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{{Short description|Series of wars in England, 1642–1651}}
{{sprotected}}
{{for-multi|other civil wars in England|List of English civil wars|other uses}}
{{Campaignbox English Civil War}}
{{Use British English|date=October 2024}}
{{History of England}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2024}}
The '''English Civil War''' consisted of a series of armed conflicts and political machinations that took place between Parliamentarians (known as ]s) and Royalists (known as ]s) between ] and ]. The ] (] - ]) and ] (] - ]) ]s pitted the supporters of ] against the supporters of the ], while the ] war (1649 - 1651) saw fighting between supporters of ] and supporters of the ]. The Civil War ended with the Parliamentary victory at the ] on ] ].
{{Infobox military conflict
| conflict = English Civil War
| partof = the ]
| image = Battle of Naseby.jpg
| image_size = 300px
| caption = The ], 14 June 1645, a ] victory considered to be the turning point of the English Civil War
| alt_title = "Battle of Naseby" by an unknown artist
| date = August 1642{{snd}}September 1651
| place = ]
| result = Parliamentarian victory
| combatant1 = {{plainlist|
*{{Flagicon|England}} ]<hr>
*{{Flagicon image|Scottish Covenanter Flag.svg}} ] (1643&nbsp;to&nbsp;1647)}}
| combatant2 = {{plainlist|
*{{Flagicon image|Royal Standard of Great Britain (1603-1649).svg}} ]<hr>
*{{Flagicon image|Scottish Covenanter Flag.svg}} ] (1649&nbsp;to&nbsp;1652)}}
| commander1 = {{ubl|{{Flagdeco|England}} ]|{{Flagdeco|England}} ]|{{Flagdeco|England}} ]|{{Flagdeco|England}} ]|{{Flagdeco|England}} ]|{{Flagicon image|Scottish Covenanter Flag.svg}} Alexander Leslie (1643&nbsp;to&nbsp;1647)|
{{Flagicon image|Scottish Covenanter Flag.svg}} David Leslie (1643&nbsp;to&nbsp;1645)}}
| commander2 = {{ubl|{{Flagicon image|Royal Standard of Great Britain (1603-1649).svg}} ] {{Surrendered}}|{{Flagicon image|Royal Standard of Great Britain (1603-1649).svg}} ]{{Surrendered}} |{{Flagicon image|Royal Standard of Great Britain (1603-1649).svg}} ]|{{Flagicon image|Royal Standard of Great Britain (1603-1649).svg}} ]|{{Flagicon image|Royal Standard of Great Britain (1603-1649).svg}} ]|{{Flagicon image|Royal Standard of Great Britain (1603-1649).svg}} ]|{{Flagicon image|Royal Standard of Great Britain (1603-1649).svg}} ]|{{Flagicon image|Scottish Covenanter Flag.svg}} ] (1648&nbsp;to&nbsp;1651)|{{Flagicon image|Scottish Covenanter Flag.svg}} ] (1650&nbsp;to&nbsp;1651)}}
| casualties1 = {{ubl|34,130 dead|32,823 captured<ref name="Clod"/>}}
| casualties2 = {{ubl|50,700 dead|83,467 captured<ref name="Clod">{{cite book|last=Clodfelter|first=Micheal|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Reference to Casualty and Other Figures 1500–1999|year=2002|publisher=McFarland & Co.|page=52|isbn=978-0-7864-1204-4}}</ref>}}
| casualties3 = 127,000 non-combat deaths (including some 40,000 civilians){{efn|While it is notoriously difficult to determine the number of casualties in any war, it has been estimated that the conflict in England and Wales claimed about 85,000 lives in combat, with a further 127,000 noncombat deaths (including some 40,000 civilians) {{Harv|EB staff|2016b}}.}}
| campaignbox = {{Campaignbox Wars of the Three Kingdoms}} {{Campaignbox First English Civil War|First Civil War}} {{Campaignbox Second English Civil War|Second Civil War}} {{Campaignbox Third English Civil War|Third Civil War}}
}}


The '''English Civil War''' was a series of ]s and political machinations between ] and ] in the ]{{efn|Then comprising ] in addition to modern-day ].}} from 1642 to 1651. Part of the wider 1639 to 1653 ], the struggle consisted of the ] and the ]. The ] of 1650 to 1652 is sometimes referred to as the ''Third English Civil War.''
The Civil War led to the trial and execution of Charles I, the exile of his son Charles II, and the replacement of the English monarchy with first the ] (1649 - 1653) and then with a ] (1653 - 1659), under the personal rule of ]. The monopoly of the ] on Christian worship in England came to an end, and the victors consolidated the already-established ] in Ireland. Constitutionally, the wars established a precedent that British monarchs could not govern without the consent of Parliament, although this would not be cemented until the ] later in the century.

While the conflicts in the three kingdoms of England, ] and ] had similarities, each had their own specific issues and objectives. The First English Civil War was fought primarily over the correct balance of power between ] and ]. It ended in June 1646 with Royalist defeat and the king in custody.

However, victory exposed Parliamentarian divisions over the nature of the political settlement. The vast majority went to war in 1642 to assert Parliament's right to participate in government, not abolish the monarchy, which meant Charles' refusal to make concessions led to a stalemate. Concern over the political influence of radicals within the ] like ] led to an alliance between moderate Parliamentarians and Royalists, supported by the ]. Royalist defeat in the 1648 Second English Civil War resulted in the ] in January 1649, and establishment of the ].

In 1650, ] was crowned King of Scotland, in return for agreeing to create a ] church in both England and Scotland. The subsequent Anglo-Scottish war ended with Parliamentarian victory at ] on 3 September 1651. Both Ireland and Scotland were incorporated into the Commonwealth, and Britain became a unitary state until the ] in 1660.


==Terminology== ==Terminology==
The term '''English Civil War''' appears most commonly in the singular form, despite the fact that historians frequently divide the conflict into two or three separate wars. Although the term describes events as impinging on ], from the outset the conflicts involved wars with and civil wars within both ] and ]; see ] for an overview. The term ''English Civil War'' appears most often in the singular, but historians often divide the conflict into two or three separate wars. These were not restricted to ] alone, as ] (having been ] into the ]) was affected by the same political instabilities. The conflicts also involved wars with ] and ] and civil wars within them. Some historians have favoured the term ''The British Civil Wars''. From the Restoration to the 19th century, the common phrase for the civil wars was "the rebellion" or "the great rebellion".<ref>{{cite book|last=Worden|first=Blair|title=The English Civil Wars, 1640- –1660|publisher=Weidenfeld & Nicolson|year=2009|isbn=978-0-7538-2691-1|location=London|pages=2}}</ref>

The wars spanning all four countries are known as the ]. In the early 19th century, Sir ] referred to it as "The Great Civil War".<ref>Walter Scott, ''Waverley; or, 'Tis Sixty Years Since'' (1814), Chap. 2.</ref> The ] called the series of conflicts the "Great Rebellion".{{sfn|Chisholm|1911}} Some historians, notably ] such as ] (1912–2003), favoured the term "]".<ref>{{harvnb|Hill|1972|loc=for example}}</ref>

==Geography==
Each side had a geographical stronghold, such that minority elements were silenced or fled. The Royalist areas included the countryside, the shires, the cathedral city of Oxford, and the less economically developed areas of northern and western England and Wales. Parliament's strengths spanned the industrial centres, ports, and economically advanced regions of southern and eastern England, including the remaining cathedral cities (except York, Chester, Worcester). Lacey Baldwin Smith says, "the words ''populous, rich, and rebellious'' seemed to go hand in hand".{{sfn|Smith|1983|page=251}}{{sfn|Hughes|1985|pages=236–263}}

==Strategy and tactics==
Many officers and veteran soldiers had fought in European wars, notably the ] between the Spanish and the Dutch, which began in 1568, as well as earlier phases of the ] which began in 1618 and concluded in 1648.{{sfn|Baker|1986|p=}}

The war was of unprecedented scale for the English. During the campaign seasons, 120,000 to 150,000 soldiers would be in the field, a higher proportion of the population than were fighting in Germany in the ].<ref>Quentin Outram. "The Demographic Impact of Early Modern Warfare". ''Social Science History'', Summer, 2002, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Summer, 2002), p 256.</ref>

The main battle tactic came to be known as ] infantry. The two sides would line up opposite one another, with infantry brigades of ]s in the centre. These carried matchlock muskets, an inaccurate weapon which nevertheless could be lethal at a range of up to 300 yards. Musketeers would assemble three rows deep, the first kneeling, second crouching, and third standing. At times, troops divided into two groups, allowing one to reload while the other fired.{{sfn|Burne|Young|1998|p=}}{{Page needed|date=April 2015}} Among the musketeers were pike men, carrying ] of {{convert|12|ft|m|0}} to {{convert|18|ft|m|1|sigfig=}} long, whose main purpose was to protect the musketeers from cavalry charges. Positioned on each side of the infantry were cavalry, with a right wing led by the ] and left by the ]. Its main aim was to rout the opponents' cavalry, then turn and overpower their infantry.<ref name="Simkin">{{cite web|last=Simkin|first=John|title=The English Civil War – Tactics|orig-date=September 1997|date=August 2014|access-date=20 April 2015|url=http://spartacus-educational.com/STUcivilwarMT.htm|publisher=Spartacus Educational}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=April 2015}}<ref>{{citation|last=Gaunt|first=Peter|title=The English Civil War: A Military History|year=2014|location=London|publisher=I.B. Tauris|oclc=882915214}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=April 2017}}

The Royalist cavaliers' skill and speed on horseback led to many early victories. ], commanding the king's cavalry, used a tactic learned while fighting in the Dutch army, where cavalry would charge at full speed into the opponent's infantry, firing their pistols just before impact.<ref name="Simkin"/><ref>{{cite book|last=Young|first=Peter|title=The English Civil War Armies|year=1977|orig-year=1973|location=Reading|publisher=Osprey|series=Men-at-arms series|oclc=505954051}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=April 2017}}


However, with Oliver Cromwell and the introduction of the more disciplined ], a group of disciplined pike men would stand its ground, which could have a devastating effect. The Royalist cavalry had a tendency to chase down individual targets after the initial charge, leaving their forces scattered and tired, whereas ] was slower but better disciplined.<ref name="Simkin"/> Trained to operate as a single unit, it went on to win many decisive victories.<ref>{{cite book|last=Tincey|first=John|title=Ironsides: English Cavalry 1588–1688|year=2012|page=63|publisher=Osprey|oclc=842879605}}</ref>
Unlike other ], which focused on who ruled, this war also concerned itself with the manner of governing the British Isles. This war had a religious dimension to the extent that the Roundheads were dominated by ], in contrast to the royalist Cavaliers. Historians also refer to the English Civil War as the '''English Revolution''' and works such as the ] call it the '''Great Rebellion'''. The term English Revolution was and is especially favoured by ] historians such as ] (1912&ndash;2003).


==Background== ==Background==
===The King's aspirations=== ===The King's rule===
The English Civil War broke out in 1642, less than 40 years after the death of Queen ]. Elizabeth had been succeeded by her ], ], as James I of England, creating the first ].{{efn|Although the early 17th-century Stuart monarchs styled themselves ''King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland'', with the exception of the constitutional arrangements during the ] (see the ]), full union of the Scottish and English realms into a new realm of Great Britain did not occur until the passing of the ].}} As King of Scots, James had become accustomed to Scotland's weak parliamentary tradition since assuming control of the Scottish government in 1583, so that upon assuming power south of the border, the new King of England was affronted by the constraints the ] attempted to place on him in exchange for money. Consequently, James's personal extravagance, which resulted in him being perennially short of money, meant that he had to resort to extra-parliamentary sources of income. Moreover, increasing inflation during this period meant that even though Parliament was granting the King the same nominal value of subsidy, the income was actually worth less.<ref>{{cite book|last=Durston|first=Christopher|year=1993|title=James I|publisher=Routledge|page=26|isbn=9780415077798}}</ref>
]
Contemporaries must have found it unthinkable that a civil war could result from the events taking place. War broke out less than forty years after the death of the popular ] in 1603. At the accession of Charles I in 1625, England and Scotland had both experienced relative peace, both internally and in their relations with each other, for as long as anyone could remember. Charles hoped to unite the kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland into a new single kingdom, fulfilling the dream of his father, ] (James VI of Scotland). Many English Parliamentarians had suspicions regarding such a move because they feared that setting up a new kingdom might destroy the old English traditions which had bound the English monarchy. As Charles shared his father's position on the power of the crown (James had described kings as "little Gods on Earth", chosen by God to rule in accordance with the doctrine of the "]"), the suspicions of the Parliamentarians had some justification.


This extravagance was tempered by James's peaceful disposition, so that by the succession of his son Charles I in 1625 the two kingdoms had both experienced relative peace, internally and in their relations with each other. Charles followed his father's dream in hoping to unite the kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland into a single kingdom.<ref>{{harvnb|Croft|2003|p=63}}.</ref> Many English Parliamentarians were suspicious of such a move, fearing that such a new kingdom might destroy old English traditions that had bound the English monarchy.{{clarify|reason=What traditions, and in what sense did they bind the monarchy?|date=January 2024}} Because James had described kings as "little gods on Earth", chosen by God to rule in accordance with the doctrine of the ], and Charles shared his father's position, the suspicions of the Parliamentarians had some justification.<ref>{{harvnb|McClelland|1996|p=224}}.</ref>
Although pious and with little personal ambition, Charles expected outright '''loyalty''' in return for "just rule". He considered any questioning of his orders as, at best, insulting. This latter trait, and a series of events, each seemingly minor on their own, led to a serious break between Charles and his ], and eventually to war.


] believed in the ]; painting by ]]]
===Parliament in the English constitutional framework===
Before the fighting, the ] did not have a large permanent role in the English system of government, instead functioning as a temporary advisory committee — summoned by the monarch whenever the Crown required additional tax revenue, and subject to dissolution by the monarch at any time. Because responsibility for collecting ] lay in the hands of the ], the English kings needed the help of that stratum of society in order to ensure the smooth collection of that revenue. If the gentry were to refuse to collect the King's taxes, he would lack the authority to compel them. Parliaments allowed representatives of the gentry to meet, confer and send policy-proposals to the monarch in the form of Bills. These representatives did not, however, have any means of forcing their will upon the king — except by withholding the financial means required to execute his plans.


===Parliament in an English constitutional framework===
===Parliamentary Concerns and the Petition of Right===
At the time, the Parliament of England did not have a large permanent role in the English system of government. Instead, it functioned as a temporary advisory committee and was summoned only if and when the monarch saw fit. Once summoned, a Parliament's continued existence was at the King's pleasure since it was subject to dissolution by him at any time.
], 1660.]]
One of the first events to cause concern about Charles I came with his marriage to a ] ] princess, ]. The marriage occurred in 1625, right after Charles came to the throne. Charles's marriage raised the possibility that his children, including the heir to the throne, could grow up as Catholics, a frightening thing to Protestant England.


Yet in spite of this limited role, Parliament had acquired over the centuries ''de facto'' powers of enough significance that monarchs could not simply ignore them indefinitely. For a monarch, Parliament's most indispensable power was its ability to raise tax revenues far in excess of all other sources of revenue at the Crown's disposal. By the 17th century, Parliament's tax-raising powers had come to be derived from the fact that the ] was the only stratum of society with the ability and authority to collect and remit the most meaningful forms of taxation then available at the local level. So, if the king wanted to ensure smooth revenue collection, he needed the gentry's cooperation. For all of the Crown's legal authority, its resources were limited by any modern standard to the extent that if the gentry refused to collect the king's taxes on a national scale, the Crown lacked a practical means of compelling them.
Charles also wanted to take part in the conflicts underway in Europe, then immersed in the ] (1618 - 1648). As ever, foreign wars required heavy expenditure, and the Crown could raise the necessary taxes only with Parliamentary consent (as described above). Charles experienced even more financial difficulty when his first Parliament refused to follow the tradition of giving him the right to collect customs duties for his entire reign, deciding instead to grant it for only a year at a time.


From the thirteenth century, monarchs ordered the election of representatives to sit in the ], with most voters being the owners of property, although in some ] boroughs every male householder could vote. When assembled along with the ], these elected representatives formed a Parliament. So the concept of Parliaments allowed representatives of the property-owning class to meet, primarily, at least from the point of view of the monarch, to sanction whatever taxes the monarch wished to collect. In the process, the representatives could debate and enact ]s, or ]. However, Parliament lacked the power to force its will upon the monarch; its only leverage was the threat of withholding the financial means required to implement his plans.{{sfn|Johnston|1901|pp=83–86}}
Charles, meanwhile, pressed ahead with his European wars, deciding to send an expeditionary force to relieve the ] ] whom Royal French forces held besieged in ]. The royal favourite, ], was given command of the English force. Unfortunately for Charles and Buckingham, the relief expedition failed (1627), and Parliament, already hostile to Buckingham for his monopoly on ], opened ] proceedings against him. Charles responded by dissolving Parliament. This move, while saving Buckingham, reinforced the impression that Charles wanted to avoid Parliamentary scrutiny of his ministers.


===Parliamentary concerns and the Petition of Right===
Having dissolved Parliament, and unable to raise money without it, the king assembled a new one in 1628. (The elected members included ]). The new Parliament drew up the ], and Charles accepted it as a concession in order to get his subsidy. Amongst other things the Petition referred to the ].
], painted by ], 1660]]
Many concerns were raised over Charles's marriage in 1625 to a ] French princess, ]. Parliament refused to assign him the traditional right to collect customs duties for his entire reign, deciding instead to grant it only on a provisional basis and negotiate with him.<ref>{{harvnb|Gregg|1984|pp=129–130}}.</ref>


Charles, meanwhile, decided to send an expeditionary force to relieve the French ], whom French royal troops held ]. Such military support for Protestants on the Continent potentially alleviated concerns about the King's marriage to a Catholic. However, Charles's insistence on giving command of the English force to his unpopular royal favourite ], undermined that support. Unfortunately for Charles and Buckingham, the relief expedition proved a fiasco (1627),<ref>{{Harvnb|Gregg|1984|page=166}}</ref> and Parliament, already hostile to Buckingham for his monopoly on ], opened ] proceedings against him.<ref name=Gregg-175>{{harvnb|Gregg|1984|p=175}}.</ref> Charles responded by dissolving Parliament. This saved Buckingham but confirmed the impression that Charles wanted to avoid Parliamentary scrutiny of his ministers.<ref name=Gregg-175/>
===The Personal Rule and the rebellion in Scotland===
Charles I managed to avoid calling a Parliament for the next decade. Depending upon their political affiliation, the English referred to this time either as the "Eleven Years' Tyranny" or as "Charles' Personal Rule".


Having dissolved Parliament and unable to raise money without it, the king assembled a new one in 1628. (The elected members included ], ],<ref name="Adair 1976">{{harvnb|Adair|1976}}.</ref> and ].) The new Parliament drew up a ], which Charles accepted as a concession to obtain his subsidy.<ref name="Purkiss 2007 93">{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=93}}.</ref> The Petition made reference to ],<ref>] at III, VII.</ref> but did not grant him the right of ], which Charles had been collecting without Parliamentary authorisation since 1625.{{sfn|Sommerville|1992|pages=65, 71, 80}} Several more active members of the opposition were imprisoned, which caused outrage;{{sfn |Sommerville |1992 |pages=65, 71, 80}} one, ], subsequently died in prison and came to be seen as a martyr for the rights of Parliament.{{sfn|Russell|1998|p=417}}
During this period, Charles' lack of finances largely determined his policies. Accordingly, his Government pursued peaceful policies at home and abroad, and initiated only minimal new legislative activity — Charles preferring to claim that the legitimacy of his personal rule relied on the continuity of ancient customs. His lack of finances caused a number of problems, however. Failure to observe conventions became in some cases a finable offence (for example, a failure to attend and to receive knighthood at Charles' coronation), while the use of ] and ], and local measures (such as demanding payment for illegal houses in ]) created ample scope for corruption and led to local discontents.


===Personal rule===
Charles also tried to raise revenue in the form of ]. Exploiting a naval war scare in 1635, he demanded that the inland counties of England pay a tax to support the ]. This policy relied on established law, but law which the authorities had ignored for centuries, and so was regarded by many as an extra-Parliamentary (and therefore illegal) tax. A number of prominent men refused to pay it on these grounds. Reprisals against ] and ] (fined after losing their case 7 to 5 for refusing to pay ship money and for making a stand against the legality of the tax) aroused widespread indignation.
Charles avoided calling a Parliament for the next decade, a period known as the "]", or by its critics as the "Eleven Years' Tyranny".<ref>{{harvnb|Rosner|Theibault|2000|p=103}}.</ref> During this period, Charles's policies were determined by his lack of money. First and foremost, to avoid Parliament, the King needed to avoid war. Charles made peace with France and Spain, effectively ending England's involvement in the ]. However, that in itself was far from enough to balance the Crown's finances.


Unable to raise revenue without Parliament and unwilling to convene it, Charles resorted to other means. One was to revive conventions, often outdated. For example, a failure to attend and receive ] at Charles's coronation became a finable offence with the fine paid to the Crown. The King also tried to raise revenue through ], demanding in 1634–1636 that the inland English counties pay a tax for the ] to counter the threat of privateers and pirates in the English Channel.<ref name="Adair 1976"/> Established law supported the policy of coastal counties and inland ports such as London paying ship money in times of need, but it had not been applied to inland counties before.<ref name="Adair 1976"/>
However, Charles aroused the most antagonism through his religious measures. Charles believed in a sacramental version of the ], called ], with a theology based upon ], a belief shared by his main political advisor, Archbishop ]. Charles appointed Laud as ] in 1633 and started a series of reforms in the Church to make it more ceremonial, starting with the replacement of the wooden ] tables with stone altars.


