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{{Short description|Bosnian politician, philosopher and author (1925–2003)}} | |||
{{Infobox Biography | |||
{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2024}} | |||
|subject_name = Alija Izetbegović | |||
{{Infobox officeholder | |||
|image_name = AlijaIzetbegovic1.jpg | |||
| name = Alija Izetbegović | |||
|image_caption = Alija Izetbegović on a visit<br/>to the ], March 1997 | |||
| image = Alija Izetbegovic (cropped).jpg | |||
|date_of_birth = ] ] | |||
| caption = Izetbegović in 1997 | |||
|place_of_birth = ],<br/>] | |||
| office1 = 1st ] | |||
|dead = dead | |||
| term_start1 = 14 February 2000 | |||
|date_of_death = ] ] (age {{age|1925|8|8|2003|10|19}}) | |||
| term_end1 = 14 October 2000 | |||
|place_of_death = ], ] | |||
| predecessor1 = ] | |||
| successor1 = ] | |||
| term_start2 = 5 October 1996 | |||
| term_end2 = 13 October 1998 | |||
| predecessor2 = Himself | |||
| successor2 = Živko Radišić | |||
| office3 = ] | |||
| term_start3 = 20 December 1990 | |||
| term_end3 = 5 October 1996 | |||
| primeminister3 = ] <br> ] <br> ] <br> ] | |||
| vicepresident3 = ] | |||
| predecessor3 = ] {{small|(as President of the Presidency of ])}} | |||
| successor3 = Himself {{small|(as Chairman of the ])}} | |||
| office4 = 1st ] | |||
| term_start4 = 20 December 1990 | |||
| term_end4 = 14 October 2000 | |||
| alongside4 = ] {{small|(1992–1993)}} <br> ] {{small|(1993–1996)}} | |||
| predecessor4 = ''Office established'' | |||
| successor4 = ] | |||
| office5 = ] | |||
| term_start5 = 26 May 1990 | |||
| term_end5 = 13 October 2001 | |||
| predecessor5 = ''Office established'' | |||
| successor5 = ] | |||
| birth_date = {{Birth date|1925|08|08|df=y}} | |||
| birth_place = ], ] | |||
| death_date = {{Death date and age|2003|10|19|1925|08|08|df=y}} | |||
| death_place = ], Bosnia and Herzegovina | |||
| nationality = Bosnian | |||
| party = ] | |||
| spouse = {{marriage|Halida Repovac|1949}} | |||
| children = 3, including ] | |||
| alma_mater = ] (], ]) | |||
| occupation = {{hlist|Politician|activist|author|philosopher}} | |||
| profession = | |||
| signature = Alija Izetbegović signature.gif | |||
<!--Military service--> | |||
| allegiance = {{flagcountry|Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina}} | |||
| branch = ] | |||
| serviceyears = 1992–1996 | |||
| rank = ] ] | |||
| commands = ] <small>(supreme commander)</small> | |||
| battles = ] <br> ] | |||
| awards = ] ] <br> ] ] <br> ] | |||
}} | }} | ||
{{Alija Izetbegović series}} | |||
'''Alija Izetbegović''' ({{IPA|bs|ǎlija ǐzedbeɡoʋitɕ}}; 8 August 1925 – 19 October 2003) was a Bosnian politician, ] and author, who in 1992 became the first ] of the newly independent ]. He later served as the first chairman of the ]. | |||
Shortly after his term began, the country's ] revolted and created the ], attempting to prevent the secession of Bosnia and Herzegovina from ], which would lead to the outbreak of the ]. Izetbegović led the ] forces initially alongside the ] forces, until a ] erupted between them. Relations between the two sides were resolved in the ], which he signed with Croatian president ]. | |||
'''Alija Izetbegović''' (], ] – ], ]) was a ] activist, ], ], ] and ], who, in ], became the first ] of ]. He served in this role until ], when he became a member of the ], serving until ]. He was also the author of several books, most notably ''Islam Between East and West''. | |||
The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina continued, with widespread ] and other war crimes committed by the three militias against the civil population, eventually culminating in the ] in ] by Serb forces and neighbouring villages where Islamist and Croatian forces massacred Serb civilians which would later be determined to be ]. Izetbegović was also a signatory for the ], which ended the war in a stalemate following ], and recognized Republika Srpska as an ] within Bosnia and Herzegovina. He continued to serve in this role until 1996, when he became a member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, serving until 2000. | |||
==Early life== | |||
Izetbegović was born in the northern ] town of ], one of five children born to a distinguished but impoverished family descended from former ] ]s from ] who fled to Bosnia after ] gained independence from the Ottoman Empire. His grandfather, Alija, was the mayor of Bosanski Šamac. His father, an accountant, declared bankruptcy in ] and the family moved to ]. Izetbegović became closely involved in Bosniak society as he grew up during the ] and ]. With a devoted family and ] upbringing, he received a secular ], eventually graduating from ] in Sarajevo. | |||
Izetbegović was the founder and first ] of the ]. He was also the author of several books, most notably ''Islam Between East and West'' and the '']''. | |||
==Early life and education== | |||
Izetbegović was born on 8 August 1925 in the town of ].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://depo.ba/clanak/134526/izetbegovic-moja-porodica-je-posjedovala-adu-ciganliju-a-dedo-je-tokom-prvog-svjetskog-rata-spasio-niz-srba|title=Izetbegović: Moja porodica je posjedovala Adu Ciganliju, a dedo je tokom Prvog svjetskog rata spasio niz Srba}}</ref>{{sfn|Hamilton|1995|page=167}} While serving as a soldier in ], Izetbegović's paternal grandfather Alija married a ] named Sıdıka Hanım.<ref>{{citation |last=Carmichael|first=Cathie|year=2015|title=A Concise History of Bosnia|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=978-1-316-39529-5|page=178}}</ref> The couple eventually moved to Bosanski Šamac and had five children. Izetbegović's grandfather later became the town's mayor.{{sfn|Shay|2007|p=40}} | |||
Izetbegović's father, an accountant, had fought for the ] on the ] during ] and sustained serious injuries which left him in a semi-paralyzed state for at least a decade. He declared bankruptcy in 1927. The following year, the family moved to ], where Izetbegović received a ].<ref>{{cite web|publisher=Alija Izetbegović Museum|title=Alija Izetbegović: Introduction|url=http://www.muzejalijaizetbegovic.ba/en/page.php?id=30|access-date=15 January 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171209084024/http://www.muzejalijaizetbegovic.ba/en/page.php?id=30|archive-date=9 December 2017|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
In 1941, Izetbegović helped to found a Bosnian Islamist organization named "]" (''Mladi Muslimani''), which was modeled after the ].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Lebl|first=Leslie S.|date=2014|title=ISLAMISM AND SECURITY IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep11466|journal=Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War College}}</ref> When the "Young Muslims" became torn between supporting the largely Muslim '']'' ] or the ] ], according to the '']'', he joined the SS ''Handschar'', despite a lack of evidence.<ref name=Nytimes20031020>{{cite news|last=Binder|first=David|title=Alija Izetbegovic, Muslim Who Led Bosnia, Dies at 78|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2003/10/20/obituaries/20IZET.html?pagewanted=all|newspaper=New York Times|date=20 October 2003}}</ref><ref name=BakirDeniesThis>{{cite news|last=Jukic|first=Elvira|url=https://balkaninsight.com/2014/11/28/bosniak-presidency-member-might-sue-serb-leader/|title=Bosniak Leader Rejects 'Nazi Father' Claims|date=28 November 2014|newspaper=Balkan Insight}}</ref> Izetbegović's family denied the claim and claimed that he had joined the communist Yugoslav Partisans.<ref name=BakirDeniesThis/> Izetbegović was detained by the Serb royalist ] in mid-1944, but released by Chetnik voivode ].<ref>{{harv|Izetbegović|2005|p=23}}:"Međutim, jedna grupa Srba je došla da intervenira kod tadašnjeg komandanta pukovnika Keserovića. On je bio načelnik Glavnog Štaba. Tad su mi izneli taj podatak da je moj djed spasio 40 Srba i da bi bio dužan da vrati milo za drago. I zahvaljujući toj okolnosti ja sam bio oslobođen."</ref> He was arrested by the Yugoslav communists following the war and sentenced to three years in prison in 1946 on charges of ].<ref>{{cite book | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=TfQEAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA12 | author-link = Marko Attila Hoare | first = Marko Attila | last = Hoare | title = Bosnian Muslims in the Second World War | page = 12 | publisher = Oxford University Press | year = 2014 | isbn = 978-0-19-932785-0}}</ref> Before incarceration, he had earned a law degree at the ]'s ].<ref>{{cite book | chapter-url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BleF7tl_rbUC&pg=PA140 | author-link = Paul R. Bartrop | first = Paul R. | last = Bartrop | title = A Biographical Encyclopedia of Contemporary Genocide: Portraits of Evil and Good | chapter = Izetbegović, Alija (1925–2003) | page = 140 | publisher = ABC-CLIO | year = 2012 | isbn = 978-0-313-38678-7}}</ref> He remained engaged in politics after serving the sentence.<ref name="Nedžad Latić, Boja povijesti">Nedžad Latić, Boja povijesti, ISBN COBISS.BH-ID</ref> | |||
==Dissident and activist== | ==Dissident and activist== | ||
{{See also|Islamic Declaration}} | |||
] in Sarajevo, April 1997.]] | |||
