, Prague, Hanna Arendt Center in Sofia
External links
Media related to Communist repression at Wikimedia Commons
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