Authorities had ignored it for centuries, and many saw it as yet another extra-Parliamentary, illegal tax,<ref name=Pipes-143>{{harvnb|Pipes|1999|p=143}}.</ref> which prompted some prominent men to refuse to pay it. Charles issued a writ against John Hampden for his failure to pay, and although five judges including Sir George Croke supported Hampden, seven judges found in favour of the King in 1638.<ref name="Adair 1976"/> The fines imposed on people who refused to pay ship money and standing out against its illegality aroused widespread indignation.<ref name=Pipes-143/>
Puritans accused Laud of trying to reintroduce ], and when they complained, Laud had them arrested. In 1637 ], Henry Burton and William Prynne had their ears cut off for writing pamphlets attacking Laud's views — a rare penalty for ] to suffer, and one that aroused anger. Moreover, the authorities revived the statutes passed in the time of ] concerning church attendance and fined Puritans around the country for failure to attend Anglican services.


During his "Personal Rule", Charles aroused most antagonism through his religious measures. He believed in ], a sacramental version of the ], theologically based upon ], a creed shared with his main political adviser, Archbishop ].<ref>{{harvnb|Carlton|1987|p=48}}.</ref> In 1633, Charles appointed Laud ] and started making the Church more ceremonial, replacing the wooden ] tables with stone altars.<ref>{{harvnb|Carlton|1987|p=96}}.</ref> ] accused Laud of reintroducing Catholicism, and when they complained he had them arrested. In 1637, ], ], and ] had their ears cut off for writing pamphlets attacking Laud's views – a rare penalty for ], and one that aroused anger.<ref>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=201}}.</ref> Moreover, the Church authorities revived statutes from the time of Elizabeth I about church attendance and fined Puritans for not attending Anglican services.<ref>{{harvnb|Carlton|1987|p=173}}.</ref>
The end of Charles' independent governance came when he attempted to apply his religious policies in Scotland. The ], although episcopal in structure, had long enjoyed its own independent traditions. Charles, however, wanted one uniform church throughout Britain, and introduced a new, High Anglican, version of the English ] into Scotland in the summer of 1637. This met with a violent reaction. A riot broke out in ], allegedly started by one ]; and in February 1638 Scots' objections to royal policy were formulated in the ]. This document took the form of a 'loyal protest', rejecting all innovations that had not first been tested by free parliaments and General Assemblies of the church. Before long, Charles was forced to withdraw his Prayer Book and summon a General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, which met in Glasgow in November, 1638. The Assembly, affected by the radical mood of the times, not only rejected the Prayer Book, but went on to take the even more drastic step of declaring the office of bishop as unlawful. Charles demanded the acts of the Assembly be withdrawn; the Scots refused to comply, and both sides began to raise armies. Charles accompanied his forces to the border in the spring of 1639 to end the rebellion. After an inconclusive campaign he decided to seek a truce, the ]. A second ] followed in the summer of 1640. The royal forces in the north were defeated by a Scots army, which went on to capture ]. Charles was eventually forced to agree not only not to interfere with religion in Scotland, but to pay the Scottish war expenses as well.


===Recall of Parliament=== ===Rebellion in Scotland===
{{Main|Bishops' Wars}}


The end of Charles's independent governance came when he attempted to apply the same religious policies in Scotland. The ], reluctantly ] in structure, had independent traditions.<ref>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=74}}.</ref> Charles wanted one uniform Church throughout Britain<ref>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=83}}.</ref> and introduced a new, High Anglican version of the English ] to Scotland in the middle of 1637. This was violently resisted. A riot broke out in Edinburgh,<ref>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=75}}.</ref> which may have been started in ], according to legend, by ]. In February 1638, the Scots formulated their objections to royal policy in the ].<ref>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=77}}.</ref> This document took the form of a "loyal protest", rejecting all innovations not first tested by free Parliaments and General Assemblies of the Church.
Charles needed to suppress the rebellion in his northern realm. He had insufficient funds, however, and had perforce to seek money from a newly-elected ] in 1640. The majority faction in the new Parliament, led by ], took this appeal for money as an opportunity to discuss grievances against the Crown, and were opposed to an English invasion of Scotland. Charles took exception to this '']'' (offence against the ruler) and dissolved Parliament after only a few weeks, this earning it the name "the ]".


In the spring of 1639, King Charles I accompanied his forces to the Scottish border to end the rebellion known as the ],<ref name=Purkiss-96>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=96}}.</ref> but after an inconclusive campaign, he accepted the offered Scottish truce: the ]. This truce proved temporary, and a second war followed in mid-1640. A Scots army defeated Charles's forces in the north, then captured ].<ref>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=97}}.</ref> Charles eventually agreed not to interfere in Scotland's religion.
Without Parliament's support, Charles attacked Scotland again, breaking the truce at Berwick, and suffered a comprehensive defeat. The Scots then seized the opportunity and invaded England, occupying ] and ].


===Recall of the English Parliament===
Meanwhile, another of Charles's chief advisers, ], had risen to the role of Lord Deputy of Ireland in 1632 and brought in much-needed revenue for Charles by persuading the Irish Catholic gentry to pay new taxes in return for promised religious concessions. In 1639 Charles recalled him to England, and in 1640 made him Earl of Strafford, attempting to have him work his magic again in Scotland. This time he proved less successful, and the English forces fled the field in their second encounter with the Scots in 1640. Almost the entirety of Northern England was occupied, and Charles was forced to pay £850 per day to keep the Scots from advancing. If he did not, they would "take" the money by pillaging and burning the cities and towns of Northern England.
{{Main|Short Parliament}}
Charles needed to suppress the rebellion in Scotland but had insufficient funds to do so. He needed to seek money from a newly elected ] in 1640.<ref name=Coward-180>{{harvnb|Coward|2003|p=180}}.</ref> Its majority faction, led by ], used this appeal for money as a chance to discuss grievances against the Crown and oppose the idea of an English invasion of Scotland. Charles took exception to this '']'' (offense against the ruler) and, after negotiations went nowhere, dissolved the Parliament after only a few weeks; hence its name, "the ]".<ref name=Coward-180/>


Without Parliament's support, Charles attacked Scotland again, breaking the truce at Berwick, and suffered comprehensive defeat. The Scots went on to invade England, occupying ] and ].<ref name=Coward-180/> Meanwhile, another of Charles's chief advisers, ], had risen to the role of Lord Deputy of Ireland in 1632,<ref name=Purkiss-89>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=89}}.</ref> and brought in much-needed revenue for Charles by persuading the Irish Catholic gentry to pay new taxes in return for promised religious concessions.<ref>{{harvnb|Coward|2003|p=172}}.</ref>
All this put Charles in a desperate financial position. As King of Scotland, he had to find money to pay the Scottish army in England; as King of England, to find money to pay and equip an English army to defend England. His means of raising revenue without Parliament were critically short of being able to achieve this. It was against this backdrop, and according to advice from the ] (the ], but without the ], so not a Parliament), that Charles finally bowed to pressure and summoned a Parliament in November.

In 1639, Charles had recalled Wentworth to England and in 1640 made him Earl of Strafford, attempting to have him achieve similar results in Scotland.<ref name=Purkiss-89/> This time he proved less successful and the English forces fled the field at their second encounter with the Scots in 1640.<ref name=Purkiss-89/> Almost the whole of Northern England was occupied and Charles forced to pay £850 per day to keep the Scots from advancing. Had he not done so they would have pillaged and burnt the cities and towns of Northern England.<ref>{{harvnb|Sharp|2000|p=13}}.</ref>

All this put Charles in a desperate financial state. As King of Scots, he had to find money to pay the Scottish army in England; as King of England, he had to find money to pay and equip an English army to defend England. His means of raising English revenue without an English Parliament fell critically short of achieving this.<ref name="Purkiss 2007 93"/> Against this backdrop, and according to advice from the ] (the ], but without the ], so not a Parliament), Charles finally bowed to pressure and summoned another English Parliament in November 1640.<ref name=Purkiss-96/>


===The Long Parliament=== ===The Long Parliament===
{{main|Long Parliament}} {{Main|Long Parliament}}
], 1640]]
], depicted in a 19th-century painting.]]
The new Parliament proved even more hostile to Charles than its predecessor. It immediately began to discuss grievances against him and his government, with Pym and ] (of ] fame) in the lead. They took the opportunity presented by the King's troubles to force various reforming measures – including many with strong "anti-]" themes – upon him.<ref name="Purkiss 2007 pages=104–105">{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|pp=104–105}}.</ref> The members passed a law stating that a new Parliament would convene at least once every three years – without the King's summons if need be. Other laws passed making it illegal for the king to impose taxes without Parliamentary consent and later gave Parliament control over the King's ministers.<ref name="Purkiss 2007 pages=104–105"/>


The new Parliament proved even more hostile to Charles than its predecessor. It immediately began to discuss grievances against Charles and his Government, and with Pym and Hampden (of Ship Money fame) in the lead, took the opportunity presented by the King's troubles to force various reforming measures upon him. A law was passed which stated that a new Parliament should convene at least once every three years, without the King's summons if necessary. Other laws passed by the Parliament made it illegal for the king to impose taxes without Parliamentary consent, and later, gave Parliament control over the king's ministers. Finally, the Parliament passed a law forbidding the King to dissolve it without its consent, even if the three years were up. Ever since, this Parliament has been known as the "Long Parliament". However, Parliament did attempt to avert conflict by requiring all adults to sign ]. Finally, the Parliament passed a law forbidding the King to dissolve it without its consent, even if the three years were up. These laws equated to a tremendous increase in Parliamentary power. Ever since, this Parliament has been known as the ]. However, Parliament did attempt to avert conflict by requiring all adults to sign ], an oath of allegiance to Charles.{{efn |See {{harvnb|Walter|1999|p=294}}, for some of the complexities of how the Protestation was interpreted by different political actors.}}


Early in the Long Parliament, the house overwhelmingly accused ], of high treason and other crimes and misdemeanors. ] supplied evidence of Strafford's claimed improper use of the army in Ireland, alleging that he had encouraged the King to use his Ireland-raised forces to threaten England into compliance. This evidence was obtained from Vane's father, ], a member of the King's Privy Council, who refused to confirm it in Parliament out of loyalty to Charles. On 10 April 1641, Pym's case collapsed, but Pym made a direct appeal to the Younger Vane to produce a copy of the notes from the King's Privy Council, discovered by the Younger Vane and secretly turned over to Pym, to the great anguish of the Elder Vane.<ref>{{harvnb|Upham|1836|p=187}}.</ref> These notes contained evidence that Strafford had told the King, "Sir, you have done your duty, and your subjects have failed in theirs; and therefore you are absolved from the rules of government, and may supply yourself by extraordinary ways; you have an army in Ireland, with which you may reduce the kingdom."{{sfn|Upham|1836|p=187}}{{sfn|Hibbert|1968|p=154}}{{sfn|Carlton|1995|p=224}}
In early 1641, Parliament had ], arrested and sent to the ] on a charge of ]. John Pym claimed that Wentworth's statements of readiness to campaign against "the kingdom" aimed in fact at England itself. The case could not be proven, so the ], led by Pym and ], resorted to a ]. Unlike a guilty finding in a court case, attainder did not require a legal burden of proof, but it did require ]. Charles, still incensed over the Commons's handling of Buckingham, refused. Wentworth himself, hoping to head off the war he saw looming, wrote to the king and asked him to reconsider. Thomas Wentworth was executed in May, 1641.<ref>Jacob Abbott '''' Chapter ''</ref>


Pym immediately launched a ] stating Strafford's guilt and demanding that he be put to death.{{sfn|Carlton|1995|p=224}} Unlike a guilty verdict in a court case, attainder did not require a ] to be met, but it did require the king's approval. Charles, however, guaranteed Strafford that he would not sign the attainder, without which the bill could not be passed.{{sfn|Carlton|1995|p=225}} Furthermore, the Lords opposed the severity of a death sentence on Strafford. Yet increased tensions and ] in the army to support Strafford began to sway the issue.{{sfn|Carlton|1995|p=225}}
Instead of saving the country from war, Wentworth's sacrifice in fact doomed it to one. Within months, the Irish Catholics, fearing a resurgence of Protestant power, ], and all Ireland soon descended into chaos. Rumours circulated that the King supported the Irish, and Puritan members of the Commons were soon agitating that this was the sort of thing that Charles had in store for all of them.


On 21 April, the Commons passed the Bill (204 in favour, 59 opposed, and 250 abstained),{{sfn|Smith|1999|p=123}} and the Lords acquiesced. Charles, still incensed over the Commons' handling of Buckingham, refused his assent. Strafford himself, hoping to head off the war he saw looming, wrote to the king and asked him to reconsider.{{sfn|Abbott|2020}} Charles, fearing for the safety of his family, signed on 10 May.{{sfn|Smith|1999|p=123}} Strafford was beheaded two days later.{{sfn|Coward|1994|p=191}} In the meantime, both Parliament and the King agreed to an independent investigation into the king's involvement in Strafford's plot.
In early January 1642, accompanied by 400 soldiers, Charles attempted to arrest five members of the House of Commons on a charge of treason. This attempt failed. When the troops marched into Parliament, Charles inquired of ], the ], as to the whereabouts of the five. Lenthall replied "May it please your Majesty, I have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak in this place but as the House is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am here." In other words, the Speaker proclaimed himself a servant of Parliament, rather than of the King.

The Long Parliament then passed the ], also known as the Dissolution Act, in May 1641, to which ] was readily granted.{{sfn|Carlton|1995|p=222}}{{sfn|Kenyon|1978|p=127}} The Triennial Act required Parliament to be summoned at least once in three years. When the king failed to issue a proper summons, the members could assemble on their own. This act also forbade ship money without Parliament's consent, fines in distraint of knighthood, and forced loans. Monopolies were cut back sharply, the courts of the ] and ] abolished by the ], and the Triennial Act respectively.{{sfn|Gregg|1981|p=335}}

All remaining forms of taxation were legalised and regulated by the ].{{sfn|Kenyon|1978|page=129}} On 3 May, Parliament decreed ], attacking the 'wicked counsels' of Charles's government, whereby those who signed the petition undertook to defend 'the true reformed religion', Parliament, and the king's person, honour and estate. Throughout May, the House of Commons launched several bills attacking bishops and Episcopalianism in general, each time defeated in the Lords.{{sfn|Kenyon|1978|p=130}}{{sfn|Abbott|2020}}

Charles and his Parliament hoped that the execution of Strafford and the Protestation would end the drift towards war, but in fact, they encouraged it. Charles and his supporters continued to resent Parliament's demands, and Parliamentarians continued to suspect Charles of wanting to impose ] and unfettered royal rule by military force. Within months, the Irish Catholics, fearing a resurgence of Protestant power, ], and all Ireland soon descended into chaos.<ref>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|pp=109–113}}</ref> Rumours circulated that the King supported the Irish, and Puritan members of the Commons soon started murmuring that this exemplified the fate that Charles had in store for them all.<ref>See {{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=113}} for concerns of a similar English Catholic rising.</ref>

On 4 January 1642, Charles, followed by 400 soldiers, entered the House of Commons and attempted to arrest ] on a charge of treason.<ref name=Sherwood-1997-41>{{harvnb|Sherwood|1997|p=41}}.</ref> The members had learned that he was coming and escaped. Charles not only failed to arrest them but turned more people against him.{{sfn|Hibbert|1993|p=32}}


===Local grievances=== ===Local grievances===
In the summer of 1642 these national troubles helped to polarize opinion, ending indecision about which side to support or what action to take. Opposition to Charles also arose owing to many local grievances. For example, the imposition of drainage schemes in ] negatively affected the livelihood of thousands of people after the King awarded a number of drainage contracts. The King was regarded by many as worse than insensitive and this was important in bringing a large part of eastern England into Parliament’s camp. This sentiment brought with it people like the ] and Oliver Cromwell, each a notable wartime adversary of the King. Conversely, one of the leading drainage contractors, the ], was to die fighting for the King at the ]. In the summer of 1642, these national troubles helped to polarise opinion, ending indecision about which side to support or what action to take. Opposition to Charles also arose from many local grievances. For example, imposed drainage schemes in ] disrupted the livelihood of thousands after the King awarded a number of drainage contracts.<ref>{{harvnb|Hughes|1991|p=127}}.</ref> Many saw the King as indifferent to public welfare, and this played a role in bringing much of eastern England into the Parliamentarian camp. This sentiment brought with it such people as the ] and ], each a notable wartime adversary of the King. Conversely, one of the leading drainage contractors, the ], was to die fighting for the King at the ].<ref>{{harvnb|Purkiss|2007|p=180}}.</ref>


==The First English Civil War== ==First English Civil War (1642–1646)==
]
{{Main|First English Civil War}} {{Main|First English Civil War}}
]
In early January 1642, a few days after failing to capture five members of the House of Commons, Charles feared for the safety of his family and retinue and left the London area for the north country.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=57}}.</ref>


Further frequent negotiations by letter between the King and the Long Parliament, through to early summer, proved fruitless. On 1 June 1642<ref>{{cite book|title=The Parliamentary or Constitutional History of England, Vol. XI|year=1753|publisher=William Sandry|location=London|pages=129–135|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tTNDAQAAMAAJ&q=nineteen+propositions&pg=PA130}}</ref> the ] and ] approved a list of proposals known as the ]. In these demands, the Parliament sought a larger share of power in the governance of the kingdom. Before the end of the month the King rejected the Propositions.
In early January 1642, a few days after his failure to capture five members of the House of Commons and fearing for his own personal safety and that of his family and retinue, Charles left the London area. Further negotiations by frequent correspondence between the King and the Long Parliament through to early summer proved fruitless. As the summer progressed, cities and towns declared their sympathies for one faction or the other: for example, the garrison of Portsmouth under the command of Sir ] declared for the King, but when Charles tried to acquire arms for his cause from ], the depository for the weapons used in the previous Scottish campaigns, Sir ], the military governor appointed by Parliament in January, initially refused to let Charles enter Hull, and when Charles returned with more men, ]. Charles issued a warrant for Hotham to be arrested as a traitor but was powerless to enforce it. Throughout the summer months, tensions rose and there was brawling in a number of places, with the first death of the conflict taking place in Manchester.<ref>Trevor Royle ] pp. 158-166</ref>


]. From the ]'s collection (93/1978x)]]
At the outset of the conflict, much of the country remained neutral, though the ] and most English cities favoured Parliament, while the King found considerable support in rural communities. Historians estimate that between them, both sides had only about 15,000 men{{Fact|date=February 2007}}. However, the war quickly spread and eventually involved every level of society, throughout the ]. Many areas attempted to remain neutral, some formed bands of ] to protect their localities against the worst excesses of the armies of both sides, but most found it impossible to withstand both the King and Parliament. On one side, the King and his supporters thought that they fought for traditional government in Church and state. On the other, most supporters of the Parliamentary cause, initially took up arms to defend what they thought was the traditional balance of government in Church and state, which had been undermined by the bad advice the King had received from his advisers, before and during the "Eleven Years' Tyranny". The views of the Members of Parliament ranged from unquestioning support of the King &ndash; at one point during the First Civil War, there were more members of the Commons and Lords in the King's ] than there were at ] &ndash; through to radicals, who wanted major reforms in favour of ] and the redistribution of power at the national level.


As the summer progressed, cities and towns declared their sympathies for one faction or the other: for example, the garrison of ] commanded by Sir ] declared for the King,<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=107}}.</ref> but when Charles tried to acquire arms from ], the weaponry depository used in the previous Scottish campaigns, ], the military governor appointed by Parliament in January, refused to let Charles enter the town,<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=82}}.</ref> and when Charles returned with more men later, ].<ref name="Wedgwood 1970 page=100">{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=100}}.</ref> Charles issued a warrant for Hotham's arrest as a traitor but was powerless to enforce it. Throughout the summer, tensions rose and there was brawling in several places, the first death from the conflict taking place in ].<ref name="Wedgwood 1970 page=100"/><ref>{{harvnb|Royle|2006|pages=158–166}}.</ref>
After the debacle at Hull, Charles moved on to ], where on ] 1642, he raised the ]. When he raised his standard, Charles had with him about 2,000 cavalry and a small number of Yorkshire infantry men, and using the archaic system of a ], Charles's supporters started to build a larger army around the standard. Charles moved in a south-westerly direction, first to ], and then on to ], because the support for his cause seemed particularly strong in the Severn valley area and in ].<ref>Trevor Royle ] pp 170, 183</ref> While passing through ], in what became known as the "]", he declared that he would uphold the "Protestant religion, the laws of England, and the liberty of Parliament".


] rose to become<br>] in 1653]]
The Parliamentarians, who opposed the King, had not remained passive during this pre-war period. As in the case of Kingston upon Hull they had taken measures to secure strategic towns and cities, by appointing men sympathetic to their cause, and on ] they had voted to raise an army of 10,000 volunteers, appointing ] commander three days later. He was ordered "to rescue His Majesty's person, and the persons of the ]] and the ] out of the hands of those desperate persons who were about them". The lords lieutenants, who were appointed by parliament used the ] to order the militia to join Essex's army.<ref>Trevor Royle ] pp 165, 161</ref>
At the outset of the conflict, much of the country remained neutral, though the ] and most English cities favoured Parliament, while the King found marked support in rural communities. The war quickly spread and eventually involved every level of society. Many areas attempted to remain neutral. Some formed bands of ] to protect their localities from the worst excesses of the armies of both sides,<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|pp=403–404}}.</ref> but most found it impossible to withstand both King and Parliament.