In ], Izetbegović published a manifesto entitled ''The Islamic Declaration'', expressing his views on relationships between Islam, state and society. Communist authorities interpreted the declaration as a call for introduction of ] law in Bosnia, and banned the publication.<ref name="BBC obituary">{{cite web |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/3133038.stm |title=Obituary: Alija Izetbegovic |publisher=] |date=2003-10-19}}</ref> The declaration remains a source of controversy. It was used by Serb nationalists as one of excuses for the war, often quoting the declaraton as an intent to create an Iranian style Muslim republic in Bosnia.<ref name="BBC obituary"/> Passages from the declaration were frequently quoted by Izetbegović's opponents during the 1990s, portraying it as an open statement of Islamic fundamentalism.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.antiwar.com/malic/m102303.html |title=The Real Izetbegović:Laying to Rest a Mythical Autocrat}}</ref> Izetbegović vigorously denied such accusations.<ref name="BBC obituary"/> ] author ] asserted that the Serb nationalist interpretation of the Declaration was 'false propaganda' and offered a more benevolent reading of the declaration.<ref name="Malcolm">{{cite web |url=http://www.geocities.com/famous_bosniaks/ALIJA_IZETBEGOVIC.html |title=Bosnia and Death of Yugoslavia: 1989-1992 (translated) |author=] |language=Bosnian}}</ref> arguing that it was "a general policy on politics and Islam, directed towards entire Islamic world; it's not about Bosnia, and Bosnia is not even mentioned there"... and "none of the cited points could be rightfully called fundamentalistic". Malcolm argues that Izetbegović's views were much more thoroughly expressed in his later book, ''Islam between East and West'', where he "tried to portray Islam as a spiritual and intellectual synthesis including West European values''. | |||
In 1970, Izetbegović published a manifesto entitled the '']'', expressing his views on relationships between Islam, state and society. The manifesto was banned by the government.<ref name="BBC obituary">{{cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/3133038.stm|title=Obituary: Alija Izetbegović|publisher=BBC|date=19 October 2003|access-date=1 January 2010}}</ref> In it, he tried to reconcile Western-style progress with Islamic tradition.<ref name=Ivo>]. , pp. 147–148.</ref> The work issued a call for "Islamic renewal" without mentioning Yugoslavia specifically. However, he and his supporters were accused by the Communist authorities of reviving the "Young Muslims" organisation and of a conspiracy to set up an "Islamically pure" Bosnia and Herzegovina.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mIlCCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA118|title=The A to Z of Bosnia and Herzegovina|author=Ante Čuvalo|publisher=Scarecrow Press|location=Lanham, Toronto, and Plymouth|year=2001|isbn=978-0-8108-7647-7|page=118}}</ref> | |||
Izetbegović wrote what is regarded as his central work{{Fact|date=March 2007}}, the book ''Islam between East and West'', in 1980. It explores the notion that "Islam is the only synthesis capable of unifying mankind's essentially ] existence".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.covertaction.org/content/view/113/75/ |title=Alija Izetbegovic: Islamic Hero of the Western World |author=Diana Johnstone |publisher=Institute for Media Analysis}}</ref> | |||
The declaration designated ] as a model country to be emulated by Muslim revolutionaries worldwide.<ref name=Perica>{{cite news|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jIoKMGRHxn4C&pg=PA77|title=Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States|author=Vjekoslav Perica|year=2002|publisher=Oxford University Press|page=77|isbn=9780195174298|author-link=Vjekoslav Perica}}</ref> One of the passages that was in particular picked out by his opponents during the trial was, "There can be no peace or coexistence between the Islamic faith and non-Islamic social and political institutions...the state should be an expression of religion and should support its moral concepts."<ref name=BenFowkes>{{cite news|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bRZaCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA88|title=Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict in the Post-Communist World|author=Ben Fowkes|date=6 March 2002|publisher=Springer Science+Business Media|page=88|isbn=9781403914309}}</ref> The declaration remains a source of controversy. Serbs, who were opposed to Izetbegović, often quoted the declaration as indicative of an intent to create an Iranian-style Islamic republic in Bosnia.<ref name="BBC obituary"/> | |||
==Imprisonment== | |||
In ] ], Izetbegović and twelve other ] activists (including Melika Salihbegović, Edhem Bičakčić, Omer Behmen, Mustafa Spahić and Hasan Čengić) were tried before a Sarajevo ] ] for a variety of "offences", principally "hostile activity inspired by Muslim nationalism", "association for purposes of hostile activity" and "hostile propaganda". Specifically, the defendants were accused of intending to create "an ethnically pure Muslim Bosnia-Herzegovina". Izetbegović was further accused of organizing a visit to a Muslim congress in ]. All of those tried were convicted and Izetbegović was sentenced to fourteen years in prison. The ] was strongly criticised by Western ] organisations, including ] and ], which pointed out that the case was based on communist propaganda, and the accused were not charged with either using or advocating violence. The following May, the Bosnian Supreme Court conceded the point with an announcement that ''"some of the actions of the accused did not have the characteristics of criminal acts"'' and reduced Izetbegović's sentence to twelve years. In ], as communist rule faltered, he was pardoned and released after almost five years in prison. His health had suffered serious and lasting damage.{{Fact|date=March 2007}} | |||
He himself later insisted many times that the statements about the creation of an Islamic state were hypothetical and were not to be the applied to the situation in Bosnia. Regardless, Bosnia's non-Muslim population were unsettled by several of his statements in his writings.<ref name=Takeyh>{{cite news|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=85BTay8abYsC&pg=PA87|title=The Receding Shadow of the Prophet: The Rise and Fall of Radical Political Islam|author1= Ray Takeyh|author2-link=Nikolas Gvosdev|author2=Nikolas Gvosdev|year=2004|publisher=Greenwood Publishing|pages=87–88|isbn=9780275976293|author1-link=Ray Takeyh}}</ref> Passages from the declaration were frequently quoted by Izetbegović's opponents during the 1990s, who considered it to be an open statement of ].<ref>, ''The New York Times'', 20 October 2003</ref> This opinion is also shared by some Western authors.<ref name="Ambrosio2002">{{cite book|author=Thomas Ambrosio|title=Ethnic Identity Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0bsHGrl9p4sC&pg=PA108|year=2002|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=978-0-275-97532-6|pages=108–}}</ref> Izetbegović vigorously denied these accusations.<ref name="BBC obituary"/> | |||
==Presidency== | |||
<!--Unsourced image removed: ]--> | |||
The introduction of a multi-party system in ] at the end of the ] prompted Izetbegović and other Bosniak activists to establish a political party, the ] (''Stranka Demokratske Akcije'', SDA) in ]. It had a largely Muslim character; similarly, the other principal ethnic groups in Bosnia, the Serbs and Croats, also established ethnically based parties. (The Communist Party renamed itself the Party of Democratic Changes.) The SDA won the largest share of the vote, 33% of the seats, with the next runners-up being nationalist ethnic parties representing Serbs and Croats. ] won the popular vote for president among the ] candidates, with 44% of the vote, Izetbegović closely behind with 37%. According to the Bosnian constitution, the first two candidates of each of the ''three constitutient nations'' would be elected to a seven-member multi-ethnic rotating presidency (with two Croats, two Serbs, two ] and one Yugoslav); a Croat took the post of prime minister and a Serb the presidency of the Assembly. Abdić agreed to stand down as the ] candidate for the Presidency and Izetbegović became President. | |||
===Imprisonment=== | |||
Bosnia's power-sharing arrangements broke down very quickly as ethnic tensions grew after the outbreak of fighting between ] and ] in neighboring ]. Although Izetbegović was to due to hold the presidency for only one year according to the constitution, this arrangement was initially suspended due to "extraordinary circumstances" and was eventually abandoned altogether during the war as the Serb and Croat nationalistic parties SDS and HDZ abandoned the government (although many individual Serbs and Croats continued to work and fight for it). | |||
Izetbegović was first arrested in 1946 aged twenty-one. He was sentenced to jail in various cases in a total for 8 years for his membership in an organization fighting for human rights and religious rights.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.globalviews360.com/articles/alija-izetbegovic-journey-from-prison-to-bosnian-presidency|title=Alija Izetbegović: Journey from prison to Bosnian Presidency|last=Nalawala|first=Inshiya|publisher=Global Views 360|date=11 July 2020|access-date=12 August 2020|archive-date=16 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210416224535/https://www.globalviews360.com/articles/alija-izetbegovic-journey-from-prison-to-bosnian-presidency|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
In April 1983, Izetbegović and twelve other ] activists (including Melika Salihbegović, Edhem Bičakčić, ], Mustafa Spahić and ]) were tried before a Sarajevo court for a variety of charges called "offences as principally hostile activity inspired by Islamic ideologies, association for purposes of hostile activity and hostile propaganda". Izetbegović was further accused of organizing a visit to a Muslim congress in ]. All of those tried were convicted and Izetbegović was sentenced to fourteen years in prison.{{Citation needed|date=September 2023}} | |||
When fighting broke out in ] and Croatia in the summer of ], it was immediately apparent that Bosnia would soon become embroiled in the conflict. Izetbegović initially proposed a loose confederation to preserve a unitary Bosnian state and strongly urged a peaceful solution. He did not subscribe to the ''peace at all costs'' view and commented in February ] that ''I would sacrifice peace for a sovereign Bosnia-Herzegovina ... but for that peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina I would not sacrifice sovereignty.'' By the start of ] it had become apparent that the rival nationalist demands were fundamentally incompatible: the Bosniaks and Croats sought an independent Bosnia while the Serbs wanted it to remain in a rump Yugoslavia dominated by Serbia. Izetbegović publicly complained that he was being forced to ally with one side or the other, vividly characterising the dilemma by comparing it to having to choose between ] and a ]. | |||
The ] was strongly criticised by Western human rights organisations, including ] and ], which claimed the case was based on "]", and the accused were not charged with either using or advocating violence. The following May, the Bosnian Supreme Court conceded the point with an announcement that "some of the actions of the accused did not have the characteristics of criminal acts" and reduced Izetbegović's sentence to twelve years. In 1988, as communist rule faltered, he was pardoned and released after almost five years in prison. His health had suffered serious damage.<ref name="Nedžad Latić, Boja povijesti"/> | |||
] | |||
In January 1992, ] diplomat ] drafted a plan, later known as the ], that would turn Bosnia into a triethnic ]al state. Initially, all three sides signed up to the agreement; Izetbegović for the Bosniaks, ] for the Serbs and ] for the Croats. Some two weeks later, however, Izetbegović withdrew his signature and declared his opposition to any type of division of Bosnia, supposedly encouraged by the then ] ambassador to Yugoslavia, ]. This aim of a united Bosnia under the control of a central government in Sarajevo (seen as ] domination by Serbs and Croats) would become both Izetbegović's war cry and aim. | |||
== |
==Early political career and 1990 election== | ||
{{Main|1990 Bosnian general election}} | |||
In ] ], Izetbegović called a national ] on independence for Bosnia as an ]an condition for recognition of Bosnia as independent state, despite warnings from the Serbian members of the presidency that any move to independence would result in the Serbian-inhabited areas of Bosnia seceding to remain with the rump ]. The referendum was boycotted by Serbs, who regarded it as an unconstitutional move, but achieved a 99.4% vote in favour on a 67% turnout (which almost entirely constituted of the Bosniak and Croat communities). The Bosnian parliament, already vacated by the Bosnian Serbs, formally declared independence from Yugoslavia on ] and Izetbegović announced the country's independence on ]. It did not take effect until ], ], when the ] and ] recognised the new country. Sporadic fighting between Serbs and government forces occurred across Bosnia in the run-up to international recognition. Izetbegović appears to have gambled that the international community would send a peacekeeping force upon recognising Bosnia in order to prevent a war, but this did not happen. Instead, war immediately broke out across the country as Serb and Yugoslav Army forces took control of large areas of Bosnia against the opposition of poorly-equipped government security forces. | |||
The introduction of a multi-party system in ] at the end of the 1980s prompted Izetbegović and other Bosniak activists to establish a political party, the ] (''Stranka Demokratske Akcije'', SDA) in 1990. It had a largely Muslim character; similarly, the other principal ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Serbs and Croats, also established ethnically based parties (] and ]). The SDA won the largest share of ], 33% of the seats, with the next runners-up being nationalist ethnic parties representing Serbs and Croats. ] won the popular vote for ] member among the Bosniak candidates, with 44% of the vote, Izetbegović with 37%. According to the Bosnian constitution, the first two candidates of each of the ''three constitutient nations'' would be elected to a seven-member multi-ethnic rotating presidency (with two Croats, two Serbs, two ] and one Yugoslav); a Croat took the post of ] and a Serb the presidency of the ]. Abdić agreed to stand down as the Bosniak candidate for the Presidency and Izetbegović became ].{{cn|date=October 2024}} | |||
Initially the Serb forces attacked non-Serb ] population in Eastern Bosnia. Once ]s and ]s were securely in their hands, the Serb forces - the ], the ], the paramilitaries and, sometimes, even Serb villagers – applied the same pattern: Bosniak houses and apartments were systematically ransacked or burnt down, Bosniak ]s were rounded up or captured, and sometimes beaten or killed in the process. Men and women were separated, with many of the men detained in the ]s. The women were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions, where they were mistreated in many ways including being raped repeatedly. Serb soldiers or policemen would come to these detention centres, select one or more women, take them out and rape them.<ref name="ICTY: Kunarac, Kovač and Vuković judgement - Foča">{{cite web |url=http://www.un.org/icty/kunarac/trialc2/judgement/kun-tj010222e-5.htm#VC |title=ICTY: The attack against the civilian population and related requirements}}</ref> | |||
==Presidency (1990–2000)== | |||
For the next three years, Izetbegović lived precariously in a ] surrounded by Serb forces. He denounced the failure of Western countries to reverse Serbian "aggression" and turned instead to the Muslim world, with which he had already established relations during his days as a dissident. The Bosnian government received money and arms. There was also a squad of Arab volunteers from Muslim countries (the ''El-Mudžahid'', consisting of around 2,000 volunteers ), including ], ], ], who came to the Bosnians' aid. The latter caused particular controversy: foreign fighters, styling themselves '']'', turned up in Bosnia around ] with ]n identity documents, passports and IDs. They quickly attracted heavy criticism, who considered their presence to be evidence of violent Islamic fundamentalism at the heart of Europe. However, the foreign volunteers became unpopular even with many of the Bosniak population, because ] had thousands of soldiers and had no need for more soldiers, but for arms. Although Izetbegović regarded them as symbolically valuable as a sign of the Muslim world's support for Bosnia, they appear to have made little military difference and became a major political liability. The entity defence minister of the ], Hasan Čengić, was closely associated with ] and his dismissal in ] was a major US demand/condition for the funding and equipping of the Bosnian Federation Army. | |||
] in |
] in 1997]] | ||
Izetbegović consistently promoted the idea of a multi-ethnic Bosnia under central control, which in the circumstances seemed a hopeless strategy. The Bosnian Croats, disillusioned with the Sarajevo government and supported militarily and financially by the Croatian government, increasingly turned to establishing their own ethnically-based state of '']'' in ] and Central Bosnia. The Croats pulled out of the Sarajevo government and fighting broke out in ]. In most areas local armistices were signed between the Serbs and Croats (], ], ]) and in two areas between the Bosniaks and Serbs (] and near ] for a short period) while in some the Bosniaks and Croats continued to fight only against the Serbs (notably ]). Bosnia's war thus never truly became three-sided but had three sides which shifted allegiances endlessly. Adding to the general confusion, Izetbegović's former colleague Fikret Abdić established an '']'' in opposition to the Sarajevo government. Abdić's faction was eventually routed by the Bosnian Army. By this time, Izetbegović's government controlled only about 25% of the country and represented principally the Bosniak community. | |||
Bosnia and Herzegovina's power-sharing arrangements broke down very quickly as ethnic tensions grew after the outbreak of fighting between ] and ] in neighboring ]. Although Izetbegović was due to hold the presidency for only one year according to the constitution, this arrangement was initially suspended due to "extraordinary circumstances" and was eventually abandoned altogether during the war as the Serb and Croat nationalistic parties ] and ] abandoned the ]. When fighting broke out in Slovenia and Croatia in the summer of 1991, it was immediately apparent that Bosnia and Herzegovina would soon become embroiled in the conflict. Izetbegović initially proposed a loose confederation to preserve a unitary Bosnian state and strongly urged a peaceful solution. He did not subscribe to the "peace at all costs" view and commented in February 1991 that "I would sacrifice peace for a sovereign Bosnia and Herzegovina ... but for that peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina I would not sacrifice sovereignty." He abandoned the ] which would see Bosnia as a sovereign state in a confederation with Serbia and Montenegro, with 60% of ] ceded to Bosnia.<ref>{{cite book|author1=Jasminka Udovicki|author2=James Ridgeway|title=Burn This House: The Making and Unmaking of Yugoslavia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GuGe9fy4raoC&pg=PA204|date=31 October 2000|publisher=Duke University Press|isbn=0-8223-2590-X|pages=204–}}</ref> | |||