On one side, the King and his supporters fought for what they saw as traditional government in church and state. On the other, most Parliamentarians initially took up arms to defend what they viewed as a traditional balance of government in church and state, and which they felt had been undermined by bad advice the King received from his advisers — such as ] — and during his ] (the "Eleven Years' Tyranny"). The views of the members of Parliament ranged from unquestioning support of the King – at one point during the First Civil War, more members of the Commons and Lords gathered in the King's ] than at ] — through to radicals who sought major reforms in ] and redistribution of power at a national level.
Two weeks after the King had raised his standard at Nottingham, Essex led his army north towards ], picking up support along the way (including a detachment of ] cavalry raised and commanded by ]). By the middle of September his army had grown to 21,000 infantry and 4200 cavalry and dragoons. On the ] he moved his army to ] and then to the north of the ]. A strategy which placed his army between the Royalists and London. With the size of both armies now in the tens of thousands, and only Worcestershire between them, it was inevitable that cavalry reconnaissance units would sooner or later meet. This happened in the first major skirmish of the Civil War, when a cavalry troop of about 1,000 Royalists commanded by ], a German nephew of the King and one of the outstanding cavalry commanders of the war, defeated a Parliamentary cavalry detachment under the command of Colonel ] in the ], at a bridge across the ] close to ].<ref>Trevor Royle ] pp 171-188</ref>


After the debacle at Hull, Charles moved on to ], raising the royal standard there on 22 August 1642.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=111}}.</ref> At the time, Charles had with him about 2,000 cavalry and a small number of Yorkshire infantrymen, and using the archaic system of a ],<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=96}}.</ref> his supporters started to build a larger army around the standard. Charles moved in a westerly direction, first to ], then on to ], as support for his cause seemed particularly strong in the ] valley area and in North Wales.<ref>{{harvnb|Royle|2006|pp=170, 183}}.</ref> While passing through ], he declared in what became known as the "]" that he would uphold the "Protestant religion, the laws of England, and the liberty of Parliament".<ref>{{harvnb|Sherwood|1992|p=6}}.</ref>
]]]
Rupert withdrew to Shrewsbury, where, a council of war discussed two courses of action: whether to advance towards Essex's new position near Worcester, or, as the road to London was now open, to advance towards London. It was decided to advance towards London, but not to avoid a battle, for the Royalist generals wanted to fight Essex before he grew too strong, and the temper of both sides made it impossible to postpone the decision. In the ] words: "it was considered more counsellable to march towards London, it being morally sure that Essex would put himself in their way". Accordingly, the army left Shrewsbury on ], gaining two days' start on the enemy, and moved south-east. This had the desired effect, as it forced Essex to move to intercept them.<ref>]</ref>


The Parliamentarians who opposed the King did not remain passive in this pre-war period. As in Hull, they took measures to secure strategic towns and cities by appointing to office men sympathetic to their cause. On 9 June they voted to raise an army of 10,000 volunteers and appointed ] its commander three days later.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|pp=108–109}}.</ref> He received orders "to rescue His Majesty's person, and the persons of the Prince and the Duke of York out of the hands of those desperate persons who were about them."<ref>{{harvnb|Hibbert|1993|p=65}}.</ref> The ] whom Parliament appointed used the ] to order the militia to join Essex's army.<ref>{{harvnb|Royle|2006|pp=161, 165}}.</ref>
The first ] of the war, fought at ] on ] 1642, proved inconclusive, and both the Royalists and Parliamentarians claimed it as a victory. The second field action of the war, the stand-off at ], saw Charles forced to withdraw to ]. This city would serve as his base for the remainder of the war.


]]]
In 1643 the Royalist forces won at ], and gained control of most of ]. In the Midlands, a Parliamentary force under ] besieged and captured the cathedral city of ], after the death of the original commander, Lord Brooke. This group subsequently joined forces with Sir John Brereton to fight the inconclusive ] (] 1643), where the Royalist commander, the ], was killed. Subsequent battles in the west of England at ] and at ] also went to the Royalists. Prince Rupert could then take ]. In the same year, Oliver Cromwell formed his troop of "]s", a disciplined unit that demonstrated his military leadership ability. With their assistance, he won a victory at the ] in July.
Two weeks after the King had raised his standard at Nottingham, Essex led his army north towards ],<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=113}}.</ref> picking up support along the way (including a detachment of ] cavalry raised and commanded by Oliver Cromwell).{{efn|Cromwell had already secured Cambridge and the supplies of college silver.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=106}}.</ref>}} By mid-September Essex's forces had grown to 21,000 infantry and 4,200 cavalry and ]s. On 14 September he moved his army to ] and then to the north of the ],<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=115}}.</ref> a strategy that placed it between the Royalists and London. With the size of both armies now in the tens of thousands and only ] between them, it was inevitable that cavalry reconnaissance units would meet sooner or later. This happened in the first major skirmish of the Civil War, when a troop of about 1,000 Royalist cavalry under ], a German nephew of the King and one of the outstanding cavalry commanders of the war,<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=148}}.</ref> defeated a Parliamentary cavalry detachment under Colonel John Brown at the ], which crossed the ] close to ].<ref>{{harvnb|Royle|2006|pp=171–188}}.</ref>


Rupert withdrew to Shrewsbury, where a council-of-war discussed two courses of action: whether to advance towards Essex's new position near Worcester, or march down the now open road towards London. The Council decided on the London route, but not to avoid a battle, for the Royalist generals wanted to fight Essex before he grew too strong, and the temper of both sides made it impossible to postpone the decision. In the ] words, "it was considered more counsellable to march towards London, it being morally sure that the earl of Essex would put himself in their way."{{sfn|Chisholm|1911|p=404}} Hence, the army left Shrewsbury on 12 October, gaining two days' start on the enemy, and moved south-east. This had the desired effect of forcing Essex to move to intercept them.{{sfn|Chisholm|1911|p=404}}
In general, the early part of the war went well for the Royalists. The turning point came in the late summer and early autumn of 1643, when the Earl of Essex's army forced the king to raise the ] and then brushed the Royalist army aside at the ] (] 1643), in order to return triumphantly to London. Other Parliamentarian forces won the ], giving them control of ]. Political manoeuvering to gain an advantage in numbers led Charles to negotiate a ceasefire in ], freeing up English troops to fight on the Royalist side, while Parliament offered concessions to the Scots in return for aid and assistance.


The first ] of the war, at ] on 23 October 1642, proved inconclusive, both Royalists and Parliamentarians claiming victory.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|pp=130–101}}.</ref> The second field action, the stand-off at ], saw Charles forced to withdraw to ],<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=135}}.</ref> which would serve as his base for the rest of the war.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|pp=167–68, 506–07}}</ref>
With the help of the Scots, Parliament won at ] (] 1644), gaining ] and the north of England. Cromwell's conduct in this battle proved decisive, and demonstrated his potential as a political or military leader. The defeat at the ] in ], however, marked a serious reverse for Parliament in the south-west of England. Subsequent fighting around ], though tactically indecisive, strategically gave another check to Parliament.


In 1643, Royalist forces won at ], gaining control of most of ].<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=209}}.</ref> In the Midlands, a Parliamentary force under ] besieged and captured the cathedral city of ], after the death of the original commander, ].<ref name=Wanklyn-74>{{harvnb|Wanklyn|Jones|2005|p=74}}.</ref> This group then joined forces with ] at the inconclusive ] (19 March 1643), where the Royalist commander, the ], was killed.<ref name=Wanklyn-74/> ] died after being wounded in the ] (18 June 1643).<ref name="Adair 1976"/> Subsequent battles in the west of England at ] and ] also went to the Royalists.<ref>{{harvnb|Wanklyn|Jones|2005|p=103}}.</ref> Prince Rupert could then take ]. In the same year, however, Cromwell formed his troop of "]", a disciplined unit that demonstrated his military leadership ability. With their assistance he won a victory at the ] in July.<ref>{{harvnb|Young|Holmes|1974|p=151}}.</ref>
]]]
In 1645 Parliament reaffirmed its determination to fight the war to a finish. It passed the ], by which all members of either House of Parliament laid down their commands, and reorganized its main forces into the ] ("Army"), under the command of Sir ], with Cromwell as his second-in-command and ] of Horse. In two decisive engagements — the Battles of ] on ] and of ] on ] — Charles's armies were effectively destroyed.


], Lord General of the Covenanter Army and one of the victors of Marston Moor]]
In the remains of his English realm Charles attempted to recover a stable base of support by consolidating the ]. He began to form an axis between Oxford and ] in Nottinghamshire. Those towns had become fortresses and showed more reliable loyalty to him than to others. He took ], which lies between them, but found his resources exhausted. Having little opportunity to replenish them, in May 1646 he sought shelter with a Scottish army at ] in Nottinghamshire. This marked the end of the First English Civil War.
At this stage, from 7 to 9 August 1643, there were some popular demonstrations in London – both for and against war. They were protesting at Westminster. A peace demonstration by London women, which turned violent, was suppressed; the women were beaten and fired upon with live ammunition, leaving several dead. Many were arrested and incarcerated in ] and other prisons.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Gentles|first=I.J.|title=Parliamentary Politics and the Politics of the Street: The London Peace Campaigns of 1642-3|journal=Parliamentary History|date=12 July 2007|volume=26|issue=2|pages=139–159|doi=10.1353/pah.2007.0017|s2cid=201772247|url=https://muse.jhu.edu/article/217695|access-date=10 March 2021|issn=1750-0206}}</ref> After these August events, the ] ambassador in England reported to the ] that the London government took considerable measures to stifle dissent.{{sfn|Norton|2011|loc=p.~93}}


In general, the early part of the war went well for the Royalists. The turning point came in the late summer and early autumn of 1643, when the Earl of Essex's army forced the king to raise the ]<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=232}}.</ref> and then brushed the Royalists aside at the ] (20 September 1643),<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=238}}.</ref> to return triumphantly to London. Parliamentarian forces led by the Earl of Manchester besieged the port of ], Norfolk, which under Sir ] held out until September.<ref>{{cite book|title=The Siege of King's Lynn 1643|author=Susan Yaxley|publisher=Larks Press|year=1993}}</ref> Other forces won the ],<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=248}}.</ref> giving them control of ]. Political manoeuvring to gain an advantage in numbers led Charles to negotiate a ceasefire in Ireland, freeing up English troops to fight on the Royalist side in England,<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|pp=298–299}}.</ref> while Parliament offered concessions to the Scots in return for aid and assistance.
==The Second English Civil War==

Helped by the Scots, Parliament won at ] (2 July 1644),<ref>{{harvnb|Wanklyn|Jones|2005|p=189}}.</ref> gaining ] and the north of England.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=322}}.</ref> Cromwell's conduct in the battle proved decisive,<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=319}}.</ref> and showed his potential as a political and as an important military leader. The defeat at the ] in Cornwall, however, marked a serious reverse for Parliament in the south-west of England.<ref>Ashley, p. 188.</ref> Subsequent fighting around ] (27 October 1644), though tactically indecisive, strategically gave another check to Parliament.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=359}}.</ref>
] in July 1644 was won by the ]]]
In 1645, Parliament reaffirmed its determination to fight the war to a finish. It passed the ], by which all members of either House of Parliament laid down their commands and re-organised its main forces into the ], under the command of Sir ], with Cromwell as his second-in-command and ] of Horse.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=373}}.</ref> In two decisive engagements – the ] on 14 June and the ] on 10 July – the Parliamentarians effectively destroyed Charles's armies.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=428}}.</ref>

In the remains of his English realm, Charles tried to recover a stable base of support by consolidating the Midlands. He began to form an axis between Oxford and ] in Nottinghamshire. These towns had become fortresses and showed more reliable loyalty to him than others. He took ], which lies between them, but found his resources exhausted. Having little opportunity to replenish them, in May 1646 ] with a Presbyterian Scottish army at ] in Nottinghamshire.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|pp=519–520}}.</ref> Charles was eventually handed over to the English Parliament by the Scots and imprisoned.<ref>{{harvnb|Wedgwood|1970|p=570}}.</ref> This marked the end of the First English Civil War.

==Interbellum==
{{See also|Putney Debates|Levellers}}
The end of the ], in 1646, left a partial power vacuum in which any combination of the three English factions, Royalists, ] of the ] ("the Army"), and ]s of the English Parliament, as well as the Scottish Parliament allied with the Scottish Presbyterians (the "]"), could prove strong enough to dominate the rest. Armed political ] was at an end, but despite being a prisoner, Charles I was considered by himself and his opponents (almost to the last) as necessary to ensure the success of whichever group could come to terms with him. Thus, he passed successively into the hands of the Scots, the Parliament and the Army.{{sfn|Atkinson|1911|loc=45. Second Civil War (1648–52)}}

The King attempted to reverse the verdict of arms by "]" with each in turn. On 3 June 1647, Cornet ] of Sir Thomas Fairfax's cavalry seized the King for the New Model Army; following the seizure, the English Presbyterians and the Scots began to prepare for a fresh civil war, less than two years after the conclusion of the first, this time against "Independency" as embodied in the Army. After making use of the Army, its opponents attempted to disband it, send it onward to foreign service, and to cut off its arrears of pay.{{sfn|Atkinson|1911|loc=45. Second Civil War (1648–52)}}

The result was that the Army leadership was exasperated beyond control, and, remembering not merely its grievances but also the principle for which the Army had fought, it soon became the most powerful political force in the realm. From 1646 to 1648 the breach between Army and Parliament widened day by day, until finally the Presbyterian party, combined with the Scots and the remaining Royalists, felt itself strong enough to begin a Second Civil War.{{sfn|Atkinson|1911|loc=45. Second Civil War (1648–52)}}

==Second English Civil War (1648–1649)==
{{Main|Second English Civil War}} {{Main|Second English Civil War}}
]. The oil-on-canvas picture, painted in 1878, depicts a scene in an imaginary Royalist household during the English Civil War. The Parliamentarians have taken over the house and question the son about his Royalist father. The man lounging on a chair in the centre of the scene is identifiable as a ] officer by his military attire and his orange sash.]]


Charles I took advantage of this deflection of attention away from himself to negotiate a new agreement with the Scots, again promising church reform, on ] ]. Although Charles himself remained a prisoner, this agreement led inexorably to the Second Civil War. Charles I took advantage of the deflection of attention away from himself to negotiate on 28 December 1647 a secret treaty with the Scots, again promising church reform.<ref name=Seel-64>{{harvnb|Seel|1999|p=64}}.</ref> Under the agreement, called the "]", the Scots undertook to invade England on Charles's behalf and restore him to the throne.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Emberton|first1=Wilfrid|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DkRnAAAAMAAJ|title=Sieges of the Great Civil War, 1642–1646|last2=Young|first2=Peter|publisher=Bell and Hyman|year=1978|isbn=9780713519839|page=94}}</ref>


A series of Royalist uprisings throughout England and a Scottish invasion occurred in the summer of 1648. Forces loyal to Parliament<ref> and the </ref> put down most of the uprisings in England after little more than skirmishes, but uprisings (in Kent, Essex and Cumberland), the rebellion in Wales and the Scottish invasion involved the fighting of pitched battles and prolonged sieges. A series of Royalist uprisings throughout England and a Scottish invasion occurred in the summer of 1648. Forces loyal to Parliament<ref>{{harvnb|Fairfax|1648|loc=Letter}}.</ref> put down most of those in England after little more than a skirmish, but uprisings in ], ] and ], the rebellion in Wales, and the Scottish invasion involved pitched battles and prolonged sieges.<ref name=Seel-64/>


In the spring of 1648 unpaid Parliamentarian troops in ] changed sides. Colonel ] defeated the Royalist rebels at the ] (]) and the rebel leaders surrendered to Cromwell on ] after the protracted two month ]. ] defeated a Royalist uprising in Kent at the ] on ]. Fairfax, after his success at ] and the pacification of ], turned northward to reduce ], where, under their ardent, experienced and popular leader Sir ], the Royalists were in arms in great numbers. Fairfax soon drove the enemy into ], but the first attack on the town was repulsed and he had to settle down to ]. In the spring of 1649, unpaid Parliamentarian troops in Wales changed sides. Colonel ] defeated the Royalist rebels at the ] (8 May)<ref>{{harvnb|John|2008|p=127}}.</ref> and the rebel leaders surrendered to Cromwell on 11 July after a protracted two-month ].<ref>{{harvnb|Trevelyan|2002|p=274}}.</ref> Sir Thomas Fairfax defeated a Royalist uprising in Kent at the ] on 1 June. Fairfax, after his success at ] and the pacification of Kent, turned north to reduce Essex, where, under an ardent, experienced and popular leader, Sir ], the Royalists had taken up arms in great numbers. Fairfax soon drove the enemy into ], but his first attack on the town met with a repulse and he had to settle down to ].<ref>{{harvnb|Trevelyan|2002|pp=274–275}}.</ref>


In the North of England, Major-General ] fought a very successful campaign against a number of Royalist uprisings the largest that of Sir ] in ]. Thanks to Lambert's successes, the Scottish commander, the ], had perforce to take the western route through Carlisle in his Royalist Scottish invasion of England. The Parliamentarians under Cromwell engaged the Scots at the ] (] – ]). The battle was fought largely at ] near ] in ], and resulted in a victory by the troops of Cromwell over the Royalists and Scots commanded by Hamilton. This Parliamentarian victory marked the end of the Second English Civil War. In the North of England, Major-General ] fought a successful campaign against several Royalist uprisings, the largest being that of Sir ] in Cumberland.<ref>{{harvnb|Newman|2006|p=87}}.</ref> Thanks to Lambert's successes, the Scottish commander, the ], had to take a western route through ] in his pro-Royalist Scottish invasion of England.<ref name=Newman-89>{{harvnb|Newman|2006|page=89}}.</ref> The Parliamentarians under Cromwell engaged the Scots at the ] (17–19 August). The battle took place largely at ] near ], and resulted in a victory for Cromwell's troops over the Royalists and Scots commanded by Hamilton.<ref name=Newman-89/> This victory marked the end of the Second English Civil War.


Nearly all the Royalists who had fought in the First Civil War had given their parole not to bear arms against the Parliament, and many honourable Royalists, like ], refused to break their word by taking any part in the second war. So the victors in the Second Civil War showed little mercy to those who had brought war into the land again. On the evening of the surrender of Colchester Parlementarians had Sir Charles Lucas and Sir ] shot. The leaders of the Welsh rebels, Major-General ], Colonel ] and Colonel ]<!--Some sources use Powell-->, were sentenced to death, but Poyer alone was executed on ] ], being the victim selected by lot. Of five prominent Royalist peers who had fallen into the hands of Parliament, three, the Duke of Hamilton, the ], and ], one of the Colchester prisoners and a man of high character, were beheaded at Westminster on ]. Nearly all the Royalists who had fought in the First Civil War had given their word not to bear arms against Parliament, and many, like ], were therefore bound by oath not to take any part in the second conflict. So, the victors in the Second Civil War showed little mercy to those who had brought war into the land again. On the evening of the surrender of Colchester, Parliamentarians had Sir ] and ] shot.<ref>{{harvnb|Trevelyan|2002|p=275}}.</ref> Parliamentary authorities sentenced the leaders of the Welsh rebels, Major-General ], Colonel ] and Colonel Rice Powel<!--Some sources use Powell--> to death, but executed only Poyer (25 April 1649), having selected him by lot.<ref>{{harvnb|Gardiner|2006|p=46}}.</ref> Of five prominent Royalist peers who had fallen into Parliamentary hands, three the Duke of Hamilton, the ], and ], one of the Colchester prisoners and a man of high character were beheaded at Westminster on 9 March.<ref>{{harvnb|Gardiner|2006|p=12}}.</ref>


==Trial of Charles I for treason== ==Trial of Charles I for treason==
{{Main|High Court of Justice for the trial of Charles I|Execution of Charles I}}
The betrayal by Charles caused Parliament to debate whether to return the King to power at all. Those who still supported Charles's place on the throne tried once more to negotiate with him.
Charles's secret pacts and encouragement of supporters to break their parole caused Parliament to debate whether to return the King to power at all. Those who still supported Charles's place on the throne, such as the army leader and moderate Fairfax, tried again to negotiate with him.<ref>{{harvnb|Aylmer|1980|p=23}}.</ref> The Army, furious that Parliament continued to countenance Charles as a ruler, then marched on Parliament and conducted "]", named after the commanding officer of the operation, ], in December 1648.<ref>{{harvnb|Aylmer|1980|p=22}}.</ref>


Furious that Parliament continued to countenance Charles as a ruler, the army marched on Parliament and conducted "]" (named after the commanding officer of the operation, ]) in December 1648. Troops arrested 45 Members of Parliament (MPs) and kept 146 out of parliament. Only 75 were allowed in, and then only at the army's bidding. This ] was ordered to set up a high court of justice in order to try Charles I for treason in the name of the people of England. Troops arrested 45 members and kept 146 out of the chamber. They allowed only 75 members in, and then only at the Army's bidding. This ] received orders to set up, in the name of the people of England, a ] for treason.{{sfn|Aylmer|1980|p=25}} Fairfax, a constitutional monarchist, declined to have anything to do with the trial. He resigned as head of the army, so clearing Cromwell's road to power.