In mid-1993, Izetbegović agreed to a peace plan that would divide Bosnia along ethnic lines but continued to insist on a unitary Bosnia government from Sarajevo and on the allocation to the Bosniaks of a large percentage of Bosnia's territory. The war between the Bosniaks and Croats was eventually ended by a truce brokered with the aid of the Americans in March ], following which the two sides collaborated more closely against the Serbs. From around this time onwards, ] became increasingly involved in the conflict with occasional "pinprick" bombings conducted against the Bosnian Serbs, generally following violations of ceasefires and the no-fly zone over Bosnia. The Bosnian Croat forces benefitted indirectly from the military training given to the Croatian Army by the American military consultancy Military Professional Resources, Inc. In addition, the Croatians provided considerable quantities of weaponry to the Bosnian Croats and much smaller amounts to the Bosnian Army, despite a ] weapons ]. Most of the Bosnian Army's supply of weapons was air-lifted from the Muslim world, specifically Iran - an issue which became the subject of some controversy and a US congressional investigation in 1996. | |||
On 6 October 1991, Izetbegović gave a televised proclamation of neutrality, it included the statement "it is not our war".<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1_ceXJTw71MC|title=The Muslim-Croat Civil War in Central Bosnia: A Military History, 1992–1994|first=Charles R.|last=Shrader|publisher=]|location=College Station, Texas|year=2003|isbn=978-1-58544-261-4|p=25}}</ref> Izetbegović made a statement before the ] on 14 October with regard to the JNA: "Do not do anything against the Army. (...) the presence of the Army is a stabilizing factor to us, and we need that Army... Until now, we did not have problems with the Army, and we will not have problems later." Izetbegović had a testy exchange with Bosnian Serb leader and SDS president ] in parliament on that day. After Karadžić wagered that the Bosniak muslims could not defend themselves if a state of war developed, Izetbegović observed that he found Karadžić's manner and speech offensive and it explained why the Bosniaks felt unwelcome, that his tone might explain why the others federated by ] felt repelled, and that the threats of Karadžić were unworthy of the Serb people.<ref>Tape record of the BiH Parliament, 88/3. – 89/2. AG, 89/3. – 90/4.</ref> | |||
In September ], the Congress of Bosniak Intellectuals (Drugi bošnjački sabor) returned historical term Bosniak instead of the previously used Muslim in former Yugoslavia, as a compromise between Serb communists and Bosniak communist leader, ]. | |||
By the start of 1992, it had become apparent that the rival nationalist demands were fundamentally incompatible: the Bosniaks and Croats sought an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina while the Serbs wanted it to remain in a rump Yugoslavia dominated by Serbia. Izetbegović publicly complained that he was being forced to ally with one side or the other, vividly characterising the dilemma by comparing it to having to choose between ] and a brain tumour.<ref> {{ISBN|1-55587-828-8}} {{ISBN|978-1-55587-828-3}}</ref> In January 1992, ] diplomat ] drafted a plan, later known as the ], that would turn Bosnia into a triethnic ] state. Initially, all three sides signed up to the agreement; Izetbegović for the Bosniaks, Karadžić for the Serbs and ] for the Croats. Some two weeks later, however, Izetbegović withdrew his signature and declared his opposition to any type of ], supposedly encouraged by ], the ] at the time.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1993/08/29/world/us-policymakers-on-bosnia-admit-errors-in-opposing-partition-in-1992.html|title=U.S. Policymakers on Bosnia Admit Errors in Opposing Partition in 1992|last=Binder|first=David|date=1993-08-29|newspaper=The New York Times|issn=0362-4331|access-date=2017-02-04}}</ref><ref></ref> | |||
==Ending the war== | |||
] | |||
In August ], following the ], ] launched an intensive two-week bombing campaign which destroyed the Bosnian Serb command and control system. This allowed the Croatian forces and Bosniak forces to overrun many Serb-held areas of the country, producing a roughly 50/50 split of the territory between the two sides. The offensive came to a halt not far from the ''de facto'' Serb capital of ]. When the Bosniaks stopped their advance they had captured the power plants supplying Banja Luka's electricity and used that control to pressure the Serb leadership into accepting a cease fire. | |||
===Bosnian War=== | |||
The parties agreed to meet at ] to negotiate a peace treaty under the supervision of the United States. Crucially, the Croats and Serbs were left out of the negotiations; their interests were represented by Croatia's President Tuđman and Serbia's President Milošević respectively. Izetbegović represented the internationally recognised Bosnian Government. | |||
{{Main|Bosnian War}} | |||
In February 1992, Izetbegović called an ] on the European condition<ref>{{cite book | last1 = Burg | first1 = Steven L. | last2 = Shoup | first2 = Paul S. | title = The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention | publisher = M. E. Sharpe | location = Armonk | year = 2000 | isbn = 978-0-7656-3189-3 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=-4eKmp_qu_QC |page=99}}</ref> for recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state, despite warnings from the Serb members of the presidency that it was unconstitutional<ref>{{cite book|editor1-last=Lauterpacht |editor1-first=Elihu |editor-link1=Elihu Lauterpacht |editor2-last=Greenwood |editor2-first=Christopher |editor-link2=Christopher Greenwood |year=1999 |title=International Law Reports |volume=150 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=9780521642453 |pages=140–141}}</ref> and that any move towards independence would result in the ] seceding to remain with the ]. ] achieved a 99.4% vote in favor on a 63% turnout,<ref>{{cite report | title = The Referendum on Independence in Bosnia-Herzegovina: February 29 – March 1, 1992 | journal = Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)| date = 12 March 1992 | location = Washington D.C. | url = http://csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=UserGroups.Home&ContentRecord_id=250&ContentType=G&ContentRecordType=G&UserGroup_id=5&Subaction=ByDate | ref = {{harvid|CSCE|12 March 1992}} | url-status=dead| archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20110522132353/http://csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=UserGroups.Home&ContentRecord_id=250&ContentType=G&ContentRecordType=G&UserGroup_id=5&Subaction=ByDate | archive-date = 22 May 2011 }}</ref> largely boycotted by the Serbs.<ref>{{Cite book | last = Nettelfield | first = Lara J. | year = 2010 | title = Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina | publisher = Cambridge University Press | location = Oxford | isbn = 978-1-58544-226-3 | url = https://archive.org/details/religiousseparat0000veli |page=67}}</ref> Namely, according to the constitution of the ], the change of the state-legal status was not possible without the national consensus of all three nations. This mechanism was incorporated into the constitution due to ] in ], which disturbed the ethnic balance. Another possibility was for two-thirds of the citizens to vote in a referendum to leave the Yugoslav federation.{{citation needed|date=March 2024}} The Serbs did not agree with the secession from Yugoslavia. Furthermore, less than two-thirds of the population went to the referendum. Nevertheless, the EU and the US accepted the referendum. | |||
==After the war== | |||
] | |||
After the ] was formally ended by the Dayton peace accord in November 1995, Izetbegović became a Member President of Presidency of ]. His party's power declined after the international community installed a ] to oversee affairs of state, with more power than the presidents or parliaments of either the Bosniak-Croat or Serb entities. He stepped down in October ] at the age of 74, citing his bad health. However, Izetbegović remained popular with the Bosniak public, who nicknamed him ''Dedo'' or Grandpa. His endorsement helped his party to bounce back in the elections of ]. He died in October ] of heart disease complicated by injuries suffered in a fall at home. | |||
The Bosnian parliament, already vacated by the Bosnian Serbs, formally declared independence from Yugoslavia on 29 February and Izetbegović announced the country's independence on 3 March. It did not take effect until 7 April 1992, when the ] and United States recognized the new country. Sporadic fighting between Serbs and government forces occurred across Bosnia in the run-up to international recognition. Izetbegović appears to have gambled that the international community would send a peacekeeping force upon recognising Bosnia in order to prevent a war, but this did not happen. Instead, war immediately broke out across the country as Serb and Yugoslav army forces took control of large areas against the poorly equipped government security forces. Initially, Serb forces attacked the non-Serb civilian population in eastern Bosnia. Once towns and villages were securely in their hands, the Serb forces systematically ransacked or burnt down Bosniak houses and apartments, Bosniak civilians were rounded up or captured, and sometimes beaten or killed in the process. Men and women were separated, with many of the men detained in the camps. The women were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions, including also being raped repeatedly by Serb soldiers or policemen.<ref name="ICTY: Kunarac, Kovač and Vuković judgement - Foča">{{cite web|url=https://www.un.org/icty/kunarac/trialc2/judgement/kun-tj010222e-5.htm#VC |title=ICTY: The attack against the civilian population and related requirements |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090219012918/http://un.org/icty/kunarac/trialc2/judgement/kun-tj010222e-5.htm |archive-date=19 February 2009 }}</ref> | |||
== ICTY investigation for war crimes == | |||
Although he was never charged with war crimes for his role during the Bosnian war, following his death, the ICTY acknowledged that he had been under investigation for possible war crimes but that the investigation had been terminated when he died. A representative of the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY, Hartmann, made the following statement: | |||
:''She added to answer the second part of the question that Izetbegovic was one of the suspects under investigation as part of the current investigations, but the fact that he had died meant that all legal proceedings against him were dropped. Asked to confirm that up until he died he was under investigation, Hartmann replied that this was the case''. | |||
Izetbegović consistently promoted the idea of a multi-ethnic Bosnia under central control, which seemed a hopeless strategy under the circumstances. The Bosnian Croats, disillusioned with the Sarajevo government and supported militarily and financially by the Croatian government, increasingly turned to establishing their own ethnically based state of '']'' in ] and Central Bosnia. The Croats pulled out of the Sarajevo government and ]. In some areas local armistices were signed between the Serbs and Croats. Croat forces launched their first attacks on Bosniaks in central Bosnia in June 1992, but these failed.{{citation needed|date=August 2021}} The ] caused deep division among Bosnian Croats and strengthened separatist Herzeg-Bosnia, and led to the ] campaign against Bosniak civilians from May 1992 to March 1993.<ref name="ICTY: Blaškić verdict - A. The Lasva Valley: May 1992 – January 1993">{{cite web|url=https://www.un.org/icty/blaskic/trialc1/judgement/bla-tj000303e-3.htm#IIIA|title=ICTY: Blaškić verdict – A. The Lasva Valley: May 1992 – January 1993}}</ref><ref name="ICTY: Initial indictment for the ethnic cleansing of the Lasva Valley area - Part II">{{cite web|url=http://www.haverford.edu/relg/sells/indictments/Kordic2.html |title=ICTY (1995): Initial indictment for the ethnic cleansing of the Lasva Valley area – Part II |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090225200519/http://www.haverford.edu/relg/sells/indictments/Kordic2.html |archive-date=25 February 2009 }}</ref> | |||
==Personal life and other information== | |||
Izetbegović was married to Halida Repovac and they had three children Lejla, Sabina and Bakir. The Spanish newspaper ] declared him "Person of the Year" in 1995. He has received the "Reward from King Feysal" and a medal from "The Center For Democracy, Washington." His most famous book outside Yugoslavia was ''Islam Between East And West'', which has been published widely in a number of languages since its release in 1984. Other published works include ''The Islamic Declaration'', ''Problems of Islamic Renaissance'', ''My Escape to Freedom'', ''Notes from Prison, 1983-1988'' and most recently the memoirs ''Inescapable Questions: Autobiographical Notes''. | |||
Adding to the general confusion, Izetbegović's former colleague Fikret Abdić established an '']'' in parts of ] and ] municipalities in opposition to the Sarajevo government and in cooperation with ] and ]. Abdić's faction was eventually routed by the Bosnian army. By this time, Izetbegović's government controlled only about 25% of the country and represented principally the Bosniak community.{{Citation needed|date=December 2020}} | |||
Alija Izetbegović died in October 2003 in Sarajevo. Following his death there was a drive to rename the main street of ] from Ulica ] (Marshall Tito Street) and the ] in his honor. Following objections from the Serb side in Bosnia both initiatives failed. | |||
] signing the ] in 1994]] | |||
His grave at the Kovači cemetery in Sarajevo was badly damaged by a bomb on the morning of ] ]. The identity of the bomber or bombers has not been determined.<ref name="BBC Europe">{{cite web |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4783333.stm |title=Izetbegović grave damaged}}</ref> | |||
For three and a half years, Izetbegović lived precariously in a ] surrounded by Serb forces. He denounced the failure of Western countries to reverse Serbian aggression and turned instead to the Muslim world, with which he had already established relations during his days as a dissident. The Bosnian government received money and arms. ] was given a ] during Izetbegović's ] and went on to visit Bosnia and Kosovo several times.<ref>{{Cite news|title=Forum: Anti-Serb programs in Kosovo|url=https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2005/apr/9/20050409-102733-9741r/|access-date=2020-12-02|newspaper=The Washington Times|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=N.N|date=2011-05-03|title=Ko je dao bh. pasoš Osami bin Ladenu?|url=http://www.nezavisne.com/novosti/svijet/Ko-je-dao-bh-pasos-Osami-bin-Ladenu/88242|access-date=2020-12-02|website=Nezavisne novine|language=sr}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|date=2001-11-01|title=Al Qaeda's Balkan Links|language=en-US|work=Wall Street Journal|url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB1004563569751363760|access-date=2020-12-03|issn=0099-9660}}</ref> Bin Laden stated to a German reporter that he planned to bring Muslim volunteers to Bosnia.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Bin Laden najmanje dva puta boravio na Balkanu|url=https://www.vijesti.me/svijet/balkan/362993/bin-laden-najmanje-dva-puta-boravio-na-balkanu|access-date=2020-12-02|website=vijesti.me|language=sr}}</ref> Following massacres on Bosnian Muslims by Serb and, to a lesser extent, Croat forces, foreign Muslim volunteers joined the Bosnian army in the so-called ], numbering between 300 and 1,500.<ref name="SENSE tribunal">SENSE Tribunal:ICTY – WE FOUGHT WITH THE BH ARMY, BUT NOT UNDER ITS COMMAND {{cite web|url=http://www.sense-agency.com/en/stream.php?sta%3D3%26pid%3D10225%26kat%3D3 |title=SENSE Tribunal : ICTY |access-date=2007-11-26 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071214215330/http://www.sense-agency.com/en/stream.php?sta=3&pid=10225&kat=3 |archive-date=14 December 2007 |df=dmy }}</ref> They quickly attracted heavy criticism amplified by Serb and Croat ], who considered their presence to be evidence of "violent Islamic fundamentalism" at the heart of Europe. However, the foreign volunteers became unpopular even with many of the Bosniak population, because the ] had thousands of troops and no need for more soldiers, but for arms. Many Bosnian army officers and intellectuals were suspicious regarding foreign volunteers' arrival in the central part of the country, because they came from ] and ] in Croatia, and were passed through the self-proclaimed Herzeg-Bosnia unlike Bosnian army soldiers who were regularly arrested by Croat forces. According to general ], the highest-ranking ethnic Croat in the Bosnian army, the key roles in the foreign volunteers' arrival were played by ] and Croatian ] underground with the aim to justify the involvement of Croatia in the Bosnian War and mass crimes committed by Croat forces. Although Izetbegović regarded them as symbolically valuable as a sign of the Muslim world's support for Bosnia, they appear to have made little military difference and became a major political liability.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.islam.co.ba/razmisljanja/index.php?subaction=ostalo&id=1070747643|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070516123449/http://www.islam.co.ba/razmisljanja/index.php?subaction=ostalo&id=1070747643|url-status=dead|archive-date=16 May 2007|title=Predrag Matvejević analysis|access-date=8 May 2007}}</ref>{{Better source needed|reason=Islam.co.ba is not adequate for reliably sourcing the claims made in this paragraph.|date=March 2022}} | |||
In October 2006, his son Bakir was elected to a four-year term in the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a representaive of the ]. | |||