At the end of the trail the ] (judges) found Charles I guilty of ], as a "tyrant, traitor, murderer and public enemy".<ref>Sean Kelsey, Sean. '''' ] 2003, Volume 118, Number 477 Pp. 583-616</ref><ref>]. '''' speech to the Anglo-Australasian Lawyers' association, on January 22 1999.</ref> He was ] on a scaffold in front of the ] of the ] on ], ]. (After the ] in 1660, the ]s who were still alive and not living in exile were either executed or sentenced to life imprisonment.) At the end of the trial the ] (judges) found Charles I guilty of ] as a "tyrant, traitor, murderer and public enemy".<ref>{{harvnb|Kelsey|2003|pp=583–616}}.</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Kirby|1999|p=12}} cites (1649) 4 State Trials 995. Nalson, 29–32.</ref> His ] took place on a scaffold in front of the ] of the ] on 30 January 1649.{{sfn|Stoyle|2011|loc="Overview: Civil War and Revolution, 1603–1714"}} After the ] in 1660, nine of the surviving ] not living in exile were executed and most others sentenced to life imprisonment.<ref>{{harvnb|Kirby|1999|p=25}}.</ref>


After the regicide, ] as the eldest son was publicly proclaimed King Charles II in the Royal Square of ], ], on 17 February 1649 (after a first such proclamation in Edinburgh on 5 February 1649). It took longer for the news to reach the trans-Atlantic colonies, with the Somers Isles (also known as ]) becoming the first to proclaim Charles II King on 5 July 1649.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lefroy|first=John Henry|year=1981|title=Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands 1515-1685, Volume I|location=Bermuda|publisher=The Bermuda Historical Society and The Bermuda National Trust (the first edition having been published in 1877, with funds provided by the Government of Bermuda), printed in Canada by The University of Toronto Press}}</ref>
==The Third English Civil War==

{{Main|Third English Civil War}}
==Third English Civil War (1649–1651)==


===Ireland=== ===Ireland===
{{Main|Anglo-Scottish war (1650–1652)}}
{{See also|Cromwellian conquest of Ireland}} {{See also|Cromwellian conquest of Ireland}}
] in Ireland in 1649]]
Ireland had undergone continual war since the ], with most of the island controlled by the ].<ref>{{harvnb|Leniham|2008|p=121}}.</ref> Increasingly threatened by the armies of the English Parliament after Charles I's arrest in 1648, the Confederates signed a treaty of alliance with the English Royalists.<ref>{{harvnb|Leniham|2008|p=122}}.</ref> The joint Royalist and Confederate forces under ] tried to eliminate the Parliamentary army holding ] by ], but their opponents routed them at the ] (2 August 1649).<ref>{{harvnb|Leniham|2008|p=127}}.</ref> ], a former Member of Parliament, had blockaded Prince Rupert's fleet in ], enabling Oliver Cromwell to land at ] on 15 August 1649 with an army to quell the Royalist alliance.<ref name=Leniham-128>{{harvnb|Leniham|2008|p=128}}.</ref>


Cromwell's suppression of the Royalists in Ireland in 1649 is still remembered by many Irish people. After the ],<ref name=Leniham-128/> the massacre of nearly 3,500 people – around 2,700 Royalist soldiers and 700 others, including civilians, prisoners, and Catholic priests (all of whom Cromwell claimed had carried arms) – became one of the historical memories that has driven Irish-English and Catholic-Protestant strife during the last three centuries. The Parliamentarian conquest of Ireland ground on for another four years until 1653, when the last ] and Royalist troops surrendered.<ref>{{harvnb|Leniham|2008|p=132}}.</ref> In the wake of the conquest, the victors confiscated almost all Irish Catholic-owned land and distributed it to Parliament's creditors, to Parliamentary soldiers who served in Ireland, and to English who had settled there before the war.<ref>{{harvnb|Leniham|2008|pp=135–136}}.</ref>
Ireland had known continuous war since the ], with most of the island controlled by the ]. Increasingly threatened by the armies of the English Parliament after Charles I's arrest in 1648, the Confederates signed a treaty of alliance with the English Royalists. The joint Royalist and Confederate forces under ] attempted to eliminate the Parliamentary army holding ], but their opponents routed them at the ]. As the former Member of Parliament ] blockaded Prince Rupert's fleet in ], Oliver Cromwell was able to land at ] on August 15, 1649 with the army to quell Royalist alliance in ].

Cromwell's suppression of the Royalists in ] during 1649 still has a strong resonance for many Irish people. After the ], the massacre of nearly 3,500 people — comprising around 2,700 Royalist soldiers and all the men in the town carrying arms, including civilians, prisoners, and Catholic priests — became one of the historical memories that has driven Irish-English and Catholic-Protestant strife during the last three centuries. However, the massacre is significant mainly as a symbol of the Irish perception of Cromwellian cruelty, as far more people died in the subsequent ] and scorched earth fighting in the country than at infamous massacres such as Drogheda and ]. The ] conquest of Ireland ground on for another four years until 1653, when the last ] and Royalist troops surrendered. It has been estimated that up to 30% of Ireland's population either died or were exiled by the end of the wars. Almost all Irish Catholic owned land was confiscated in the wake of the conquest and distributed to the Parliament's creditors, to the Parliamentary soldiers who served in Ireland, and to English people who had settled there before the war.


===Scotland=== ===Scotland===
{{See also|Scotland in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms#Montrose's defeat and death|Scotland in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms#Third Civil War}} {{See also|Scotland in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms}}
The execution of ] altered the dynamics of ], which had raged between Royalists and ]s since 1644. By 1649, the struggle had left the Royalists there in disarray and their erstwhile leader, the ], had gone into exile. At first, ] encouraged Montrose to raise a Highland army to fight on the Royalist side.<ref name=Carpenter-145>{{harvnb|Carpenter|2005|p=145}}.</ref> When the Scottish Covenanters, who did not agree with the execution of Charles I and who feared for the future of ] under the new ], offered him the crown of Scotland, Charles abandoned Montrose to his enemies.


The execution of ] altered the dynamics of the ], which had raged between Royalists and ] since 1644. By 1649, the struggle had left the Royalists there were in disarray and their erstwhile leader, the ], had gone into exile. At first, ] encouraged Montrose to raise a Highland army to fight on the Royalist side. However, when the Scottish Covenanters (who did not agree with the execution of Charles I and who feared for the future of ] and Scottish independence under the new ]) offered him the crown of Scotland, Charles abandoned Montrose to his enemies. However, Montrose, who had raised a ] force in ], had already landed and was unable to abandon the fight. He was unable to raise many Highland clans and his army was defeated at the ] in ] on ] ]. Montrose was captured shortly afterwards and taken to Edinburgh, where on ] he was sentenced to death by the Scottish parliament and was hanged the next day. Montrose, who had raised a ] force in Norway,<ref name=Carpenter-145/> had already landed and could not abandon the fight. He did not succeed in raising many Highland clans and the Covenanters defeated his army at the ] in ] on 27 April 1650. The victors captured Montrose shortly afterwards and took him to Edinburgh. On 20 May the Scottish Parliament sentenced him to death and had him hanged the next day.<ref name=Carpenter-146>{{harvnb|Carpenter|2005|p=146}}.</ref>


] ]'', by ], 1886]]
Charles II landed in Scotland at ] in ] on ] ] and signed the ] ] and the ] ] immediately after coming ashore. With his original Scottish Royalist followers and his new Covenanter allies, King Charles II became the greatest threat facing the new English Republic. In response to the threat, Cromwell left some of his lieutenants in Ireland to continue the suppression of the Irish Royalists and returned to England. Charles II landed in Scotland at ] in ] on 23 June 1650<ref>{{harvnb|Brett|2008|p=39}}.</ref> and signed the 1638 ] and the 1643 ] shortly after coming ashore.<ref>{{harvnb|Brett|2008|p=41}}.</ref> With his original Scottish Royalist followers and his new Covenanter allies, Charles II became the greatest threat facing the new English republic. In response to the threat, Cromwell left some of his lieutenants in Ireland to continue the suppression of the Irish Royalists and returned to England.<ref name=Carpenter-146/>


He arrived in Scotland on ], ] and proceeded to lay siege to Edinburgh. By the end of August disease and a shortage of supplies had reduced his army, and he had to order a retreat towards his base at Dunbar. A Scottish army, assembled under the command of ], tried to block the retreat, but the Scots were defeated at the ] on ]. Cromwell's army then took Edinburgh, and by the end of the year, his army had occupied much of southern Scotland. He arrived in Scotland on 22 July 1650<ref>{{harvnb|Reid|Turner|2004|p=18}}.</ref> and proceeded to lay siege to Edinburgh. By the end of August, disease and a shortage of supplies had reduced his army, and he had to order a retreat towards his base at ]. A Scottish army under the command of ] tried to block the retreat, but Cromwell defeated them at the ] on 3 September. Cromwell's army then took Edinburgh, and by the end of the year his army had occupied much of southern Scotland.


In July 1651, Cromwell's forces crossed the ] into ] and defeated the Scots at the ]. The New Model Army advanced towards ], which allowed Charles, at the head of the Scottish army, to move south into England. Cromwell followed Charles into England, leaving ] to finish the campaign in Scotland. Monck took ] on ] and ] on ]. The next year, 1652, saw the mopping up of the remnants of Royalist resistance, and under the terms of the "]", the Scots received 30 seats in a united Parliament in London, with General Monck appointed as the military governor of Scotland. In July 1651, Cromwell's forces crossed the ] into ] and defeated the Scots at the ] (20 July 1651).<ref>{{harvnb|Carpenter|2005|p=158}}.</ref> The New Model Army advanced towards ], which allowed Charles, at the head of the Scottish army, to move south into England. Cromwell followed Charles into England, leaving ] to finish the campaign in Scotland. Monck took ] on 14 August and ] on 1 September.<ref>{{harvnb|Carpenter|2005|p=185}}.</ref> The next year, 1652, saw a mopping up of the remnants of Royalist resistance, and under the terms of the "]", the Scots received 30 seats in a united Parliament in London, with General Monck as the military governor of Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Dand|1972|p=20}}.</ref>


===England=== ===England===
Although Cromwell's New Model Army had defeated a Scottish army at Dunbar, Cromwell could not prevent Charles II from marching from Scotland deep into England at the head of another Royalist army. The Royalists marched to the west of England because English Royalist sympathies were strongest in that area, but although some English Royalists joined the army, they came in far fewer numbers than Charles and his Scottish supporters had hoped. Cromwell finally engaged the new king at ] on ] 1651, and defeated him. ], via safe houses and a famous ], to France, ending the civil wars. Although Cromwell's New Model Army had defeated a Scottish army at Dunbar, Cromwell could not prevent Charles II from marching from Scotland deep into England at the head of another Royalist army.<ref name=Weiser-01>{{harvnb|Weiser|2003|p=1}}.</ref> They marched to the west of England where English Royalist sympathies were strongest, but although some English Royalists joined the army, they were far fewer in number than Charles and his Scottish supporters had hoped. Cromwell finally engaged and defeated the new Scottish king at ] on 3 September 1651.<ref name="Carpenter-145"/>{{sfn|Atkin|2008|p={{Page needed|date=September 2016}}}}

===Wales===
For several reasons most of ] was not as engaged in the English Civil Wars to the same degree as other parts of the British Isles. Wales was isolated from England, both physically and linguistically, so the Welsh were not as much engaged as England in the issues between the king and Parliament.&nbsp;<ref>{{cite book|last=Williams|first=Glanmor|title=Recovery, Reorientation, And Reformation: Wales, C. 1415 – 1642|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1987|isbn=9780198217336|location=New York|page=487}}</ref> The English considered Wales a remote land, with Welsh, not English, as the primary language. Since England had formally assimilated Wales into the kingdom, starting in 1536 formal agreements had been put in place under Henry VIII and continued under Charles I that allowed for Welsh local administrative authority and economic control, which allowed the Welsh to function to some degree independently.<ref name=Stoyle>{{cite journal|last=Stoyle|first=Mark|date=December 2000|title=English 'Nationalism', Celtic Particularism, And the English Civil War.|journal=The Historical Journal|volume=43|number=4|pages=1113–1128|publisher=Cambridge University Press|doi=10.1017/S0018246X00001369|doi-broken-date=1 November 2024|jstor=3020883|s2cid=159953456}}</ref><ref name="auto">{{cite book|last=Williams|first=Glanmor|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/15488908|title=Recovery, Reorientation, And Reformation : Wales, C. 1415-1642|year=1987|publisher=Clarendon Press, University of Wales Press|isbn=0-19-821733-1|location=Oxford|page=488|oclc=15488908}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Davies|first=John|title=A History of Wales|publisher=The Penguin Press|year=1993|isbn=0-713-99098-8|edition=First English|location=London|page=278}}</ref>&nbsp; Another factor was the Puritan religion, which played a major role in the English Civil Wars but was not widely practised throughout Wales.&nbsp; Welsh Puritan religious dominance was found in northeast Wales near ], ], and an indirect Puritan influence found along the southwestern coast near ], Pembroke, and ] due to a combination of a strong influence by the third earl of Essex and their strong trade relations with Bristol, England, a fervent Puritan stronghold.{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|p=6}}<ref>{{cite book|last=Davies|first=John|title=A History of Wales|publisher=Penguin Books|year=1993|isbn=0713990988|page=276}}</ref> In addition, Wales comparatively more rural in character than England at this time, and thereby lacking the large number of urban settlements home to mercantile, trade, and manufacturing interests who were a bulwark of support for both Puritanism and eventually the Parliamentarian cause.

Many of the key Welsh Civil Wars leaders were from the gentry class holding Royalist sympathies,<ref name=auto/> or from the Church. Those Welsh who did participate in the Civil Wars battles were underequipped, underfed, and not properly trained for warfare.{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|p=25}}&nbsp; The majority of Welsh followed the Protestant faith with a religious perspective that differed from the English puritan zeal.<ref name=Stoyle/> They were also leery of the Irish Catholics invading Wales.&nbsp; The Welsh also did not want to lose what they had, for the gentry were aware of the destruction the Thirty Years' War caused in Europe.<ref>{{cite book|last=Williams|first=Glanmor|title=Recovery, Reorientation, And Reformation: Wales, C. 1415 – 1642|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1987|location=New York|page=489}}</ref>

Most of those English Civil War battles where Wales was impacted occurred near the border with England and in south Wales.{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|pp=28–29}} Some of the more significant engagements were:

*&nbsp; In Gloucester, England (not far from Wales) Lord Herbert of Raglan (Wales) had Welsh troops assisting the royalists trying to take Gloucester in March, August, and September 1643, but without success;{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|p=10}}
*&nbsp; &nbsp; In November 1643 ] had secured the north Wales Royalist stronghold of Flintshire and the area east of Denbighshire, depriving Royalists based in Chester, England of their supplies.&nbsp; In response to this attack Archbishop John Williams, on behalf of the Royalists, responded to this attack by taking Wrexham from the Parliamentarians;{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|pp=10–12}} &nbsp;
*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Initially in the summer of 1643, Royalist forces under ], who had been appointed lieutenant-general by the King, was successful in securing three of the southwestern Welsh counties; but in early 1644 Parliamentarians conducted a successful sea and land assault campaign on Pembroke, Haverfordwest, Milford Pil; and continuing on to Swansea and Cardiff. As a result of these Royalist failures the King replaced Carbery with Colonel ] who was able to regain many of these lost territories in Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire;{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|pp=12–13}}
*&nbsp; &nbsp; On 18 September 1644 the first pitched battle on Welsh soil at Montgomery was a successful win for Myddelton;{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|pp=14–15}}
*&nbsp; &nbsp;On 1 August 1645 the Royalist forces were once again defeated at Colby Moor;{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|pp=15–16}}
*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; During the Second Civil War the Royalists were decisively defeated at the battle of St. ] near Cardiff, which was one of the last more significant battles.{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|p=21}}

In addition to the Civil Wars' impact on the monarchy and the changes in national leadership, unexpected outcomes of the English Civil Wars to Wales included a significant degradation of the country's road system, a deterioration of government administrative functions to the general population, destruction of castles with only the remnants of them remaining, and the desecration of churches.{{sfn|Jenkins|1987|pp=28–29}}

===Immediate aftermath===
After the Royalist defeat at Worcester, ] to France via safe houses and ].<ref name=Weiser-01/> Parliament was left in ''de facto'' control of England. Resistance continued for a time in Ireland and Scotland, but with the pacification of England, resistance elsewhere did not threaten the military supremacy of the New Model Army and its Parliamentary paymasters.


==Political control== ==Political control==
During the course of the Wars the Parliamentarians established a number of successive committees to oversee the war effort. The first of these, the ], created in July 1642, comprised 15 Members of Parliament. During the Wars, the Parliamentarians established a number of successive committees to oversee the war effort. The first, the ] set up in July 1642, comprised 15 members of Parliament.<ref>{{cite web|title=The Committee of Safety|url=https://bcw-project.org/church-and-state/first-civil-war/committee-of-safety|website=BCW Project|access-date=14 March 2022}}</ref> After the Anglo-Scottish alliance against the Royalists, the ] replaced the Committee of Safety between 1644 and 1648.<ref name=Kennedy-96>{{harvnb|Kennedy|2000|p=96}}</ref> Parliament dissolved the Committee of Both Kingdoms when the alliance ended, but its English members continued to meet as the ].<ref name=Kennedy-96/> A second Committee of Safety then replaced it.

===Episcopacy===
{{More citations needed section|date=May 2012}}
], Charles I's Archbishop of Canterbury.]]
During the English Civil War, the role of bishops as wielders of political power and upholders of the ] became a matter of heated political controversy. ] of Geneva had formulated a doctrine of ], which held that the offices of ''presbyter'' and ''episkopos'' in the New Testament were identical; he rejected the doctrine of ]. Calvin's follower ] brought Presbyterianism to Scotland when the Scottish church was reformed in 1560. In practice, Presbyterianism meant that committees of lay elders had a substantial voice in church government, as opposed to merely being subjects to a ruling hierarchy.

This vision of at least partial democracy in ] paralleled the struggles between Parliament and the King. A body within the Puritan movement in the Church of England sought to abolish the office of bishop and remake the Church of England along Presbyterian lines. The ] tracts (1588–1589), applying the ] name of '']'' to the church hierarchy, attacked the office of bishop with satire that deeply offended ] and her ] ]. The ] also related to this movement, seeking further reductions in church ceremony, and labelling the use of elaborate vestments as "unedifying" and even ].

], reacting against the perceived ] of his Presbyterian Scottish subjects, adopted "No Bishop, no King" as a slogan. He tied the hierarchical authority of the bishop to the absolute authority he sought as King and viewed attacks on the authority of the bishops as attacks on his authority. Matters came to a head when Charles I appointed ] as ]. Laud aggressively attacked the Presbyterian movement and sought to impose the full ]. The controversy eventually led to Laud's impeachment for ] by a ] in 1645 and subsequent execution. Charles also attempted to impose episcopacy on Scotland. The Scots' violent rejection of bishops and liturgical worship sparked the ] in 1639–1640.

During the height of Puritan power under ] and ], episcopacy was formally abolished in the Church of England on 9 October 1646.{{sfn|King|1968|p=523–537}} The Church of England remained Presbyterian until the ] of the monarchy.

==English overseas possessions==
{{section citations needed|date=December 2024}}
{{Further|English overseas possessions in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms}}
During the English Civil War, the English overseas possessions became highly involved. In the Channel Islands, the island of Jersey and ] in Guernsey supported the King until a surrender with honour in December 1651.

Although the newer, Puritan settlements in North America, notably ], were dominated by Parliamentarians, the older colonies sided with the Crown. Friction between Royalists and Puritans in Maryland came to a head in the ]. The ] settlements, ] and ], as well as ] and ], were conspicuous in their loyalty to the Crown. Bermuda's Independent Puritans were expelled, settling the ] under ] as the ]. Parliament passed ] in October 1650, which stated that:
{{Blockquote|...due punishment inflicted upon the said Delinquents, do Declare all and every the said persons in Barbada's, Antego, Bermuda's and Virginia, that have contrived, abetted, aided or assisted those horrid Rebellions, or have since willingly joyned with them, to be notorious Robbers and Traitors, and such as by the Law of Nations are not to be permitted any manner of Commerce or Traffic with any people whatsoever; and do forbid to all manner of persons, Foreigners, and others, all manner of Commerce, Traffic and Correspondence whatsoever, to be used or held with the said Rebels in the Barbados, Bermuda's, Virginia and Antego, or either of them.}}

The Act also authorised Parliamentary ]s to act against English vessels trading with the rebellious colonies:
{{Blockquote|All Ships that Trade with the Rebels may be surprized. Goods and tackle of such ships not to be embezeled, till judgement in the Admiralty.; Two or three of the Officers of every ship to be examined upon oath.}}

Far to the North, Bermuda's regiment of Militia and its coastal batteries prepared to resist an invasion that never came.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://americanhistorypodcast.net/ecw-27-witch-trials-in-the-devils-isles|title=English Civil Wars 27: Witch Trials in the Devil's Isles|last=Tanksalvala|first=Sarah|date=26 October 2021|website=American History Podcast|access-date=11 September 2022|quote=If you've been listening, and if you remember, Bermuda was the colony that tore itself apart first when war broke out in England.}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://americanhistorypodcast.net/ecw-18-declarations-of-independence|title=English Civil Wars 18: Declarations of Independence|last=Tanksalvala|first=Sarah|date=1 August 2020|website=American History Podcast|access-date=11 September 2022|quote=in six colonies, the reaction was strong enough to turn into rebellion. These were Bermuda, Virginia, Maryland, Newfoundland, Barbados and Antigua.}}</ref> Built-up inside the natural defence of a nearly impassable barrier reef, to fend off the might of Spain, these defences would have been a formidable obstacle for the Parliamentary fleet sent in 1651 under the command of Admiral Sir ] to subdue the trans-Atlantic colonies, but after the fall of Barbados, the Bermudians made a separate peace that respected the internal status quo. The ] avoided the Parliament of England's fate during ], becoming one of the oldest continuous legislatures in the world.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lefroy|first=John Henry|year=1981|title=Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands 1515-1685, Volume I|location=Bermuda|publisher=The Bermuda Historical Society and The Bermuda National Trust (the first edition having been published in 1877, with funds provided by the Government of Bermuda), printed in Canada by The University of Toronto Press}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Hollis Hallett|first=A. C.|title=Bermuda Under the Somers Isles Company: Civil Records. Volume I. 1612-1669|page=337|year=2005|publisher=A joint publication of Juniperhill Press and Bermuda Maritime Museum Press|location=Bermuda|isbn=0-921992-14-9|quote=1652 Dec Assizes Civil Actions}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://americanhistorypodcast.net/ecw-23-empire|title=English Civil Wars 23: Empire|last=Tanksalvala|first=Sarah|date=22 September 2021|website=American History Podcast|access-date=11 September 2022|quote=in England, Parliament had purged the Somers Islands Company of members who opposed the Commonwealth, so its remaining members pushed Bermuda into submission.|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220911110025/http://americanhistorypodcast.net/ecw-23-empire/|archive-date=11 September 2022|url-status=dead}}</ref>

Virginia's population swelled with Cavaliers during and after the English Civil War. Even so, Virginia Puritan ] was made Governor answering to Cromwell in 1652, followed by two more nominal "Commonwealth Governors". The loyalty of Virginia's ] to the Crown was rewarded after the 1660 Restoration of the Monarchy when Charles II dubbed it the ''Old Dominion''.