In 1993, Izetbegović agreed to a peace plan that would divide Bosnia along ethnic lines but continued to insist on a unitary Bosnia government from Sarajevo and on the allocation to the Bosniaks of a large percentage of Bosnia's territory. The war between the Bosniaks and Croats was eventually ended by a truce brokered with the aid of the Americans in March 1994, following which the two sides collaborated more closely against the Serbs. ] then became increasingly involved in the conflict with occasional "pinprick" bombings conducted against the Bosnian Serbs, generally following violations of ceasefires and the no-fly zone over Bosnia. The Bosnian Croat forces benefited indirectly from US military training given to the Croatian Army. In addition, the Croatians provided considerable quantities of weaponry to the Bosnian Croats and much smaller amounts to the Bosnian army, despite a UN weapons ]. Most of the Bosnian army's supply of weapons was airlifted from the Muslim world, specifically ] – an issue which became the subject of some controversy and a US congressional investigation in 1996. In September 1993, the Second Bosniak Congress officially re-introduced the historical ethnic name Bosniaks.{{citation needed|date=May 2016}} The Yugoslav "]" policy was considered by Bosniaks to be neglecting and opposing their Bosnian identity because the term tried to describe Bosniaks as a religious group, not an ethnic one.<ref name="Imamovic">Historija Bošnjaka by Mustafa Imamović (1996), Sarajevo: BZK Preporod; {{ISBN|9958-815-00-1}}</ref> | |||
====Ending the war==== | |||
], Izetbegović and Tuđman initialling the ], 21 November 1995]] | |||
The ] in March 1994 ended the ] and divided the combined ] and ] territory into ten autonomous cantons, establishing the ]. | |||
In August 1995, following the ] and the ], ] launched an ] which destroyed the Bosnian Serb command and control system. This allowed the Croatian and Bosniak forces to overrun many Serb-held areas of the country, producing a roughly 50/50 split of the territory between the two sides. The offensive came to a halt not far from the ] Serb capital of ]. | |||
When the Croat and Bosniak forces stopped their advance they had captured the power plants supplying Banja Luka's electricity and used that control to pressure the Serb leadership into accepting a ceasefire. The parties agreed to meet at ] to negotiate a peace treaty under the supervision of the United States. Serb and Croat interests were represented by Milošević and Tuđman, respectively. Izetbegović represented the internationally recognized Bosnian government.<ref>Dianna Johnstone. ''Fool's Crusade'', London: 2002 {{ISBN|978-1-58367-084-2}}</ref>{{full citation needed|date=September 2013}} | |||
====After the war==== | |||
] meeting with Izetbegović in ], 22 December 1997]] | |||
After the ] was formally ended by the ] in November 1995, Izetbegović became a Member of the Presidency of ]. His party's power declined after the international community installed a ] to oversee affairs of state, with more power than the Presidency or parliaments of either the Bosniak-Croat or Serb entities. He stepped down in October 2000 at the age of 74, citing poor health. However, Izetbegović remained popular with the Bosniak public, who nicknamed him ''Dedo'' (which in ] means '']''). His endorsement helped his party to bounce back in the ]. Some observers have described his rule as ] with nationalist positions.<ref>{{cite thesis|last1=Carson|first1=Jason Edward |title=A Leader Despite Himself? An Analysis of the Statesmanship of Alija Izetbegovic, 1990–2000|date=April 2009|url=https://irl.umsl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1164&context=thesis | degree = Master of Arts | institution = University of Missouri-St. Louis}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Ginsburg |first1=Tom |last2=Simpser |first2=Alberto |title=Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes | |||
|publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2013 |isbn=978-1107729780 |page=202 }}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/man-of-decent-intentions-but-flawed-1.386910|title=Man of decent intentions, but flawed|date=25 October 2003|newspaper=The Irish Times}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ohr.int/?ohr_archive=ohr-bih-media-round-up-23102003-4|title=OHR BiH Media Round-up, 23/10/2003|date=23 October 2003|publisher=Office of the High Representative}}</ref> | |||
==Death== | |||
{{See also|Funeral of Alija Izetbegović}} | |||
]]] | |||
Izetbegović died on 19 October 2003 of ] complicated by injuries suffered from a fall at home. An ] investigation of Izetbegović was in progress, but ended with his death.<ref>{{cite news|title=Bosnia leader was war crimes suspect|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3203323.stm|newspaper=BBC|date=22 October 2003}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Dead Bosnia Hero Focus of War Crimes Inquiry|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2003/10/23/world/dead-bosnia-hero-focus-of-war-crimes-inquiry.html?ref=alijaizetbegovic|newspaper=New York Times|date=23 October 2003}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url = https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2004/bosnia-and-herzegovina|title = Bosnia and Herzegovina|date = 13 January 2012|access-date = 28 April 2019|archive-date = 28 April 2019|archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20190428031628/https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2004/bosnia-and-herzegovina|url-status = dead}}</ref> ], held three days after his death, on 22 October, drew many Bosnian officials, dignitaries from 44 foreign countries, 105 members of the ] and between 100,000 and 150,000 people, with his family receiving over 4,000 telegrams.<ref name="cazin">{{cite web|url=https://www.cazin.net/vijesti/pogledajte-snimak-dzenaze-alije-izetbegovica|title=Pogledajte snimak dženaze Alije Izetbegovića: Prisustvovalo 150.000 ljudi (VIDEO)|date=19 October 2019|access-date=19 October 2019|language=bs|author=Azra L.|publisher=cazin.net}}</ref> Over 400 ]s attended the funeral as it was broadcast live on TV with 37 cameras.<ref name="cazin"/> | |||
Following Izetbegović's death there was an initiative to rename a part of the main street of ] from ] (Marshal Tito Street) and the ] in his honor. Following objections from politicians from ], the international community, and UN envoy ], both initiatives failed.<ref>{{cite news|last=Bajramovic|first=Dino|title=Street Name Change Splits Bosnian Capital|url=http://iwpr.net/report-news/street-name-change-splits-bosnian-capital|newspaper=Institute for War & Peace Reporting|date=21 February 2005|access-date=6 March 2012|archive-date=29 October 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131029192524/http://iwpr.net/report-news/street-name-change-splits-bosnian-capital|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
He had a son, ], who also entered politics and served as ] member from 2010 to 2018, as well as two granddaughters (Jasmina and Mirzela Izetbegović).<ref name="Nytimes20031020"/> | |||
On 11 August 2006, Izetbegović's grave at the Kovači cemetery in Sarajevo was badly damaged by a bomb. The identity of the bomber or bombers has never been determined.<ref name="BBC Europe">{{cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4783333.stm|title=Izetbegović grave damaged|work=BBC News|date=11 August 2006|access-date=1 January 2010}}</ref> | |||
==Honours and decorations== | |||
===Military rank=== | |||
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:left;" | |||
|- | |||
! colspan=2 | Award or decoration | |||
|- | |||
| ] || ] of the ] | |||
|} | |||
===International=== | |||
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:left;" | |||
|- | |||
! colspan=2 | Award or decoration !! Country !! Awarded by !! Year !! Place | |||
|- | |||
| ] || ] || {{flag|Croatia}} || ] || 1995 || ] | |||
|- | |||
| ] || ] || {{flag|Turkey}} || ] || 1997 || ] | |||
|- | |||
| ] || || {{flag|Qatar}} || ] || 1998 || ] | |||
|} | |||
==Writings== | ==Writings== | ||
{{wikiquote}} | |||
'''Available in English''' | '''Available in English''' | ||
* |
*''Islam Between East and West'', ''Alija Ali Izetbegović'', ''American Trust Publications'', ''1985 (also ABC Publications, 1993)'' | ||
* |
*''Inescapable Questions: Autobiographical Notes'', '''Alija Izetbegović'', ''The Islamic Foundation'', ''2003'' | ||
* |
*''Izetbegović of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Notes from Prison, 1983–1988'', ''Alija Izetbegović'', ''Greenwood Press, 2001'' | ||
*''Notes From Prison – 1983–1988'' | |||
* ''Notes From Prison - 1983-1988'', Alija Ali Izetbegović, published in PDF-format courtesy Bakir Izetbegović, 2006 | |||
*'']'', ''Alija Izetbegović'', ''s.n., 1991'' | |||
'''Available in Bosnian''' | '''Available in Bosnian''' | ||
* |
*''Govori i pisma'', ''Alija Izetbegović'', ''SDA'', ''1994'' | ||
* |
*''Rat i mir u Bosni i Hercegovini'' ''(Biblioteka Posebna izdanja)'', ''Alija Izetbegović'', Vijece Kongresa bosnjackih intelektualaca, 1998 | ||
* |
*''Moj bijeg u slobodu: Biljeske iz zatvora 1983–1988'' ''(Biblioteka Refleksi)'', ''Alija Izetbegović'', ''Svjetlost, 1999'' | ||
* ''Islamska deklaracija'' (Mala muslimanska biblioteka), Alija Izetbegović, Bosna, 1990 | * | ||
==Notes== | ==Notes== | ||
{{Reflist|2}} | |||
<div class="references-small"><references/></div> | |||
==References== | |||
==Links and references== | |||
{{Refbegin|2}} | |||
* - Reuters, Aug 11, 2006 | |||
*{{cite book | |||
* | |||
| last = Bartrop | |||
* | |||
| first = Paul | |||
* "The leader caught without a land", The Times (UK), ] ] | |||
| author-link = Paul R. Bartrop | |||
* "Alija Izetbegović, Muslim Who Led Bosnia, Dies at 78", New York Times, ] ] | |||
| year = 2012 | |||
* "Obituaries; Alija Izetbegović, 78; Led Bosnia Through War", Los Angeles Times, ] ] | |||
| title = A Biographical Encyclopedia of Contemporary Genocide | |||
* "Obituary: Alija Izetbegović: Bosnia's first president, a devout Muslim who fought for his country's survival in war and peace during the 1990s", The Guardian (UK), ] ] | |||
| publisher = ABC-CLIO | |||
* ''Bosnia: A Short History'', Noel Malcolm, 1996 | |||
| location = ] | |||