==Casualties==
Figures for casualties during this period are unreliable. Some attempt has been made to provide rough estimates.<ref name=Carlton-211-214>{{harvnb|Carlton|1992|loc=}}.</ref>

In England, a conservative estimate is that roughly 100,000 people died from war-related disease during the three civil wars. Historical records count 84,830 combat dead from the wars themselves.<ref name="Clod"/> Counting in accidents and the two Bishops' wars, an estimate of 190,000 dead is achieved,<ref name=Carlton-211>{{Harvnb |Carlton |1992 |loc=}}</ref> out of a total population of about five million.<ref name=James-187>{{harvnb|James|2003|p=187}}, cites: {{harvnb|Carlton|1995a|p=212}}.</ref> It is estimated that from 1638 to 1651, 15%–20% of all adult males in England and Wales served in the military. Around 4% of the total population died from war-related causes, compared to 2.23% in the ].<ref>{{cite journal|last=Mortlock|first=Stephen|year=2017|title=Death and Disease in the English Civil War|journal=The Biomedical Scientist|url=https://thebiomedicalscientist.net/science/death-and-disease-english-civil-war}}</ref>

As was typical for the era, most combat deaths occurred in minor skirmishes rather than large, pitched battles. There were a total of 645 engagements throughout the wars: 588 of these involved fewer than 250 casualties in total, with these 588 accounting for 39,838 fatalities (average count of less than 68) or nearly half of the conflict's combat deaths. There were only 9 major pitched battles (at least 1,000 fatalities) which in total accounted for 15% of casualties.{{sfn|Carlton|1995|p=206}}

An anecdotal example of how high casualties in England may have been perceived is to be found in the posthumously published writing (generally titled ''The History of Myddle''), by a ] man, Richard Gough (lived 1635–1723) of ] near ], who, writing in about 1701, commented of men from his rural home parish who joined the Royalist forces: "And out of these three townes ]], Myddle, Marton and Newton, there went noe less than twenty men, of which number thirteen were kill'd in the warrs".<ref>{{cite book|last=Gough|first=Richard|title=The History of Myddle|publisher=Penguin Books|year=1981|page=71|isbn=0-14-00-5841-9}} Edited by David Hey. Originally published in 1831 as ''History and Antiquities of the Parish of Myddle''.</ref> After listing those he recalled did not return home, four of whose exact fates were unknown, he concluded: "And if soe many dyed out of these 3 townes wee may reasonably guess that many thousands dyed in England in that warre."<ref>''The History of Myddle'', p. 72.</ref>

Figures for Scotland are less reliable and should be treated with caution. Casualties include the deaths of prisoners-of-war in conditions that accelerated their deaths, with estimates of 10,000 prisoners not surviving or not returning home (8,000 captured during and immediately after the ] were deported to ], ] and the ] to work for landowners as ]ers<ref>{{harvnb|Royle|2006|p=602}}.</ref>). There are no figures to calculate how many died from war-related diseases, but if the same ratio of disease to battle deaths from English figures is applied to the Scottish figures, a not unreasonable estimate of 60,000 people is achieved,<ref name=Carlton-212>{{harvnb|Carlton|1992|loc=}}.</ref> from a population of about one million.<ref name=James-187/>

Figures for Ireland are described as "miracles of conjecture". Certainly, the devastation inflicted on Ireland was massive, with the best estimate provided by Sir ], the father of English demography. Petty estimated that 112,000 Protestants and 504,000 Catholics were killed through ], war and ], giving an estimated total of 616,000 dead,<ref name=Carlton-213>{{harvnb|Carlton|1992|loc=}}.</ref> out of a pre-war population of about one and a half million.<ref name=James-187/> Although Petty's figures are the best available, they are still acknowledged as tentative; they do not include an estimated 40,000 driven into exile, some of whom served as soldiers in European continental armies, while others were sold as indentured servants to New England and the West Indies. Many of those sold to landowners in New England eventually prospered, but many sold to landowners in the West Indies were worked to death.

These estimates indicate that England suffered a 4 per cent loss of population, Scotland a loss of 6 per cent, while Ireland suffered a loss of 41 per cent of its population. Putting these numbers into the context of other catastrophes helps to understand the devastation of Ireland in particular. The ] of 1845–1852 resulted in a loss of 16 per cent of the population, while during the Soviet famine and ] of 1932–33 the population of the Soviet Ukraine fell by 14 per cent.<ref name=Conquest>] (1986). ''The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine''. Oxford: Oxford University Press. {{ISBN|0195051807}}.</ref>

==Popular gains==
Ordinary people took advantage of the dislocation of civil society in the 1640s to gain personal advantages. The contemporary guild democracy movement won its greatest successes among London's transport workers. Rural communities seized timber and other resources on the sequestrated estates of Royalists and Catholics, and on the estates of the royal family and church hierarchy. Some communities improved their conditions of tenure on such estates.{{sfn|O'Riordan|1993|pp=184–200}}


The old ''status quo'' began a retrenchment after the end of the First Civil War in 1646, and more especially after the Restoration in 1660, but some gains were long-term. The democratic element introduced into the watermen's company in 1642, for example, survived with vicissitudes until 1827.<ref>{{harvnb|Lindley|1997|p=160}}.</ref>
Following the ]-] alliance against the Royalists, the ] replaced the Committee of Safety between 1644 and 1648, when it was dissolved as the alliance ended. The English members of the former Committee for Both Kingdoms continued to meet and became known as the ]. A second Committee of Safety then replaced that committee.


==Aftermath== ==Aftermath==
The wars left England, Scotland, and Ireland among the few countries in Europe without a monarch. In the wake of victory, many of the ideals (and many idealists) became sidelined. The republican government of the ] ruled England (and later all of Scotland and Ireland) from 1649 to 1653 and from 1659 to 1660. Between the two periods, and due to in-fighting among various factions in Parliament, ] ruled over ] as ] (effectively a military dictator) until his death in 1658.{{efn|For a longer analysis of the relationship between Cromwell's position, the former monarchy and the military, see {{harvnb|Sherwood|1997|pages=7–11}}.}}
Estimates suggest that around 10 percent of the three kingdoms' population may have died during the civil wars.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} As usual in wars of this era, disease caused more deaths than combat did.


On Oliver Cromwell's death, his son ] became Lord Protector, but the Army had little confidence in him.<ref>{{harvnb|Keeble|2002|p=6}}.</ref> After seven months the Army removed Richard. In May 1659 it re-installed the Rump.<ref>{{harvnb|Keeble|2002|p=9}}.</ref> Military force shortly afterward dissolved this as well.<ref>{{harvnb|Keeble|2002|p=12}}.</ref> After the second dissolution of the Rump, in October 1659, the prospect of a total descent into anarchy loomed, as the Army's pretense of unity dissolved into factions.<ref>{{harvnb|Keeble|2002|p=34}}.</ref>
The wars left England, Scotland and Ireland amongst the few countries in Europe without a monarch. In the wake of victory, many of the ideals (and many of the idealists) became sidelined. The republican government of the ] ruled England (and later all of Scotland and Ireland) from 1649 to 1653 and from 1659 to 1660. Between the two periods, and due to in-fighting amongst various factions in Parliament, ] ruled over ] as ] (effectively a military ]) until his death in 1658.


]
Upon his death, Oliver Cromwell's son ] became Lord Protector, but the Army had little confidence in him. After seven months the Army removed Richard, and in May 1659 it re-installed the Rump. However, since the Rump Parliament acted as though nothing had changed since 1653 and as if it could treat the Army as it liked, military force shortly afterwards dissolved this too. After the second dissolution of the Rump, in October 1659, the prospect of a total descent into anarchy loomed as the Army's pretence of unity finally dissolved into factions.
Into this atmosphere General ], Governor of Scotland under the Cromwells, marched south with his army from Scotland. On 4 April 1660, in the ], Charles II made known the conditions of his acceptance of the Crown of England.<ref>{{harvnb|Keeble|2002|p=31}}.</ref> Monck organised the ],<ref>{{harvnb|Keeble|2002|p=48}}.</ref> which met for the first time on 25 April 1660.


Into this atmosphere General ], governor of Scotland under the Cromwells, marched south with his army from Scotland. On ], 1660, in the ], ] made known the conditions of his acceptance of the crown of England. Monck organised the ], which met for the first time on ]. On ] it declared that King Charles II had reigned as the lawful monarch since the execution of Charles I in January 1649. Charles returned from exile on ]. On ], the populace in London acclaimed him as king. His coronation took place at ] on ], 1661. These events became known as the '']''. On 8 May 1660, it declared that Charles II had reigned as the lawful monarch since the execution of Charles I in January 1649. Charles returned from exile on 23 May 1660. On 29 May 1660, the populace in London acclaimed him as king.<ref>{{harvnb|Lodge|2007|pp=5–6}}.</ref> His coronation took place at ] on 23 April 1661. These events became known as the '']''.<ref>{{harvnb|Lodge|2007|p=6}}.</ref>


As they resulted in the restoration of the monarchy with the consent of Parliament, the civil wars effectively set England and Scotland on course to adopt a ] form of government. This system would result in the outcome that the future ], formed in 1707 under the ], would avoid participation in the European republican movements that followed the ] revolution in ] France and the later success of ]. Specifically, future monarchs became wary of pushing Parliament too hard, and Parliament effectively chose the line of royal succession in 1688 with the ] and in the ] ]. After the ], Parliament's factions became ] (later becoming the ] and ]) with competing views and varying abilities to influence the decisions of their monarchs. Although the monarchy was restored, it was still with the consent of Parliament. So the civil wars effectively set England and Scotland on course towards a ] form of government.<ref>{{harvnb|Lodge|2007|p=8}}.</ref> The outcome of this system was that the future ], formed in 1707 under the ], managed to forestall the kind of revolution typical of European republican movements which generally resulted in total abolition of their monarchies. Thus, the United Kingdom was spared the wave of revolutions that occurred in Europe in the 1840s. Specifically, future monarchs became wary of pushing Parliament too hard, and Parliament effectively chose the line of royal succession in 1688 with the ].


==Historical interpretations==
==Theories relating to the English Civil War==
{{Puritans}}
Throughout the greater part of the ], two schools of thought dominated theoretical explanations of the Civil War: the ]s and the 'Whigs'. Both of them explained the English seventeenth century in terms of long-term trends.


===Hobbes' ''Behemoth''===
Whigs explained the Civil War as the result of a centuries-long struggle between Parliament (especially the House of Commons) and the monarchy. According to this school of thought, Parliament fought to defend the traditional rights of Englishmen, while the monarchy attempted on every occasion to expand its right to dictate law arbitrarily. The most important Whig historian, ], popularized the idea of describing the civil war as a 'Puritan Revolution' which challenged the repressive nature of the Stuart church and paved the way for the ] of the Restoration. Puritanism, in this view, became the natural ally of a people seeking to preserve their traditional rights against the arbitrary power of the monarchy.
] gave an early historical account of the English Civil War in his '']'', written in 1668 and published in 1681. He assessed the causes of the war to be the conflicting political doctrines of the time.{{sfn|Hobbes|1839|p=220}} ''Behemoth'' offered a uniquely historical and philosophical approach to naming the catalysts for the war. It also attempted to explain why Charles I could not hold his throne and maintain peace in his kingdom.{{sfn|Kraynak|1990|p=33}}


Hobbes analysed the following aspects of English thought during the war: the opinions of divinity and politics that spurred rebellion; rhetoric and doctrine used by the rebels against the king; and how opinions about "taxation, the conscription of soldiers, and military strategy" affected the outcomes of battles and shifts of sovereignty.{{sfn|Kraynak|1990|p=33}}
The Marxist school of thought, which became popular in the 1940s, interpreted the Civil War as a ] ]. In the words of ], "the Civil War was a class war". On the side of reaction stood the ] and its ally, the ]. On the other side stood (again according to Hill) "the trading and industrial classes in town and countryside. . . the yeomen and progressive gentry, and. . . wider masses of the population whenever they were able by free discussion to understand what the struggle was really about". The Civil War occurred at the point in English history at which the wealthy ]es, already a powerful force in society, liquidated the outmoded medieval system of English government. Like the Whigs, the Marxists found a place for the role of religion in their account. Puritanism as a moral system ideally suited the bourgeois class, and so the Marxists identified Puritans as inherently bourgeois.


Hobbes attributed the war to the novel theories of intellectuals and divines spread for their own pride of reputation.{{sfn|Goldsmith|1966|pp=x–xiii}} He held that clerical pretensions had contributed significantly to the troubles — "whether those of puritan fundamentalists, papal supremacists or divine right Episcopalians".{{sfn|Sommerville|2012}} Hobbes wanted to abolish the independence of the clergy and bring it under the control of the civil state.
Beginning in the 1970s, a new generation of historians began mounting challenges to the Marxist and Whig theories. This began with the publication in 1973 of the anthology '']'' (edited by ]). These historians disliked the way that Marxists and Whigs explained the Civil War in terms of long-term trends in English society. The new historians called for (and began producing) studies which focussed on the minute particulars of the years immediately preceding the war, thus returning in some ways to the sort of contingency-based historiography of ]'s famous contemporary history of the Civil War. As a result, they have demonstrated that the pattern of allegiances in the war did not fit the theories of Whig or Marxist historians. Puritans, for example, did not necessarily ally themselves with Parliamentarians, and many of them did not identify as bourgeois; many bourgeois fought on the side of the King; many landed aristocrats supported Parliament.


Some scholars suggest that Hobbes's ''Behemoth'' has not received its due as an academic work, being comparatively overlooked and under-rated in the shadow of the same author's '']''.{{sfn|Kraynak|1990|p=}}{{Page needed|date=September 2016}}{{sfn|Macgillivray|1970|p=179}} Its scholarly reputation may have suffered because it takes the form of a dialogue, which, while common in philosophy, is rarely adopted by historians. Other factors that hindered its success include Charles II's refusing its publication and Hobbes' lack of empathy with views different from his own.{{sfn|Macgillivray|1970|p=179}}
The new generation of historians (commonly called 'Revisionists') have discredited large sections of the Whig and Marxist interpretations of the war. Many of these historians (such as ]) have discarded the title 'English Civil War' and replaced it with the 'Wars of the Three Kingdoms' or even the geographically arguable but politically incorrect 'British Civil Wars'. This forms part of a wider trend in British history towards the study of the whole of the ] (]). This trend reacts against what its proponents perceive as 'Anglocentric' history, which concentrates on England and ignores or marginalizes other parts of the British Isles. These revisionist historians argue that one cannot fully understand the English Civil War in isolation; it needs to stand as just one conflict in a series of interlocking conflicts throughout the British Isles. They see the causes of the war as a consequence arising from one king, Charles I, ruling over multiple kingdoms. For example, the wars unfolded when Charles I tried to impose an Anglican prayer book on Scotland; when the Scots resisted he declared war on them, but had to raise heavy taxes in England to pay for campaigning, which triggered the Civil War in England.

===Whig and Marxist views===
In the early decades of the 20th century, the ] was the dominant theoretical view. It explained the Civil War as resulting from centuries of struggle between Parliament (notably the House of Commons) and the Monarchy, with Parliament defending the traditional rights of Englishmen, while the Stuart monarchy continually attempted to expand its right to dictate law arbitrarily. The major Whig historian, ], popularised the idea that the English Civil War was a "Puritan Revolution"<ref>{{cite book|last=Burns|first=J. H.|title=Cambridge History of Political Thought 1450-1700|year=1991|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=0521247160|page=422}}</ref> that challenged the repressive Stuart Church and prepared the way for ]. Thus, Puritanism was seen as the natural ally of a people preserving their traditional rights against arbitrary monarchical power.

The Whig view was challenged and largely superseded by the ] school, which became popular in the 1940s, and saw the English Civil War as a ] revolution. According to Marxist historian ]:

{{blockquote|The Civil War was a class war, in which the despotism of Charles I was defended by the reactionary forces of the established Church and conservative landlords, Parliament beat the King because it could appeal to the enthusiastic support of the trading and industrial classes in town and countryside, to the yeomen and progressive gentry, and to wider masses of the population whenever they were able by free discussion to understand what the struggle was really about.<ref>{{harvnb|Kaye|1995|loc=.}} quoting from the pamphlet ''The English Revolution 1640''.</ref>}}

===Later views===
In the 1970s, ] challenged both the Whig and the Marxist theories,<ref name=Burgess>{{harvnb|Burgess|1990|pp=609–627}}</ref> notably in the 1973 anthology ''The Origins of the English Civil War'' (] ed.).{{sfn|Russell|1973|p={{Page needed|date=April 2017}}}} These historians focused on the minutiae of the years immediately before the civil war, returning to the contingency-based historiography of ] ''History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England''.<ref name="Gaunt 2000 page=60">{{harvnb|Gaunt|2000|p=60}}.</ref> This, it was claimed, demonstrated that patterns of war allegiance did not fit either Whig or Marxist theories.<ref name="Gaunt 2000 page=60"/> Parliament was not inherently progressive, nor the events of 1640 a precursor for the ].<ref>{{harvnb|Gaunt|2000|pp=60–61}}</ref> Many members of the bourgeoisie fought for the King, while many landed aristocrats supported Parliament.<ref name=Burgess/>{{Failed verification|date=June 2008}}

From the 1990s, a number of historians replaced the historical title "English Civil War" with "]" and "British Civil Wars", positing that the civil war in England cannot be understood apart from events in other parts of Britain and Ireland. King Charles I remains crucial, not just as King of England, but through his relationship with the peoples of his other realms. For example, the wars began when Charles forced an Anglican Prayer Book upon Scotland, and when this was met with resistance from the ]s, he needed an army to impose his will. However, this need of military funds forced Charles I to call an English Parliament, which was not willing to grant the needed revenue unless he addressed their grievances.{{sfn|Ohlmeyer|2002}}

By the early 1640s, Charles was left in a state of near-permanent crisis management, confounded by the demands of the various factions. For example, Charles finally made terms with the Covenanters in August 1641, but although this might have weakened the position of the English Parliament, the ] broke out in October 1641, largely negating the political advantage he had obtained by relieving himself of the cost of the Scottish invasion.{{sfn|Ohlmeyer|2002}}

A number of revisionist historians such as ] regarded the conflict as a religious war, with ] (1993) stating: 'The English Civil War was not the first European revolution: it was the last of the Wars of Religion.'{{sfn|Burgess|1998|p=175}} This view has been criticised by various pre-, post- and anti-revisionist historians.{{sfn|Burgess|1998|p=175}} Glen Burgess (1998) examined political propaganda written by the Parliamentarian politicians and clerics at the time, noting that many were or may have been motivated by their Puritan religious beliefs to support the war against the 'Catholic' king Charles I, but tried to express and legitimise their opposition and rebellion in terms of a legal revolt against a monarch who had violated crucial constitutional principles and thus had to be overthrown.{{sfn|Burgess|1998|p=196–197}} They even warned their Parliamentarian allies to not make overt use of religious arguments in making their case for war against the king.{{sfn|Burgess|1998|p=196–197}}

However, in some cases it may be argued that they hid their pro-Anglican and anti-Catholic motives behind legal parliance, for example by emphasising that the ] was the ''legally established'' religion: 'Seen in this light, the defences of Parliament's war, with their apparent legal-constitutional thrust, are not at all ways of saying that the struggle was not religious. On the contrary, they are ways of saying that it was.'{{sfn|Burgess|1998|p=198–200}} Burgess concluded: 'he Civil War left behind it just the sort of evidence that we could reasonably expect a war of religion to leave.'{{sfn|Burgess|1998|p=201}}


==Re-enactments== ==Re-enactments==
]
Two large historical societies exist, ] and ], which regularly ] events and battles of the Civil War in full period costume. Two large historical societies exist, ] and ], which regularly ] events and battles of the Civil War in full period costume.


==See also== ==See also==
*]
* ]
*], booklet Cromwell issued to his army in 1643.
* ], ], ], ] and ]
*]
* ] for a defining event in European history during the reign of Charles I.
*]
*]
*]
*]
*]
*]
*]
*]
*The ], a movement for political reform.
*], a defining event in European history during the reign of Charles I
*], showing events leading up to, culminating in, and resulting from the English Civil Wars.
*], the last Royalist veteran of the Civil War

{{Clear}}

==Notes==
{{Notelist}}


==References== ==References==
===Citations===
* Royal, Trevor; "Civil War: The Wars of the Three Kingdoms 1638-1660"; Pub Abacus 2006; (first published 2004); ISBN 978-0-349-11564-1
{{Reflist}}

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*{{citation|last=Norton|first=Mary Beth|title=Separated by Their Sex: Women in Public and Private in the Colonial Atlantic World.|year=2011|page=|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=978-0-8014-6137-8}}
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*{{cite book|last=Purkiss|first=Diane|title=The English Civil War: A People's History|year=2007|place=London|publisher=Harper Perennial}}
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*{{citation|title=The Origins of the English Civil War|year=1973|editor-last=Russell|editor-first=Conrad|series=Problems in focus series|place=London|publisher=Macmillan|oclc=699280|editor-link=Conrad Russell}}
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*{{cite book|last=Smith|first=David L.|title=The Stuart Parliaments 1603–1689|year=1999|place=London|publisher=Arnold|volume=31|number=1|doi=10.2307/2671360|jstor=2671360 |url=https://archive.org/details/stuartparliament0000smit}}
*{{cite book|last=Smith|first=Lacey Baldwin|title=This realm of England, 1399 to 1688.|year=1983|page=|edition=3rd|publisher=D.C. Heath}}
*{{cite book|last=Sommerville|first=Johann P.|title=Parliament and Liberty from the Reign of Elizabeth to the English Civil War|year=1992|pages=65, 71, 80|editor-last=Hexter|editor-first=Jack H.|chapter=Parliament, Privilege, and the Liberties of the Subject|publisher=Cambridge University Press|jstor=175996}} '']''
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'''Attribution:'''
*{{EB1911|first=Charles Francis|last=Atkinson|wstitle=Great Rebellion|volume=12|pages=417|mode=cs2}}
{{Refend}}


==Further reading== ==Further reading==
*{{citation|last=Ashley|first=Maurice|title=The English Civil War|year=1990|publisher=Sutton|ref=none}} {{ISBN?}}
*
*{{cite journal|last=Askew|first=Rachel|year=2016|title=Political iconoclasm: the destruction of Eccleshall Castle during the English Civil Wars|journal=Post-Medieval Archaeology|volume=50|issue=2|pages=279–288|doi=10.1080/00794236.2016.1203547|s2cid=157307448}}
* by Brandon W Duke
*{{citation|last=Bennett|first=Martyn|title=Historical Dictionary of the British and Irish Civil Wars 1637–1660|year=1999|publisher=Scarecrow Press|ref=none}}{{ISBN?}}
*
*{{citation|title=Oliver Cromwell and the Puritan revolt; failure of a man or a faith?|url=https://archive.org/details/olivercromwellpu00boye|year=1966|editor-last=Boyer|editor-first=Richard E.|publisher=Boston, Heath}} – excerpts from primary and secondary sources.
*
*{{citation|last=Braddick|first=Michael|title=God's Fury, England's Fire: A New History of the English Civil Wars|year=2009|publisher=Penguin|location=London|isbn=978-0141008974}}
*
*{{citation|last=Clarendon|title=History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England: Begun in the Year 1641|year=1717|author-link=Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon}}: , , , , ,
**{{citation|last=Clarendon|title=The Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon, in which is included a Continuation of his History of the Grand Rebellion|year=1827|publisher=Clarendon Press}}: , ,
*{{citation|title=The English Civil War|year=1997|editor-last=Cust|editor-first=Richard|publisher=Arnold|editor2-last=Hughes|editor2-first=Ann}} – emphasis on historiography. {{ISBN|978-0340661994}}
*{{citation|last=Gardiner|first=Samuel Rawson|title=History of the Great Civil War, 1642–1649|date=1886–1901|author-link=Samuel Rawson Gardiner}}: ; ; ; , The basic narrative history used by all other scholars.
*{{citation|last=Ludlow|first=Edmund|title=The Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow Lieutenant-General of the Horse in the Army of the Commonwealth of England 1625–1672|year=1894|editor-last=]|place=Oxford|publisher=Clarendon Press|author-link=Edmond Ludlow}}
*{{citation|last=Morrill|first=John|title=The nature of the English Revolution|year=2014|publisher=Routledge}} – 20 essays by Morrill. {{ISBN?}}
*{{citation|last=Plant|first=David|title=British Civil Wars, Commonwealth and Protectorate 1638–60: Episcopy|date=5 June 2002|url=http://www.british-civil-wars.co.uk/glossary/episcopacy.htm|publisher=British Civil Wars|access-date=12 August 2011|archive-date=29 August 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120829033755/http://www.british-civil-wars.co.uk/glossary/episcopacy.htm|url-status=dead}}
*{{citation|last=Plant|first=David|title=The Committee of Safety|date=3 August 2009|url=http://www.british-civil-wars.co.uk/glossary/committee-safety.htm |publisher=British Civil Wars|access-date=25 November 2009|archive-date=22 December 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081222055910/http://www.british-civil-wars.co.uk/glossary/committee-safety.htm|url-status=dead}}
*{{citation|title=England's wars of religion, revisited|year=2013|editor-last=Prior|editor-first=Charles W. A.|publisher=Ashgate|editor2-last=Burgess|editor2-first=Glenn}} – 14 scholars discuss the argument of John Morrill that the English Civil War was the last war of religion, rather than the first modern revolution. ; historiography pp.&nbsp;1–25.
*{{cite thesis|last=Rakoczy|first=Lila|title=Archaeology of Destruction: A Reinterpretation of Castle Slightings in the English Civil War|degree=Ph.D. thesis|publisher=University of York|url=http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/11092/|oclc=931130655|year=2007}} {{Open access}}
*{{citation|last=Scott|first=Jonathan|title=England's Troubles: Seventeenth-century English political instability in European context|year=2000|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-42334-2}}
**{{citation|last=Morgan|first=Hiram|title=Jonathan Scott's major reinterpretation of the seventeenth century ... England's crisis is viewed in European perspective|date=March 2001|url=http://www.history.ac.uk/reviews/review/187 |journal=Reviews in History|type=book review|doi=10.14296/RiH/issn.1749.8155|doi-access=free|hdl=11603/19192 |hdl-access=free }}
*{{cite book|last=Taipale|first=Antti|url=http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-51-7307-2|title=Religion and the Battlefield in the First English Civil War (1642–1646): Instructing Soldiers and Dehumanising Enemies|publisher=University of Helsinki|year=2021|isbn=978-951-51-7306-5|type=Ph.D. thesis}}
*{{citation|last=White|first=Matthew|title=Selected Death Tolls for Wars, Massacres and Atrocities Before the 20th century: British Isles, 1641–52|date=January 2012|url=http://necrometrics.com/pre1700a.htm#EnglCW}}
*{{citation|title=Perspectives on English Revolutionary Republicanism|year=2016|editor-last=Wiemann|editor-first=Dirk|publisher=Routledge |ref=none}} {{ISBN?}}
*{{citation|last=Woolrych|first=Austin|title=Britain in revolution: 1625–1660|year=2002|publisher=Oxford University Press}} {{ISBN?}}


==Footnotes== ==External links==
{{Sister project links|English Civil War}}
<references/>
* News, comment and discussion about the English Civil War
*
*
*{{Cite web|url=http://gainesjunction.tamu.edu/issues/vol2num1/bduke.pdf |title=Jack Goldstone's Model and the English Civil War |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060921002357/http://gainesjunction.tamu.edu/issues/vol2num1/bduke.pdf |archive-date=21 September 2006}} {{Small|(103 ])}} by Brandon W Duke
*
*
*
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Latest revision as of 13:28, 8 January 2025

Series of wars in England, 1642–1651 For other civil wars in England, see List of English civil wars. For other uses, see English Civil War (disambiguation).

English Civil War
Part of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms

The Battle of Naseby, 14 June 1645, a Parliamentarian victory considered to be the turning point of the English Civil War
DateAugust 1642 – September 1651
LocationGreat Britain
Result Parliamentarian victory
Belligerents
Commanders and leaders
Casualties and losses
  • 34,130 dead
  • 32,823 captured
  • 50,700 dead
  • 83,467 captured
127,000 non-combat deaths (including some 40,000 civilians)
Wars of the
Three Kingdoms
First English Civil War
1642

1643

1644

1645

1646

Second English Civil War
  • St. Fagans
  • Pembroke
  • Maidstone
  • St Neots
  • Y Dalar Hir
  • Colchester
  • Preston
  • Winwick
  • Anglo-Scottish war (1650–1652)
    Scotland

    England

    The English Civil War was a series of civil wars and political machinations between Royalists and Parliamentarians in the Kingdom of England from 1642 to 1651. Part of the wider 1639 to 1653 Wars of the Three Kingdoms, the struggle consisted of the First English Civil War and the Second English Civil War. The Anglo-Scottish War of 1650 to 1652 is sometimes referred to as the Third English Civil War.

    While the conflicts in the three kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland had similarities, each had their own specific issues and objectives. The First English Civil War was fought primarily over the correct balance of power between Parliament and Charles I. It ended in June 1646 with Royalist defeat and the king in custody.

    However, victory exposed Parliamentarian divisions over the nature of the political settlement. The vast majority went to war in 1642 to assert Parliament's right to participate in government, not abolish the monarchy, which meant Charles' refusal to make concessions led to a stalemate. Concern over the political influence of radicals within the New Model Army like Oliver Cromwell led to an alliance between moderate Parliamentarians and Royalists, supported by the Covenanter Scots. Royalist defeat in the 1648 Second English Civil War resulted in the execution of Charles I in January 1649, and establishment of the Commonwealth of England.

    In 1650, Charles II was crowned King of Scotland, in return for agreeing to create a Presbyterian church in both England and Scotland. The subsequent Anglo-Scottish war ended with Parliamentarian victory at Worcester on 3 September 1651. Both Ireland and Scotland were incorporated into the Commonwealth, and Britain became a unitary state until the Stuart Restoration in 1660.

    Terminology

    The term English Civil War appears most often in the singular, but historians often divide the conflict into two or three separate wars. These were not restricted to England alone, as Wales (having been annexed into the Kingdom of England) was affected by the same political instabilities. The conflicts also involved wars with Scotland and Ireland and civil wars within them. Some historians have favoured the term The British Civil Wars. From the Restoration to the 19th century, the common phrase for the civil wars was "the rebellion" or "the great rebellion".

    The wars spanning all four countries are known as the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. In the early 19th century, Sir Walter Scott referred to it as "The Great Civil War". The 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica called the series of conflicts the "Great Rebellion". Some historians, notably Marxists such as Christopher Hill (1912–2003), favoured the term "English Revolution".

    Geography

    Each side had a geographical stronghold, such that minority elements were silenced or fled. The Royalist areas included the countryside, the shires, the cathedral city of Oxford, and the less economically developed areas of northern and western England and Wales. Parliament's strengths spanned the industrial centres, ports, and economically advanced regions of southern and eastern England, including the remaining cathedral cities (except York, Chester, Worcester). Lacey Baldwin Smith says, "the words populous, rich, and rebellious seemed to go hand in hand".

    Strategy and tactics

    Many officers and veteran soldiers had fought in European wars, notably the Eighty Years' War between the Spanish and the Dutch, which began in 1568, as well as earlier phases of the Thirty Years' War which began in 1618 and concluded in 1648.

    The war was of unprecedented scale for the English. During the campaign seasons, 120,000 to 150,000 soldiers would be in the field, a higher proportion of the population than were fighting in Germany in the Thirty Years' War.

    The main battle tactic came to be known as pike and shot infantry. The two sides would line up opposite one another, with infantry brigades of musketeers in the centre. These carried matchlock muskets, an inaccurate weapon which nevertheless could be lethal at a range of up to 300 yards. Musketeers would assemble three rows deep, the first kneeling, second crouching, and third standing. At times, troops divided into two groups, allowing one to reload while the other fired. Among the musketeers were pike men, carrying pikes of 12 feet (4 m) to 18 feet (5.5 m) long, whose main purpose was to protect the musketeers from cavalry charges. Positioned on each side of the infantry were cavalry, with a right wing led by the lieutenant-general and left by the commissary general. Its main aim was to rout the opponents' cavalry, then turn and overpower their infantry.

    The Royalist cavaliers' skill and speed on horseback led to many early victories. Prince Rupert, commanding the king's cavalry, used a tactic learned while fighting in the Dutch army, where cavalry would charge at full speed into the opponent's infantry, firing their pistols just before impact.

    However, with Oliver Cromwell and the introduction of the more disciplined New Model Army, a group of disciplined pike men would stand its ground, which could have a devastating effect. The Royalist cavalry had a tendency to chase down individual targets after the initial charge, leaving their forces scattered and tired, whereas Cromwell's cavalry was slower but better disciplined. Trained to operate as a single unit, it went on to win many decisive victories.

    Background

    The King's rule

    The English Civil War broke out in 1642, less than 40 years after the death of Queen Elizabeth I. Elizabeth had been succeeded by her first cousin twice-removed, King James VI of Scotland, as James I of England, creating the first personal union of the Scottish and English kingdoms. As King of Scots, James had become accustomed to Scotland's weak parliamentary tradition since assuming control of the Scottish government in 1583, so that upon assuming power south of the border, the new King of England was affronted by the constraints the English Parliament attempted to place on him in exchange for money. Consequently, James's personal extravagance, which resulted in him being perennially short of money, meant that he had to resort to extra-parliamentary sources of income. Moreover, increasing inflation during this period meant that even though Parliament was granting the King the same nominal value of subsidy, the income was actually worth less.

    This extravagance was tempered by James's peaceful disposition, so that by the succession of his son Charles I in 1625 the two kingdoms had both experienced relative peace, internally and in their relations with each other. Charles followed his father's dream in hoping to unite the kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland into a single kingdom. Many English Parliamentarians were suspicious of such a move, fearing that such a new kingdom might destroy old English traditions that had bound the English monarchy. Because James had described kings as "little gods on Earth", chosen by God to rule in accordance with the doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings, and Charles shared his father's position, the suspicions of the Parliamentarians had some justification.

    Charles I believed in the Divine right of kings; painting by Van Dyck

    Parliament in an English constitutional framework

    At the time, the Parliament of England did not have a large permanent role in the English system of government. Instead, it functioned as a temporary advisory committee and was summoned only if and when the monarch saw fit. Once summoned, a Parliament's continued existence was at the King's pleasure since it was subject to dissolution by him at any time.

    Yet in spite of this limited role, Parliament had acquired over the centuries de facto powers of enough significance that monarchs could not simply ignore them indefinitely. For a monarch, Parliament's most indispensable power was its ability to raise tax revenues far in excess of all other sources of revenue at the Crown's disposal. By the 17th century, Parliament's tax-raising powers had come to be derived from the fact that the gentry was the only stratum of society with the ability and authority to collect and remit the most meaningful forms of taxation then available at the local level. So, if the king wanted to ensure smooth revenue collection, he needed the gentry's cooperation. For all of the Crown's legal authority, its resources were limited by any modern standard to the extent that if the gentry refused to collect the king's taxes on a national scale, the Crown lacked a practical means of compelling them.

    From the thirteenth century, monarchs ordered the election of representatives to sit in the House of Commons, with most voters being the owners of property, although in some potwalloper boroughs every male householder could vote. When assembled along with the House of Lords, these elected representatives formed a Parliament. So the concept of Parliaments allowed representatives of the property-owning class to meet, primarily, at least from the point of view of the monarch, to sanction whatever taxes the monarch wished to collect. In the process, the representatives could debate and enact statutes, or acts. However, Parliament lacked the power to force its will upon the monarch; its only leverage was the threat of withholding the financial means required to implement his plans.

    Parliamentary concerns and the Petition of Right

    Henrietta Maria, painted by Peter Lely, 1660

    Many concerns were raised over Charles's marriage in 1625 to a Roman Catholic French princess, Henrietta Maria. Parliament refused to assign him the traditional right to collect customs duties for his entire reign, deciding instead to grant it only on a provisional basis and negotiate with him.

    Charles, meanwhile, decided to send an expeditionary force to relieve the French Huguenots, whom French royal troops held besieged in La Rochelle. Such military support for Protestants on the Continent potentially alleviated concerns about the King's marriage to a Catholic. However, Charles's insistence on giving command of the English force to his unpopular royal favourite George Villiers, the Duke of Buckingham, undermined that support. Unfortunately for Charles and Buckingham, the relief expedition proved a fiasco (1627), and Parliament, already hostile to Buckingham for his monopoly on royal patronage, opened impeachment proceedings against him. Charles responded by dissolving Parliament. This saved Buckingham but confirmed the impression that Charles wanted to avoid Parliamentary scrutiny of his ministers.

    Having dissolved Parliament and unable to raise money without it, the king assembled a new one in 1628. (The elected members included Oliver Cromwell, John Hampden, and Edward Coke.) The new Parliament drew up a Petition of Right, which Charles accepted as a concession to obtain his subsidy. The Petition made reference to Magna Carta, but did not grant him the right of tonnage and poundage, which Charles had been collecting without Parliamentary authorisation since 1625. Several more active members of the opposition were imprisoned, which caused outrage; one, John Eliot, subsequently died in prison and came to be seen as a martyr for the rights of Parliament.

    Personal rule

    Charles avoided calling a Parliament for the next decade, a period known as the "personal rule of Charles I", or by its critics as the "Eleven Years' Tyranny". During this period, Charles's policies were determined by his lack of money. First and foremost, to avoid Parliament, the King needed to avoid war. Charles made peace with France and Spain, effectively ending England's involvement in the Thirty Years' War. However, that in itself was far from enough to balance the Crown's finances.

    Unable to raise revenue without Parliament and unwilling to convene it, Charles resorted to other means. One was to revive conventions, often outdated. For example, a failure to attend and receive knighthood at Charles's coronation became a finable offence with the fine paid to the Crown. The King also tried to raise revenue through ship money, demanding in 1634–1636 that the inland English counties pay a tax for the Royal Navy to counter the threat of privateers and pirates in the English Channel. Established law supported the policy of coastal counties and inland ports such as London paying ship money in times of need, but it had not been applied to inland counties before.

    Authorities had ignored it for centuries, and many saw it as yet another extra-Parliamentary, illegal tax, which prompted some prominent men to refuse to pay it. Charles issued a writ against John Hampden for his failure to pay, and although five judges including Sir George Croke supported Hampden, seven judges found in favour of the King in 1638. The fines imposed on people who refused to pay ship money and standing out against its illegality aroused widespread indignation.

    During his "Personal Rule", Charles aroused most antagonism through his religious measures. He believed in High Anglicanism, a sacramental version of the Church of England, theologically based upon Arminianism, a creed shared with his main political adviser, Archbishop William Laud. In 1633, Charles appointed Laud Archbishop of Canterbury and started making the Church more ceremonial, replacing the wooden communion tables with stone altars. Puritans accused Laud of reintroducing Catholicism, and when they complained he had them arrested. In 1637, John Bastwick, Henry Burton, and William Prynne had their ears cut off for writing pamphlets attacking Laud's views – a rare penalty for gentlemen, and one that aroused anger. Moreover, the Church authorities revived statutes from the time of Elizabeth I about church attendance and fined Puritans for not attending Anglican services.

    Rebellion in Scotland

    Main article: Bishops' Wars

    The end of Charles's independent governance came when he attempted to apply the same religious policies in Scotland. The Church of Scotland, reluctantly episcopal in structure, had independent traditions. Charles wanted one uniform Church throughout Britain and introduced a new, High Anglican version of the English Book of Common Prayer to Scotland in the middle of 1637. This was violently resisted. A riot broke out in Edinburgh, which may have been started in St Giles' Cathedral, according to legend, by Jenny Geddes. In February 1638, the Scots formulated their objections to royal policy in the National Covenant. This document took the form of a "loyal protest", rejecting all innovations not first tested by free Parliaments and General Assemblies of the Church.

    In the spring of 1639, King Charles I accompanied his forces to the Scottish border to end the rebellion known as the Bishops' War, but after an inconclusive campaign, he accepted the offered Scottish truce: the Pacification of Berwick. This truce proved temporary, and a second war followed in mid-1640. A Scots army defeated Charles's forces in the north, then captured Newcastle. Charles eventually agreed not to interfere in Scotland's religion.

    Recall of the English Parliament

    Main article: Short Parliament

    Charles needed to suppress the rebellion in Scotland but had insufficient funds to do so. He needed to seek money from a newly elected English Parliament in 1640. Its majority faction, led by John Pym, used this appeal for money as a chance to discuss grievances against the Crown and oppose the idea of an English invasion of Scotland. Charles took exception to this lèse-majesté (offense against the ruler) and, after negotiations went nowhere, dissolved the Parliament after only a few weeks; hence its name, "the Short Parliament".

    Without Parliament's support, Charles attacked Scotland again, breaking the truce at Berwick, and suffered comprehensive defeat. The Scots went on to invade England, occupying Northumberland and Durham. Meanwhile, another of Charles's chief advisers, Thomas Wentworth, 1st Viscount Wentworth, had risen to the role of Lord Deputy of Ireland in 1632, and brought in much-needed revenue for Charles by persuading the Irish Catholic gentry to pay new taxes in return for promised religious concessions.

    In 1639, Charles had recalled Wentworth to England and in 1640 made him Earl of Strafford, attempting to have him achieve similar results in Scotland. This time he proved less successful and the English forces fled the field at their second encounter with the Scots in 1640. Almost the whole of Northern England was occupied and Charles forced to pay £850 per day to keep the Scots from advancing. Had he not done so they would have pillaged and burnt the cities and towns of Northern England.

    All this put Charles in a desperate financial state. As King of Scots, he had to find money to pay the Scottish army in England; as King of England, he had to find money to pay and equip an English army to defend England. His means of raising English revenue without an English Parliament fell critically short of achieving this. Against this backdrop, and according to advice from the Magnum Concilium (the House of Lords, but without the Commons, so not a Parliament), Charles finally bowed to pressure and summoned another English Parliament in November 1640.

    The Long Parliament

    Main article: Long Parliament
    A sitting of the Long Parliament, 1640
    The king's attempt to arrest the Five Members, depicted in a 19th-century painting.

    The new Parliament proved even more hostile to Charles than its predecessor. It immediately began to discuss grievances against him and his government, with Pym and Hampden (of ship money fame) in the lead. They took the opportunity presented by the King's troubles to force various reforming measures – including many with strong "anti-Papist" themes – upon him. The members passed a law stating that a new Parliament would convene at least once every three years – without the King's summons if need be. Other laws passed making it illegal for the king to impose taxes without Parliamentary consent and later gave Parliament control over the King's ministers.

    Finally, the Parliament passed a law forbidding the King to dissolve it without its consent, even if the three years were up. These laws equated to a tremendous increase in Parliamentary power. Ever since, this Parliament has been known as the Long Parliament. However, Parliament did attempt to avert conflict by requiring all adults to sign The Protestation, an oath of allegiance to Charles.