* ''Galvanizing Fear of Islam: The 1983 Trial of Alija Izetbegović in Context'', Aimee Wielechowski, 1996 | |||
| isbn = 978-0-313-38679-4 | |||
* ''The Two Faces of Islam'', Stephen Schwartz, 2002 | |||
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=55NPpA6EvyMC | |||
}} | |||
* {{cite book | |||
|last1=Hamilton | |||
|first1=Neil A. | |||
|title=Founders of Modern Nations: A Biographical Dictionary | |||
|date=1 December 1995 |publisher=Bloomsbury Academic | |||
|isbn=978-0-87436-750-8 | |||
|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zRPvAAAAMAAJ | |||
|language=en | |||
}} | |||
*{{cite book | |||
| last = Hamilton | |||
| first = Neil A. | |||
| editor-last = Hall | |||
| editor-first= Richard C. | |||
| year = 2014 | |||
| title = War in the Balkans: An Encyclopedic History from the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Breakup of Yugoslavia | |||
| chapter = Izetbegović, Alija | |||
| publisher = ABC-CLIO | |||
| location = Santa Barbara, California | |||
| isbn = 978-1-61069-031-7 | |||
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=wy3TBAAAQBAJ | |||
}} | |||
*{{cite book | |||
| last = Izetbegović | |||
| first = Alija | |||
| title = Alija Izetbegović - dostojanstvo ljudskog izbora | |||
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=0HAMAQAAMAAJ | |||
| year = 2005 | |||
| publisher = OKO | |||
| isbn = 978-9958-43-113-5 | |||
}} | |||
*{{cite book | |||
| last = Pehar | |||
| first = Dražen | |||
| year = 2011 | |||
| title = Alija Izetbegović and the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina | |||
| publisher = HKD Napredak | |||
| location = ] | |||
| isbn = 978-9958-841-05-7 | |||
}} | |||
*{{cite book | |||
| last = Shay | |||
| first = Shaul | |||
| year = 2007 | |||
| title = Islamic Terror and the Balkans | |||
| publisher = Transaction Publishers | |||
| location = ] | |||
| isbn = 978-1-4128-0931-3 | |||
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=pGWimAEACAAJ | |||
}} | |||
{{Refend}} | |||
==External links== | |||
{{Bosnian President}} | |||
{{Commons category}} | |||
{{Wikiquote}} | |||
*{{C-SPAN|19731}} | |||
*"", Balkan News, 2014 | |||
*"The leader caught without a land", The Times (UK), 4 February 1993 | |||
*"", Los Angeles Times, 20 October 2003 | |||
*"", The Guardian (UK), 20 October 2003 | |||
*''Bosnia: A Short History'', Noel Malcolm, 1996 | |||
*''Galvanizing Fear of Islam: The 1983 Trial of Alija Izetbegović in Context'', Aimee Wielechowski, 1996 | |||
*''The Two Faces of Islam'', Stephen Schwartz, 2002 | |||
*''Inescapable Questions: Autobiographical Notes'', Alija Izetbegović, The Islamic Foundation, 2003 | |||
{{Alija Izetbegović}} | |||
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Latest revision as of 23:06, 9 January 2025
Bosnian politician, philosopher and author (1925–2003)
Alija Izetbegović | |
---|---|
Izetbegović in 1997 | |
1st Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina | |
In office 14 February 2000 – 14 October 2000 | |
Preceded by | Ante Jelavić |
Succeeded by | Živko Radišić |
In office 5 October 1996 – 13 October 1998 | |
Preceded by | Himself |
Succeeded by | Živko Radišić |
President of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina | |
In office 20 December 1990 – 5 October 1996 | |
Prime Minister | Jure Pelivan Mile Akmadžić Haris Silajdžić Hasan Muratović |
Vice President | Adil Zulfikarpašić |
Preceded by | Obrad Piljak (as President of the Presidency of SR Bosnia and Herzegovina) |
Succeeded by | Himself (as Chairman of the Tripartite presidency) |
1st Bosniak Member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina | |
In office 20 December 1990 – 14 October 2000Serving with Fikret Abdić (1992–1993) Nijaz Duraković (1993–1996) | |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | Halid Genjac |
President of the Party of Democratic Action | |
In office 26 May 1990 – 13 October 2001 | |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | Sulejman Tihić |
Personal details | |
Born | (1925-08-08)8 August 1925 Bosanski Šamac, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes |
Died | 19 October 2003(2003-10-19) (aged 78) Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina |
Nationality | Bosnian |
Political party | Party of Democratic Action |
Spouse |
Halida Repovac (m. 1949) |
Children | 3, including Bakir |
Alma mater | University of Sarajevo (LL.B., LL.M.) |
Occupation |
|
Awards | Grand Order of Queen Jelena Order of the State of Republic of Turkey Order of Independence |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance | Bosnia and Herzegovina |
Branch/service | Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina |
Years of service | 1992–1996 |
Rank | Commander-in-chief |
Commands | Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (supreme commander) |
Battles/wars | Bosnian War Croat–Bosniak War |
| ||
---|---|---|
Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Elections Family Published works |
||
Alija Izetbegović (Bosnian pronunciation: [ǎlija ǐzedbeɡoʋitɕ]; 8 August 1925 – 19 October 2003) was a Bosnian politician, Islamic philosopher and author, who in 1992 became the first president of the Presidency of the newly independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. He later served as the first chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Shortly after his term began, the country's Serb community revolted and created the Republika Srpska, attempting to prevent the secession of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Yugoslavia, which would lead to the outbreak of the Bosnian War. Izetbegović led the Bosniak forces initially alongside the Croat forces, until a separate war erupted between them. Relations between the two sides were resolved in the Washington Agreement, which he signed with Croatian president Franjo Tuđman.
The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina continued, with widespread ethnic cleansing and other war crimes committed by the three militias against the civil population, eventually culminating in the massacre of male Bosniaks in Srebrenica by Serb forces and neighbouring villages where Islamist and Croatian forces massacred Serb civilians which would later be determined to be genocide. Izetbegović was also a signatory for the Dayton Agreement, which ended the war in a stalemate following NATO bombings, and recognized Republika Srpska as an autonomous entity within Bosnia and Herzegovina. He continued to serve in this role until 1996, when he became a member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, serving until 2000.
Izetbegović was the founder and first president of the Party of Democratic Action. He was also the author of several books, most notably Islam Between East and West and the Islamic Declaration.
Early life and education
Izetbegović was born on 8 August 1925 in the town of Bosanski Šamac. While serving as a soldier in Üsküdar, Izetbegović's paternal grandfather Alija married a Turkish woman named Sıdıka Hanım. The couple eventually moved to Bosanski Šamac and had five children. Izetbegović's grandfather later became the town's mayor.
Izetbegović's father, an accountant, had fought for the Austro-Hungarian Army on the Italian Front during World War I and sustained serious injuries which left him in a semi-paralyzed state for at least a decade. He declared bankruptcy in 1927. The following year, the family moved to Sarajevo, where Izetbegović received a secular education.
In 1941, Izetbegović helped to found a Bosnian Islamist organization named "Young Muslims" (Mladi Muslimani), which was modeled after the Muslim Brotherhood. When the "Young Muslims" became torn between supporting the largely Muslim Waffen-SS Handschar Division or the communist Yugoslav Partisans, according to the New York Times, he joined the SS Handschar, despite a lack of evidence. Izetbegović's family denied the claim and claimed that he had joined the communist Yugoslav Partisans. Izetbegović was detained by the Serb royalist Chetniks in mid-1944, but released by Chetnik voivode Dragutin Keserović. He was arrested by the Yugoslav communists following the war and sentenced to three years in prison in 1946 on charges of collaborating with the Nazi forces. Before incarceration, he had earned a law degree at the University of Sarajevo's Faculty of Law. He remained engaged in politics after serving the sentence.
Dissident and activist
See also: Islamic DeclarationIn 1970, Izetbegović published a manifesto entitled the Islamic Declaration, expressing his views on relationships between Islam, state and society. The manifesto was banned by the government. In it, he tried to reconcile Western-style progress with Islamic tradition. The work issued a call for "Islamic renewal" without mentioning Yugoslavia specifically. However, he and his supporters were accused by the Communist authorities of reviving the "Young Muslims" organisation and of a conspiracy to set up an "Islamically pure" Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The declaration designated Pakistan as a model country to be emulated by Muslim revolutionaries worldwide. One of the passages that was in particular picked out by his opponents during the trial was, "There can be no peace or coexistence between the Islamic faith and non-Islamic social and political institutions...the state should be an expression of religion and should support its moral concepts." The declaration remains a source of controversy. Serbs, who were opposed to Izetbegović, often quoted the declaration as indicative of an intent to create an Iranian-style Islamic republic in Bosnia.