    Early in the Long Parliament, the house overwhelmingly accused Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, of high treason and other crimes and misdemeanors. Henry Vane the Younger supplied evidence of Strafford's claimed improper use of the army in Ireland, alleging that he had encouraged the King to use his Ireland-raised forces to threaten England into compliance. This evidence was obtained from Vane's father, Henry Vane the Elder, a member of the King's Privy Council, who refused to confirm it in Parliament out of loyalty to Charles. On 10 April 1641, Pym's case collapsed, but Pym made a direct appeal to the Younger Vane to produce a copy of the notes from the King's Privy Council, discovered by the Younger Vane and secretly turned over to Pym, to the great anguish of the Elder Vane. These notes contained evidence that Strafford had told the King, "Sir, you have done your duty, and your subjects have failed in theirs; and therefore you are absolved from the rules of government, and may supply yourself by extraordinary ways; you have an army in Ireland, with which you may reduce the kingdom."

    Pym immediately launched a Bill of Attainder stating Strafford's guilt and demanding that he be put to death. Unlike a guilty verdict in a court case, attainder did not require a legal burden of proof to be met, but it did require the king's approval. Charles, however, guaranteed Strafford that he would not sign the attainder, without which the bill could not be passed. Furthermore, the Lords opposed the severity of a death sentence on Strafford. Yet increased tensions and a plot in the army to support Strafford began to sway the issue.

    On 21 April, the Commons passed the Bill (204 in favour, 59 opposed, and 250 abstained), and the Lords acquiesced. Charles, still incensed over the Commons' handling of Buckingham, refused his assent. Strafford himself, hoping to head off the war he saw looming, wrote to the king and asked him to reconsider. Charles, fearing for the safety of his family, signed on 10 May. Strafford was beheaded two days later. In the meantime, both Parliament and the King agreed to an independent investigation into the king's involvement in Strafford's plot.

    The Long Parliament then passed the Triennial Act 1640, also known as the Dissolution Act, in May 1641, to which royal assent was readily granted. The Triennial Act required Parliament to be summoned at least once in three years. When the king failed to issue a proper summons, the members could assemble on their own. This act also forbade ship money without Parliament's consent, fines in distraint of knighthood, and forced loans. Monopolies were cut back sharply, the courts of the Star Chamber and High Commission abolished by the Habeas Corpus Act 1640, and the Triennial Act respectively.

    All remaining forms of taxation were legalised and regulated by the Tonnage and Poundage Act 1640. On 3 May, Parliament decreed The Protestation, attacking the 'wicked counsels' of Charles's government, whereby those who signed the petition undertook to defend 'the true reformed religion', Parliament, and the king's person, honour and estate. Throughout May, the House of Commons launched several bills attacking bishops and Episcopalianism in general, each time defeated in the Lords.

    Charles and his Parliament hoped that the execution of Strafford and the Protestation would end the drift towards war, but in fact, they encouraged it. Charles and his supporters continued to resent Parliament's demands, and Parliamentarians continued to suspect Charles of wanting to impose episcopalianism and unfettered royal rule by military force. Within months, the Irish Catholics, fearing a resurgence of Protestant power, struck first, and all Ireland soon descended into chaos. Rumours circulated that the King supported the Irish, and Puritan members of the Commons soon started murmuring that this exemplified the fate that Charles had in store for them all.

    On 4 January 1642, Charles, followed by 400 soldiers, entered the House of Commons and attempted to arrest five members on a charge of treason. The members had learned that he was coming and escaped. Charles not only failed to arrest them but turned more people against him.

    Local grievances

    In the summer of 1642, these national troubles helped to polarise opinion, ending indecision about which side to support or what action to take. Opposition to Charles also arose from many local grievances. For example, imposed drainage schemes in The Fens disrupted the livelihood of thousands after the King awarded a number of drainage contracts. Many saw the King as indifferent to public welfare, and this played a role in bringing much of eastern England into the Parliamentarian camp. This sentiment brought with it such people as the Earl of Manchester and Oliver Cromwell, each a notable wartime adversary of the King. Conversely, one of the leading drainage contractors, the Earl of Lindsey, was to die fighting for the King at the Battle of Edgehill.

    First English Civil War (1642–1646)

    Main article: First English Civil War
    Maps of territory held by Royalists (red) and Parliamentarians (yellow-green), 1642–1645

    In early January 1642, a few days after failing to capture five members of the House of Commons, Charles feared for the safety of his family and retinue and left the London area for the north country.

    Further frequent negotiations by letter between the King and the Long Parliament, through to early summer, proved fruitless. On 1 June 1642 the English Lords and Commons approved a list of proposals known as the Nineteen Propositions. In these demands, the Parliament sought a larger share of power in the governance of the kingdom. Before the end of the month the King rejected the Propositions.

    'Cavalier Troops Mustering outside the Guildhall, Exeter' by John Joseph Barker, 1886. This oil on canvas depicts Cavalier troops in what is quite a dark image outside the Exeter Guildhall. From the Royal Albert Memorial Museum's collection (93/1978x)

    As the summer progressed, cities and towns declared their sympathies for one faction or the other: for example, the garrison of Portsmouth commanded by Sir George Goring declared for the King, but when Charles tried to acquire arms from Kingston upon Hull, the weaponry depository used in the previous Scottish campaigns, Sir John Hotham, the military governor appointed by Parliament in January, refused to let Charles enter the town, and when Charles returned with more men later, Hotham drove them off. Charles issued a warrant for Hotham's arrest as a traitor but was powerless to enforce it. Throughout the summer, tensions rose and there was brawling in several places, the first death from the conflict taking place in Manchester.

    Oliver Cromwell rose to become
    Lord Protector in 1653

    At the outset of the conflict, much of the country remained neutral, though the Royal Navy and most English cities favoured Parliament, while the King found marked support in rural communities. The war quickly spread and eventually involved every level of society. Many areas attempted to remain neutral. Some formed bands of Clubmen to protect their localities from the worst excesses of the armies of both sides, but most found it impossible to withstand both King and Parliament.

    On one side, the King and his supporters fought for what they saw as traditional government in church and state. On the other, most Parliamentarians initially took up arms to defend what they viewed as a traditional balance of government in church and state, and which they felt had been undermined by bad advice the King received from his advisers — such as George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham — and during his Personal Rule (the "Eleven Years' Tyranny"). The views of the members of Parliament ranged from unquestioning support of the King – at one point during the First Civil War, more members of the Commons and Lords gathered in the King's Oxford Parliament than at Westminster — through to radicals who sought major reforms in religious independence and redistribution of power at a national level.

    After the debacle at Hull, Charles moved on to Nottingham, raising the royal standard there on 22 August 1642. At the time, Charles had with him about 2,000 cavalry and a small number of Yorkshire infantrymen, and using the archaic system of a Commission of Array, his supporters started to build a larger army around the standard. Charles moved in a westerly direction, first to Stafford, then on to Shrewsbury, as support for his cause seemed particularly strong in the Severn valley area and in North Wales. While passing through Wellington, he declared in what became known as the "Wellington Declaration" that he would uphold the "Protestant religion, the laws of England, and the liberty of Parliament".

    The Parliamentarians who opposed the King did not remain passive in this pre-war period. As in Hull, they took measures to secure strategic towns and cities by appointing to office men sympathetic to their cause. On 9 June they voted to raise an army of 10,000 volunteers and appointed Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl of Essex its commander three days later. He received orders "to rescue His Majesty's person, and the persons of the Prince and the Duke of York out of the hands of those desperate persons who were about them." The Lords Lieutenant whom Parliament appointed used the Militia Ordinance to order the militia to join Essex's army.

    Prince Rupert of the Rhine

    Two weeks after the King had raised his standard at Nottingham, Essex led his army north towards Northampton, picking up support along the way (including a detachment of Huntingdonshire cavalry raised and commanded by Oliver Cromwell). By mid-September Essex's forces had grown to 21,000 infantry and 4,200 cavalry and dragoons. On 14 September he moved his army to Coventry and then to the north of the Cotswolds, a strategy that placed it between the Royalists and London. With the size of both armies now in the tens of thousands and only Worcestershire between them, it was inevitable that cavalry reconnaissance units would meet sooner or later. This happened in the first major skirmish of the Civil War, when a troop of about 1,000 Royalist cavalry under Prince Rupert, a German nephew of the King and one of the outstanding cavalry commanders of the war, defeated a Parliamentary cavalry detachment under Colonel John Brown at the Battle of Powick Bridge, which crossed the River Teme close to Worcester.

    Rupert withdrew to Shrewsbury, where a council-of-war discussed two courses of action: whether to advance towards Essex's new position near Worcester, or march down the now open road towards London. The Council decided on the London route, but not to avoid a battle, for the Royalist generals wanted to fight Essex before he grew too strong, and the temper of both sides made it impossible to postpone the decision. In the Earl of Clarendon's words, "it was considered more counsellable to march towards London, it being morally sure that the earl of Essex would put himself in their way." Hence, the army left Shrewsbury on 12 October, gaining two days' start on the enemy, and moved south-east. This had the desired effect of forcing Essex to move to intercept them.

    The first pitched battle of the war, at Edgehill on 23 October 1642, proved inconclusive, both Royalists and Parliamentarians claiming victory. The second field action, the stand-off at Turnham Green, saw Charles forced to withdraw to Oxford, which would serve as his base for the rest of the war.

    In 1643, Royalist forces won at Adwalton Moor, gaining control of most of Yorkshire. In the Midlands, a Parliamentary force under Sir John Gell besieged and captured the cathedral city of Lichfield, after the death of the original commander, Lord Brooke. This group then joined forces with Sir William Brereton at the inconclusive Battle of Hopton Heath (19 March 1643), where the Royalist commander, the Earl of Northampton, was killed. John Hampden died after being wounded in the Battle of Chalgrove Field (18 June 1643). Subsequent battles in the west of England at Lansdowne and Roundway Down also went to the Royalists. Prince Rupert could then take Bristol. In the same year, however, Cromwell formed his troop of "Ironsides", a disciplined unit that demonstrated his military leadership ability. With their assistance he won a victory at the Battle of Gainsborough in July.

    Alexander Leslie, 1st Earl of Leven, Lord General of the Covenanter Army and one of the victors of Marston Moor

    At this stage, from 7 to 9 August 1643, there were some popular demonstrations in London – both for and against war. They were protesting at Westminster. A peace demonstration by London women, which turned violent, was suppressed; the women were beaten and fired upon with live ammunition, leaving several dead. Many were arrested and incarcerated in Bridewell and other prisons. After these August events, the Venetian ambassador in England reported to the doge that the London government took considerable measures to stifle dissent.

    In general, the early part of the war went well for the Royalists. The turning point came in the late summer and early autumn of 1643, when the Earl of Essex's army forced the king to raise the Siege of Gloucester and then brushed the Royalists aside at the First Battle of Newbury (20 September 1643), to return triumphantly to London. Parliamentarian forces led by the Earl of Manchester besieged the port of King's Lynn, Norfolk, which under Sir Hamon L'Estrange held out until September. Other forces won the Battle of Winceby, giving them control of Lincoln. Political manoeuvring to gain an advantage in numbers led Charles to negotiate a ceasefire in Ireland, freeing up English troops to fight on the Royalist side in England, while Parliament offered concessions to the Scots in return for aid and assistance.

    Helped by the Scots, Parliament won at Marston Moor (2 July 1644), gaining York and the north of England. Cromwell's conduct in the battle proved decisive, and showed his potential as a political and as an important military leader. The defeat at the Battle of Lostwithiel in Cornwall, however, marked a serious reverse for Parliament in the south-west of England. Subsequent fighting around Newbury (27 October 1644), though tactically indecisive, strategically gave another check to Parliament.

    The Battle of Marston Moor in July 1644 was won by the Parliamentarians

    In 1645, Parliament reaffirmed its determination to fight the war to a finish. It passed the Self-denying Ordinance, by which all members of either House of Parliament laid down their commands and re-organised its main forces into the New Model Army, under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax, with Cromwell as his second-in-command and Lieutenant-General of Horse. In two decisive engagements – the Battle of Naseby on 14 June and the Battle of Langport on 10 July – the Parliamentarians effectively destroyed Charles's armies.

    In the remains of his English realm, Charles tried to recover a stable base of support by consolidating the Midlands. He began to form an axis between Oxford and Newark-on-Trent in Nottinghamshire. These towns had become fortresses and showed more reliable loyalty to him than others. He took Leicester, which lies between them, but found his resources exhausted. Having little opportunity to replenish them, in May 1646 he sought shelter with a Presbyterian Scottish army at Southwell in Nottinghamshire. Charles was eventually handed over to the English Parliament by the Scots and imprisoned. This marked the end of the First English Civil War.

    Interbellum

    See also: Putney Debates and Levellers

    The end of the First Civil War, in 1646, left a partial power vacuum in which any combination of the three English factions, Royalists, Independents of the New Model Army ("the Army"), and Presbyterians of the English Parliament, as well as the Scottish Parliament allied with the Scottish Presbyterians (the "Kirk"), could prove strong enough to dominate the rest. Armed political Royalism was at an end, but despite being a prisoner, Charles I was considered by himself and his opponents (almost to the last) as necessary to ensure the success of whichever group could come to terms with him. Thus, he passed successively into the hands of the Scots, the Parliament and the Army.

    The King attempted to reverse the verdict of arms by "coquetting" with each in turn. On 3 June 1647, Cornet George Joyce of Sir Thomas Fairfax's cavalry seized the King for the New Model Army; following the seizure, the English Presbyterians and the Scots began to prepare for a fresh civil war, less than two years after the conclusion of the first, this time against "Independency" as embodied in the Army. After making use of the Army, its opponents attempted to disband it, send it onward to foreign service, and to cut off its arrears of pay.

    The result was that the Army leadership was exasperated beyond control, and, remembering not merely its grievances but also the principle for which the Army had fought, it soon became the most powerful political force in the realm. From 1646 to 1648 the breach between Army and Parliament widened day by day, until finally the Presbyterian party, combined with the Scots and the remaining Royalists, felt itself strong enough to begin a Second Civil War.

    Second English Civil War (1648–1649)

    Main article: Second English Civil War
    "And when did you last see your father?" by William Frederick Yeames. The oil-on-canvas picture, painted in 1878, depicts a scene in an imaginary Royalist household during the English Civil War. The Parliamentarians have taken over the house and question the son about his Royalist father. The man lounging on a chair in the centre of the scene is identifiable as a Roundhead officer by his military attire and his orange sash.

    Charles I took advantage of the deflection of attention away from himself to negotiate on 28 December 1647 a secret treaty with the Scots, again promising church reform. Under the agreement, called the "Engagement", the Scots undertook to invade England on Charles's behalf and restore him to the throne.

    A series of Royalist uprisings throughout England and a Scottish invasion occurred in the summer of 1648. Forces loyal to Parliament put down most of those in England after little more than a skirmish, but uprisings in Kent, Essex and Cumberland, the rebellion in Wales, and the Scottish invasion involved pitched battles and prolonged sieges.

    In the spring of 1649, unpaid Parliamentarian troops in Wales changed sides. Colonel Thomas Horton defeated the Royalist rebels at the Battle of St Fagans (8 May) and the rebel leaders surrendered to Cromwell on 11 July after a protracted two-month siege of Pembroke. Sir Thomas Fairfax defeated a Royalist uprising in Kent at the Battle of Maidstone on 1 June. Fairfax, after his success at Maidstone and the pacification of Kent, turned north to reduce Essex, where, under an ardent, experienced and popular leader, Sir Charles Lucas, the Royalists had taken up arms in great numbers. Fairfax soon drove the enemy into Colchester, but his first attack on the town met with a repulse and he had to settle down to a long siege.

    In the North of England, Major-General John Lambert fought a successful campaign against several Royalist uprisings, the largest being that of Sir Marmaduke Langdale in Cumberland. Thanks to Lambert's successes, the Scottish commander, the Duke of Hamilton, had to take a western route through Carlisle in his pro-Royalist Scottish invasion of England. The Parliamentarians under Cromwell engaged the Scots at the Battle of Preston (17–19 August). The battle took place largely at Walton-le-Dale near Preston, Lancashire, and resulted in a victory for Cromwell's troops over the Royalists and Scots commanded by Hamilton. This victory marked the end of the Second English Civil War.

    Nearly all the Royalists who had fought in the First Civil War had given their word not to bear arms against Parliament, and many, like Lord Astley, were therefore bound by oath not to take any part in the second conflict. So, the victors in the Second Civil War showed little mercy to those who had brought war into the land again. On the evening of the surrender of Colchester, Parliamentarians had Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle shot. Parliamentary authorities sentenced the leaders of the Welsh rebels, Major-General Rowland Laugharne, Colonel John Poyer and Colonel Rice Powel to death, but executed only Poyer (25 April 1649), having selected him by lot. Of five prominent Royalist peers who had fallen into Parliamentary hands, three – the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, and Lord Capel, one of the Colchester prisoners and a man of high character – were beheaded at Westminster on 9 March.

    Trial of Charles I for treason

    Main articles: High Court of Justice for the trial of Charles I and Execution of Charles I

    Charles's secret pacts and encouragement of supporters to break their parole caused Parliament to debate whether to return the King to power at all. Those who still supported Charles's place on the throne, such as the army leader and moderate Fairfax, tried again to negotiate with him. The Army, furious that Parliament continued to countenance Charles as a ruler, then marched on Parliament and conducted "Pride's Purge", named after the commanding officer of the operation, Thomas Pride, in December 1648.

    Troops arrested 45 members and kept 146 out of the chamber. They allowed only 75 members in, and then only at the Army's bidding. This Rump Parliament received orders to set up, in the name of the people of England, a High Court of Justice for the trial of Charles I for treason. Fairfax, a constitutional monarchist, declined to have anything to do with the trial. He resigned as head of the army, so clearing Cromwell's road to power.

    At the end of the trial the 59 Commissioners (judges) found Charles I guilty of high treason as a "tyrant, traitor, murderer and public enemy". His beheading took place on a scaffold in front of the Banqueting House of the Palace of Whitehall on 30 January 1649. After the Restoration in 1660, nine of the surviving regicides not living in exile were executed and most others sentenced to life imprisonment.

    After the regicide, Charles, Prince of Wales as the eldest son was publicly proclaimed King Charles II in the Royal Square of St. Helier, Jersey, on 17 February 1649 (after a first such proclamation in Edinburgh on 5 February 1649). It took longer for the news to reach the trans-Atlantic colonies, with the Somers Isles (also known as Bermuda) becoming the first to proclaim Charles II King on 5 July 1649.

    Third English Civil War (1649–1651)

    Ireland

    Main article: Anglo-Scottish war (1650–1652) See also: Cromwellian conquest of Ireland
    A 19th-century representation of the Massacre at Drogheda in Ireland in 1649

    Ireland had undergone continual war since the rebellion of 1641, with most of the island controlled by the Irish Confederates. Increasingly threatened by the armies of the English Parliament after Charles I's arrest in 1648, the Confederates signed a treaty of alliance with the English Royalists. The joint Royalist and Confederate forces under the Duke of Ormonde tried to eliminate the Parliamentary army holding Dublin by laying siege in 1649, but their opponents routed them at the Battle of Rathmines (2 August 1649). Admiral Robert Blake, a former Member of Parliament, had blockaded Prince Rupert's fleet in Kinsale, enabling Oliver Cromwell to land at Dublin on 15 August 1649 with an army to quell the Royalist alliance.

    Cromwell's suppression of the Royalists in Ireland in 1649 is still remembered by many Irish people. After the Siege of Drogheda, the massacre of nearly 3,500 people – around 2,700 Royalist soldiers and 700 others, including civilians, prisoners, and Catholic priests (all of whom Cromwell claimed had carried arms) – became one of the historical memories that has driven Irish-English and Catholic-Protestant strife during the last three centuries. The Parliamentarian conquest of Ireland ground on for another four years until 1653, when the last Irish Confederate and Royalist troops surrendered. In the wake of the conquest, the victors confiscated almost all Irish Catholic-owned land and distributed it to Parliament's creditors, to Parliamentary soldiers who served in Ireland, and to English who had settled there before the war.

    Scotland

    See also: Scotland in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms

    The execution of Charles I altered the dynamics of the Civil War in Scotland, which had raged between Royalists and Covenanters since 1644. By 1649, the struggle had left the Royalists there in disarray and their erstwhile leader, the Marquess of Montrose, had gone into exile. At first, Charles II encouraged Montrose to raise a Highland army to fight on the Royalist side. When the Scottish Covenanters, who did not agree with the execution of Charles I and who feared for the future of Presbyterianism under the new Commonwealth, offered him the crown of Scotland, Charles abandoned Montrose to his enemies.

    Montrose, who had raised a mercenary force in Norway, had already landed and could not abandon the fight. He did not succeed in raising many Highland clans and the Covenanters defeated his army at the Battle of Carbisdale in Ross-shire on 27 April 1650. The victors captured Montrose shortly afterwards and took him to Edinburgh. On 20 May the Scottish Parliament sentenced him to death and had him hanged the next day.

    Cromwell at Dunbar, by Andrew Carrick Gow, 1886

    Charles II landed in Scotland at Garmouth in Morayshire on 23 June 1650 and signed the 1638 National Covenant and the 1643 Solemn League and Covenant shortly after coming ashore. With his original Scottish Royalist followers and his new Covenanter allies, Charles II became the greatest threat facing the new English republic. In response to the threat, Cromwell left some of his lieutenants in Ireland to continue the suppression of the Irish Royalists and returned to England.

    He arrived in Scotland on 22 July 1650 and proceeded to lay siege to Edinburgh. By the end of August, disease and a shortage of supplies had reduced his army, and he had to order a retreat towards his base at Dunbar. A Scottish army under the command of David Leslie tried to block the retreat, but Cromwell defeated them at the Battle of Dunbar on 3 September. Cromwell's army then took Edinburgh, and by the end of the year his army had occupied much of southern Scotland.

    In July 1651, Cromwell's forces crossed the Firth of Forth into Fife and defeated the Scots at the Battle of Inverkeithing (20 July 1651). The New Model Army advanced towards Perth, which allowed Charles, at the head of the Scottish army, to move south into England. Cromwell followed Charles into England, leaving George Monck to finish the campaign in Scotland. Monck took Stirling on 14 August and Dundee on 1 September. The next year, 1652, saw a mopping up of the remnants of Royalist resistance, and under the terms of the "Tender of Union", the Scots received 30 seats in a united Parliament in London, with General Monck as the military governor of Scotland.

    England

    Although Cromwell's New Model Army had defeated a Scottish army at Dunbar, Cromwell could not prevent Charles II from marching from Scotland deep into England at the head of another Royalist army. They marched to the west of England where English Royalist sympathies were strongest, but although some English Royalists joined the army, they were far fewer in number than Charles and his Scottish supporters had hoped. Cromwell finally engaged and defeated the new Scottish king at Worcester on 3 September 1651.

    Wales

    For several reasons most of Wales was not as engaged in the English Civil Wars to the same degree as other parts of the British Isles. Wales was isolated from England, both physically and linguistically, so the Welsh were not as much engaged as England in the issues between the king and Parliament.  The English considered Wales a remote land, with Welsh, not English, as the primary language. Since England had formally assimilated Wales into the kingdom, starting in 1536 formal agreements had been put in place under Henry VIII and continued under Charles I that allowed for Welsh local administrative authority and economic control, which allowed the Welsh to function to some degree independently.  Another factor was the Puritan religion, which played a major role in the English Civil Wars but was not widely practised throughout Wales.  Welsh Puritan religious dominance was found in northeast Wales near Wrexham, Denbighshire, and an indirect Puritan influence found along the southwestern coast near Haverfordwest, Pembroke, and Tenby due to a combination of a strong influence by the third earl of Essex and their strong trade relations with Bristol, England, a fervent Puritan stronghold. In addition, Wales comparatively more rural in character than England at this time, and thereby lacking the large number of urban settlements home to mercantile, trade, and manufacturing interests who were a bulwark of support for both Puritanism and eventually the Parliamentarian cause.

    Many of the key Welsh Civil Wars leaders were from the gentry class holding Royalist sympathies, or from the Church. Those Welsh who did participate in the Civil Wars battles were underequipped, underfed, and not properly trained for warfare.  The majority of Welsh followed the Protestant faith with a religious perspective that differed from the English puritan zeal. They were also leery of the Irish Catholics invading Wales.  The Welsh also did not want to lose what they had, for the gentry were aware of the destruction the Thirty Years' War caused in Europe.

    Most of those English Civil War battles where Wales was impacted occurred near the border with England and in south Wales. Some of the more significant engagements were:

    •   In Gloucester, England (not far from Wales) Lord Herbert of Raglan (Wales) had Welsh troops assisting the royalists trying to take Gloucester in March, August, and September 1643, but without success;
    •     In November 1643 Sir Thomas Myddelton had secured the north Wales Royalist stronghold of Flintshire and the area east of Denbighshire, depriving Royalists based in Chester, England of their supplies.  In response to this attack Archbishop John Williams, on behalf of the Royalists, responded to this attack by taking Wrexham from the Parliamentarians;  
    •       Initially in the summer of 1643, Royalist forces under Richard Vaughan of Golden Grove, 2nd Earl of Carbery, who had been appointed lieutenant-general by the King, was successful in securing three of the southwestern Welsh counties; but in early 1644 Parliamentarians conducted a successful sea and land assault campaign on Pembroke, Haverfordwest, Milford Pil; and continuing on to Swansea and Cardiff. As a result of these Royalist failures the King replaced Carbery with Colonel Charles Gerard, 1st Earl of Macclesfield who was able to regain many of these lost territories in Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire;
    •     On 18 September 1644 the first pitched battle on Welsh soil at Montgomery was a successful win for Myddelton;
    •    On 1 August 1645 the Royalist forces were once again defeated at Colby Moor;
    •       During the Second Civil War the Royalists were decisively defeated at the battle of St. Fagans near Cardiff, which was one of the last more significant battles.

    In addition to the Civil Wars' impact on the monarchy and the changes in national leadership, unexpected outcomes of the English Civil Wars to Wales included a significant degradation of the country's road system, a deterioration of government administrative functions to the general population, destruction of castles with only the remnants of them remaining, and the desecration of churches.

    Immediate aftermath

    After the Royalist defeat at Worcester, Charles II escaped to France via safe houses and an oak tree. Parliament was left in de facto control of England. Resistance continued for a time in Ireland and Scotland, but with the pacification of England, resistance elsewhere did not threaten the military supremacy of the New Model Army and its Parliamentary paymasters.

    Political control

    During the Wars, the Parliamentarians established a number of successive committees to oversee the war effort. The first, the Committee of Safety set up in July 1642, comprised 15 members of Parliament. After the Anglo-Scottish alliance against the Royalists, the Committee of Both Kingdoms replaced the Committee of Safety between 1644 and 1648. Parliament dissolved the Committee of Both Kingdoms when the alliance ended, but its English members continued to meet as the Derby House Committee. A second Committee of Safety then replaced it.

    Episcopacy

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    William Laud, Charles I's Archbishop of Canterbury.

    During the English Civil War, the role of bishops as wielders of political power and upholders of the established church became a matter of heated political controversy. John Calvin of Geneva had formulated a doctrine of Presbyterianism, which held that the offices of presbyter and episkopos in the New Testament were identical; he rejected the doctrine of apostolic succession. Calvin's follower John Knox brought Presbyterianism to Scotland when the Scottish church was reformed in 1560. In practice, Presbyterianism meant that committees of lay elders had a substantial voice in church government, as opposed to merely being subjects to a ruling hierarchy.

    This vision of at least partial democracy in ecclesiology paralleled the struggles between Parliament and the King. A body within the Puritan movement in the Church of England sought to abolish the office of bishop and remake the Church of England along Presbyterian lines. The Martin Marprelate tracts (1588–1589), applying the pejorative name of prelacy to the church hierarchy, attacked the office of bishop with satire that deeply offended Elizabeth I and her Archbishop of Canterbury John Whitgift. The vestments controversy also related to this movement, seeking further reductions in church ceremony, and labelling the use of elaborate vestments as "unedifying" and even idolatrous.

    King James I, reacting against the perceived contumacy of his Presbyterian Scottish subjects, adopted "No Bishop, no King" as a slogan. He tied the hierarchical authority of the bishop to the absolute authority he sought as King and viewed attacks on the authority of the bishops as attacks on his authority. Matters came to a head when Charles I appointed William Laud as Archbishop of Canterbury. Laud aggressively attacked the Presbyterian movement and sought to impose the full Book of Common Prayer. The controversy eventually led to Laud's impeachment for treason by a bill of attainder in 1645 and subsequent execution. Charles also attempted to impose episcopacy on Scotland. The Scots' violent rejection of bishops and liturgical worship sparked the Bishops' Wars in 1639–1640.

    During the height of Puritan power under the Commonwealth and the Protectorate, episcopacy was formally abolished in the Church of England on 9 October 1646. The Church of England remained Presbyterian until the Restoration of the monarchy.

    English overseas possessions

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    Further information: English overseas possessions in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms

    During the English Civil War, the English overseas possessions became highly involved. In the Channel Islands, the island of Jersey and Castle Cornet in Guernsey supported the King until a surrender with honour in December 1651.

    Although the newer, Puritan settlements in North America, notably Massachusetts, were dominated by Parliamentarians, the older colonies sided with the Crown. Friction between Royalists and Puritans in Maryland came to a head in the Battle of the Severn. The Virginia Company's settlements, Bermuda and Virginia, as well as Antigua and Barbados, were conspicuous in their loyalty to the Crown. Bermuda's Independent Puritans were expelled, settling the Bahamas under William Sayle as the Eleutheran Adventurers. Parliament passed An Act for prohibiting Trade with the Barbadoes, Virginia, Bermuda and Antego in October 1650, which stated that:

    ...due punishment inflicted upon the said Delinquents, do Declare all and every the said persons in Barbada's, Antego, Bermuda's and Virginia, that have contrived, abetted, aided or assisted those horrid Rebellions, or have since willingly joyned with them, to be notorious Robbers and Traitors, and such as by the Law of Nations are not to be permitted any manner of Commerce or Traffic with any people whatsoever; and do forbid to all manner of persons, Foreigners, and others, all manner of Commerce, Traffic and Correspondence whatsoever, to be used or held with the said Rebels in the Barbados, Bermuda's, Virginia and Antego, or either of them.

    The Act also authorised Parliamentary privateers to act against English vessels trading with the rebellious colonies:

    All Ships that Trade with the Rebels may be surprized. Goods and tackle of such ships not to be embezeled, till judgement in the Admiralty.; Two or three of the Officers of every ship to be examined upon oath.

    Far to the North, Bermuda's regiment of Militia and its coastal batteries prepared to resist an invasion that never came. Built-up inside the natural defence of a nearly impassable barrier reef, to fend off the might of Spain, these defences would have been a formidable obstacle for the Parliamentary fleet sent in 1651 under the command of Admiral Sir George Ayscue to subdue the trans-Atlantic colonies, but after the fall of Barbados, the Bermudians made a separate peace that respected the internal status quo. The Parliament of Bermuda avoided the Parliament of England's fate during The Protectorate, becoming one of the oldest continuous legislatures in the world.

    Virginia's population swelled with Cavaliers during and after the English Civil War. Even so, Virginia Puritan Richard Bennett was made Governor answering to Cromwell in 1652, followed by two more nominal "Commonwealth Governors". The loyalty of Virginia's Cavaliers to the Crown was rewarded after the 1660 Restoration of the Monarchy when Charles II dubbed it the Old Dominion.

    Casualties

    Figures for casualties during this period are unreliable. Some attempt has been made to provide rough estimates.

    In England, a conservative estimate is that roughly 100,000 people died from war-related disease during the three civil wars. Historical records count 84,830 combat dead from the wars themselves. Counting in accidents and the two Bishops' wars, an estimate of 190,000 dead is achieved, out of a total population of about five million. It is estimated that from 1638 to 1651, 15%–20% of all adult males in England and Wales served in the military. Around 4% of the total population died from war-related causes, compared to 2.23% in the First World War.

    As was typical for the era, most combat deaths occurred in minor skirmishes rather than large, pitched battles. There were a total of 645 engagements throughout the wars: 588 of these involved fewer than 250 casualties in total, with these 588 accounting for 39,838 fatalities (average count of less than 68) or nearly half of the conflict's combat deaths. There were only 9 major pitched battles (at least 1,000 fatalities) which in total accounted for 15% of casualties.

    An anecdotal example of how high casualties in England may have been perceived is to be found in the posthumously published writing (generally titled The History of Myddle), by a Shropshire man, Richard Gough (lived 1635–1723) of Myddle near Shrewsbury, who, writing in about 1701, commented of men from his rural home parish who joined the Royalist forces: "And out of these three townes , Myddle, Marton and Newton, there went noe less than twenty men, of which number thirteen were kill'd in the warrs". After listing those he recalled did not return home, four of whose exact fates were unknown, he concluded: "And if soe many dyed out of these 3 townes wee may reasonably guess that many thousands dyed in England in that warre."

    Figures for Scotland are less reliable and should be treated with caution. Casualties include the deaths of prisoners-of-war in conditions that accelerated their deaths, with estimates of 10,000 prisoners not surviving or not returning home (8,000 captured during and immediately after the Battle of Worcester were deported to New England, Bermuda and the West Indies to work for landowners as indentured labourers). There are no figures to calculate how many died from war-related diseases, but if the same ratio of disease to battle deaths from English figures is applied to the Scottish figures, a not unreasonable estimate of 60,000 people is achieved, from a population of about one million.

    Figures for Ireland are described as "miracles of conjecture". Certainly, the devastation inflicted on Ireland was massive, with the best estimate provided by Sir William Petty, the father of English demography. Petty estimated that 112,000 Protestants and 504,000 Catholics were killed through plague, war and famine, giving an estimated total of 616,000 dead, out of a pre-war population of about one and a half million. Although Petty's figures are the best available, they are still acknowledged as tentative; they do not include an estimated 40,000 driven into exile, some of whom served as soldiers in European continental armies, while others were sold as indentured servants to New England and the West Indies. Many of those sold to landowners in New England eventually prospered, but many sold to landowners in the West Indies were worked to death.

    These estimates indicate that England suffered a 4 per cent loss of population, Scotland a loss of 6 per cent, while Ireland suffered a loss of 41 per cent of its population. Putting these numbers into the context of other catastrophes helps to understand the devastation of Ireland in particular. The Great Famine of 1845–1852 resulted in a loss of 16 per cent of the population, while during the Soviet famine and Holodomor of 1932–33 the population of the Soviet Ukraine fell by 14 per cent.

    Popular gains

    Ordinary people took advantage of the dislocation of civil society in the 1640s to gain personal advantages. The contemporary guild democracy movement won its greatest successes among London's transport workers. Rural communities seized timber and other resources on the sequestrated estates of Royalists and Catholics, and on the estates of the royal family and church hierarchy. Some communities improved their conditions of tenure on such estates.

    The old status quo began a retrenchment after the end of the First Civil War in 1646, and more especially after the Restoration in 1660, but some gains were long-term. The democratic element introduced into the watermen's company in 1642, for example, survived with vicissitudes until 1827.

    Aftermath

    The wars left England, Scotland, and Ireland among the few countries in Europe without a monarch. In the wake of victory, many of the ideals (and many idealists) became sidelined. The republican government of the Commonwealth of England ruled England (and later all of Scotland and Ireland) from 1649 to 1653 and from 1659 to 1660. Between the two periods, and due to in-fighting among various factions in Parliament, Oliver Cromwell ruled over the Protectorate as Lord Protector (effectively a military dictator) until his death in 1658.

    On Oliver Cromwell's death, his son Richard became Lord Protector, but the Army had little confidence in him. After seven months the Army removed Richard. In May 1659 it re-installed the Rump. Military force shortly afterward dissolved this as well. After the second dissolution of the Rump, in October 1659, the prospect of a total descent into anarchy loomed, as the Army's pretense of unity dissolved into factions.

    Muskets being fired at a civil war re-enactment

    Into this atmosphere General George Monck, Governor of Scotland under the Cromwells, marched south with his army from Scotland. On 4 April 1660, in the Declaration of Breda, Charles II made known the conditions of his acceptance of the Crown of England. Monck organised the Convention Parliament, which met for the first time on 25 April 1660.

    On 8 May 1660, it declared that Charles II had reigned as the lawful monarch since the execution of Charles I in January 1649. Charles returned from exile on 23 May 1660. On 29 May 1660, the populace in London acclaimed him as king. His coronation took place at Westminster Abbey on 23 April 1661. These events became known as the Restoration.

    Although the monarchy was restored, it was still with the consent of Parliament. So the civil wars effectively set England and Scotland on course towards a parliamentary monarchy form of government. The outcome of this system was that the future Kingdom of Great Britain, formed in 1707 under the Acts of Union, managed to forestall the kind of revolution typical of European republican movements which generally resulted in total abolition of their monarchies. Thus, the United Kingdom was spared the wave of revolutions that occurred in Europe in the 1840s. Specifically, future monarchs became wary of pushing Parliament too hard, and Parliament effectively chose the line of royal succession in 1688 with the Glorious Revolution.

    Historical interpretations

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    Hobbes' Behemoth

    Thomas Hobbes gave an early historical account of the English Civil War in his Behemoth, written in 1668 and published in 1681. He assessed the causes of the war to be the conflicting political doctrines of the time. Behemoth offered a uniquely historical and philosophical approach to naming the catalysts for the war. It also attempted to explain why Charles I could not hold his throne and maintain peace in his kingdom.

    Hobbes analysed the following aspects of English thought during the war: the opinions of divinity and politics that spurred rebellion; rhetoric and doctrine used by the rebels against the king; and how opinions about "taxation, the conscription of soldiers, and military strategy" affected the outcomes of battles and shifts of sovereignty.

    Hobbes attributed the war to the novel theories of intellectuals and divines spread for their own pride of reputation. He held that clerical pretensions had contributed significantly to the troubles — "whether those of puritan fundamentalists, papal supremacists or divine right Episcopalians". Hobbes wanted to abolish the independence of the clergy and bring it under the control of the civil state.

    Some scholars suggest that Hobbes's Behemoth has not received its due as an academic work, being comparatively overlooked and under-rated in the shadow of the same author's Leviathan. Its scholarly reputation may have suffered because it takes the form of a dialogue, which, while common in philosophy, is rarely adopted by historians. Other factors that hindered its success include Charles II's refusing its publication and Hobbes' lack of empathy with views different from his own.

    Whig and Marxist views

    In the early decades of the 20th century, the Whig school was the dominant theoretical view. It explained the Civil War as resulting from centuries of struggle between Parliament (notably the House of Commons) and the Monarchy, with Parliament defending the traditional rights of Englishmen, while the Stuart monarchy continually attempted to expand its right to dictate law arbitrarily. The major Whig historian, S. R. Gardiner, popularised the idea that the English Civil War was a "Puritan Revolution" that challenged the repressive Stuart Church and prepared the way for religious toleration. Thus, Puritanism was seen as the natural ally of a people preserving their traditional rights against arbitrary monarchical power.

    The Whig view was challenged and largely superseded by the Marxist school, which became popular in the 1940s, and saw the English Civil War as a bourgeois revolution. According to Marxist historian Christopher Hill:

    The Civil War was a class war, in which the despotism of Charles I was defended by the reactionary forces of the established Church and conservative landlords, Parliament beat the King because it could appeal to the enthusiastic support of the trading and industrial classes in town and countryside, to the yeomen and progressive gentry, and to wider masses of the population whenever they were able by free discussion to understand what the struggle was really about.

    Later views

    In the 1970s, revisionist historians challenged both the Whig and the Marxist theories, notably in the 1973 anthology The Origins of the English Civil War (Conrad Russell ed.). These historians focused on the minutiae of the years immediately before the civil war, returning to the contingency-based historiography of Clarendon's History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England. This, it was claimed, demonstrated that patterns of war allegiance did not fit either Whig or Marxist theories. Parliament was not inherently progressive, nor the events of 1640 a precursor for the Glorious Revolution. Many members of the bourgeoisie fought for the King, while many landed aristocrats supported Parliament.

    From the 1990s, a number of historians replaced the historical title "English Civil War" with "Wars of the Three Kingdoms" and "British Civil Wars", positing that the civil war in England cannot be understood apart from events in other parts of Britain and Ireland. King Charles I remains crucial, not just as King of England, but through his relationship with the peoples of his other realms. For example, the wars began when Charles forced an Anglican Prayer Book upon Scotland, and when this was met with resistance from the Covenanters, he needed an army to impose his will. However, this need of military funds forced Charles I to call an English Parliament, which was not willing to grant the needed revenue unless he addressed their grievances.

    By the early 1640s, Charles was left in a state of near-permanent crisis management, confounded by the demands of the various factions. For example, Charles finally made terms with the Covenanters in August 1641, but although this might have weakened the position of the English Parliament, the Irish Rebellion of 1641 broke out in October 1641, largely negating the political advantage he had obtained by relieving himself of the cost of the Scottish invasion.

    A number of revisionist historians such as William M. Lamont regarded the conflict as a religious war, with John Morrill (1993) stating: 'The English Civil War was not the first European revolution: it was the last of the Wars of Religion.' This view has been criticised by various pre-, post- and anti-revisionist historians. Glen Burgess (1998) examined political propaganda written by the Parliamentarian politicians and clerics at the time, noting that many were or may have been motivated by their Puritan religious beliefs to support the war against the 'Catholic' king Charles I, but tried to express and legitimise their opposition and rebellion in terms of a legal revolt against a monarch who had violated crucial constitutional principles and thus had to be overthrown. They even warned their Parliamentarian allies to not make overt use of religious arguments in making their case for war against the king.

    However, in some cases it may be argued that they hid their pro-Anglican and anti-Catholic motives behind legal parliance, for example by emphasising that the Church of England was the legally established religion: 'Seen in this light, the defences of Parliament's war, with their apparent legal-constitutional thrust, are not at all ways of saying that the struggle was not religious. On the contrary, they are ways of saying that it was.' Burgess concluded: 'he Civil War left behind it just the sort of evidence that we could reasonably expect a war of religion to leave.'

    Re-enactments

    Pikes deployed at a civil war re-enactment

    Two large historical societies exist, The Sealed Knot and The English Civil War Society, which regularly re-enact events and battles of the Civil War in full period costume.

    See also

    Notes

    1. While it is notoriously difficult to determine the number of casualties in any war, it has been estimated that the conflict in England and Wales claimed about 85,000 lives in combat, with a further 127,000 noncombat deaths (including some 40,000 civilians) (EB staff 2016b).
    2. Then comprising Wales in addition to modern-day England.
    3. Although the early 17th-century Stuart monarchs styled themselves King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, with the exception of the constitutional arrangements during the Interregnum (see the Tender of Union), full union of the Scottish and English realms into a new realm of Great Britain did not occur until the passing of the Act of Union 1707.
    4. See Walter 1999, p. 294, for some of the complexities of how the Protestation was interpreted by different political actors.
    5. Cromwell had already secured Cambridge and the supplies of college silver.
    6. For a longer analysis of the relationship between Cromwell's position, the former monarchy and the military, see Sherwood 1997, pp. 7–11.

    References

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    84. Wedgwood 1970, p. 135.
    85. Wedgwood 1970, pp. 167–68, 506–07
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