He himself later insisted many times that the statements about the creation of an Islamic state were hypothetical and were not to be the applied to the situation in Bosnia. Regardless, Bosnia's non-Muslim population were unsettled by several of his statements in his writings. Passages from the declaration were frequently quoted by Izetbegović's opponents during the 1990s, who considered it to be an open statement of Islamic fundamentalism. This opinion is also shared by some Western authors. Izetbegović vigorously denied these accusations.
Imprisonment
Izetbegović was first arrested in 1946 aged twenty-one. He was sentenced to jail in various cases in a total for 8 years for his membership in an organization fighting for human rights and religious rights.
In April 1983, Izetbegović and twelve other Bosniak activists (including Melika Salihbegović, Edhem Bičakčić, Omer Behmen, Mustafa Spahić and Hasan Čengić) were tried before a Sarajevo court for a variety of charges called "offences as principally hostile activity inspired by Islamic ideologies, association for purposes of hostile activity and hostile propaganda". Izetbegović was further accused of organizing a visit to a Muslim congress in Iran. All of those tried were convicted and Izetbegović was sentenced to fourteen years in prison.
The verdict was strongly criticised by Western human rights organisations, including Amnesty International and Helsinki Watch, which claimed the case was based on "communist propaganda", and the accused were not charged with either using or advocating violence. The following May, the Bosnian Supreme Court conceded the point with an announcement that "some of the actions of the accused did not have the characteristics of criminal acts" and reduced Izetbegović's sentence to twelve years. In 1988, as communist rule faltered, he was pardoned and released after almost five years in prison. His health had suffered serious damage.
Early political career and 1990 election
Main article: 1990 Bosnian general electionThe introduction of a multi-party system in Yugoslavia at the end of the 1980s prompted Izetbegović and other Bosniak activists to establish a political party, the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka Demokratske Akcije, SDA) in 1990. It had a largely Muslim character; similarly, the other principal ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Serbs and Croats, also established ethnically based parties (SDS and HDZ BiH). The SDA won the largest share of the vote, 33% of the seats, with the next runners-up being nationalist ethnic parties representing Serbs and Croats. Fikret Abdić won the popular vote for Presidency member among the Bosniak candidates, with 44% of the vote, Izetbegović with 37%. According to the Bosnian constitution, the first two candidates of each of the three constitutient nations would be elected to a seven-member multi-ethnic rotating presidency (with two Croats, two Serbs, two Bosniaks and one Yugoslav); a Croat took the post of prime minister and a Serb the presidency of the Assembly. Abdić agreed to stand down as the Bosniak candidate for the Presidency and Izetbegović became Chairman of the Presidency.
Presidency (1990–2000)
Bosnia and Herzegovina's power-sharing arrangements broke down very quickly as ethnic tensions grew after the outbreak of fighting between Serbs and Croats in neighboring Croatia. Although Izetbegović was due to hold the presidency for only one year according to the constitution, this arrangement was initially suspended due to "extraordinary circumstances" and was eventually abandoned altogether during the war as the Serb and Croat nationalistic parties SDS and HDZ BiH abandoned the government. When fighting broke out in Slovenia and Croatia in the summer of 1991, it was immediately apparent that Bosnia and Herzegovina would soon become embroiled in the conflict. Izetbegović initially proposed a loose confederation to preserve a unitary Bosnian state and strongly urged a peaceful solution. He did not subscribe to the "peace at all costs" view and commented in February 1991 that "I would sacrifice peace for a sovereign Bosnia and Herzegovina ... but for that peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina I would not sacrifice sovereignty." He abandoned the Zulfikarpašić–Karadžić agreement which would see Bosnia as a sovereign state in a confederation with Serbia and Montenegro, with 60% of Sandžak ceded to Bosnia.
On 6 October 1991, Izetbegović gave a televised proclamation of neutrality, it included the statement "it is not our war". Izetbegović made a statement before the Bosnian parliament on 14 October with regard to the JNA: "Do not do anything against the Army. (...) the presence of the Army is a stabilizing factor to us, and we need that Army... Until now, we did not have problems with the Army, and we will not have problems later." Izetbegović had a testy exchange with Bosnian Serb leader and SDS president Radovan Karadžić in parliament on that day. After Karadžić wagered that the Bosniak muslims could not defend themselves if a state of war developed, Izetbegović observed that he found Karadžić's manner and speech offensive and it explained why the Bosniaks felt unwelcome, that his tone might explain why the others federated by Yugoslavia felt repelled, and that the threats of Karadžić were unworthy of the Serb people.
By the start of 1992, it had become apparent that the rival nationalist demands were fundamentally incompatible: the Bosniaks and Croats sought an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina while the Serbs wanted it to remain in a rump Yugoslavia dominated by Serbia. Izetbegović publicly complained that he was being forced to ally with one side or the other, vividly characterising the dilemma by comparing it to having to choose between leukemia and a brain tumour. In January 1992, Portuguese diplomat José Cutileiro drafted a plan, later known as the Lisbon Agreement, that would turn Bosnia into a triethnic cantonal state. Initially, all three sides signed up to the agreement; Izetbegović for the Bosniaks, Karadžić for the Serbs and Mate Boban for the Croats. Some two weeks later, however, Izetbegović withdrew his signature and declared his opposition to any type of partition of Bosnia, supposedly encouraged by Warren Zimmermann, the United States Ambassador to Yugoslavia at the time.
Bosnian War
Main article: Bosnian WarIn February 1992, Izetbegović called an independence referendum on the European condition for recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state, despite warnings from the Serb members of the presidency that it was unconstitutional and that any move towards independence would result in the Serb-inhabited areas seceding to remain with the rump Yugoslavia. The referendum achieved a 99.4% vote in favor on a 63% turnout, largely boycotted by the Serbs. Namely, according to the constitution of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the change of the state-legal status was not possible without the national consensus of all three nations. This mechanism was incorporated into the constitution due to the genocide committed against Serbs in World War II, which disturbed the ethnic balance. Another possibility was for two-thirds of the citizens to vote in a referendum to leave the Yugoslav federation. The Serbs did not agree with the secession from Yugoslavia. Furthermore, less than two-thirds of the population went to the referendum. Nevertheless, the EU and the US accepted the referendum.
The Bosnian parliament, already vacated by the Bosnian Serbs, formally declared independence from Yugoslavia on 29 February and Izetbegović announced the country's independence on 3 March. It did not take effect until 7 April 1992, when the European Union and United States recognized the new country. Sporadic fighting between Serbs and government forces occurred across Bosnia in the run-up to international recognition. Izetbegović appears to have gambled that the international community would send a peacekeeping force upon recognising Bosnia in order to prevent a war, but this did not happen. Instead, war immediately broke out across the country as Serb and Yugoslav army forces took control of large areas against the poorly equipped government security forces. Initially, Serb forces attacked the non-Serb civilian population in eastern Bosnia. Once towns and villages were securely in their hands, the Serb forces systematically ransacked or burnt down Bosniak houses and apartments, Bosniak civilians were rounded up or captured, and sometimes beaten or killed in the process. Men and women were separated, with many of the men detained in the camps. The women were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions, including also being raped repeatedly by Serb soldiers or policemen.
Izetbegović consistently promoted the idea of a multi-ethnic Bosnia under central control, which seemed a hopeless strategy under the circumstances. The Bosnian Croats, disillusioned with the Sarajevo government and supported militarily and financially by the Croatian government, increasingly turned to establishing their own ethnically based state of Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia in Herzegovina and Central Bosnia. The Croats pulled out of the Sarajevo government and fighting broke out in 1993. In some areas local armistices were signed between the Serbs and Croats. Croat forces launched their first attacks on Bosniaks in central Bosnia in June 1992, but these failed. The Graz agreement caused deep division among Bosnian Croats and strengthened separatist Herzeg-Bosnia, and led to the Lašva Valley ethnic cleansing campaign against Bosniak civilians from May 1992 to March 1993.
Adding to the general confusion, Izetbegović's former colleague Fikret Abdić established an Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia in parts of Cazin and Velika Kladuša municipalities in opposition to the Sarajevo government and in cooperation with Slobodan Milošević and Franjo Tuđman. Abdić's faction was eventually routed by the Bosnian army. By this time, Izetbegović's government controlled only about 25% of the country and represented principally the Bosniak community.
For three and a half years, Izetbegović lived precariously in a besieged Sarajevo surrounded by Serb forces. He denounced the failure of Western countries to reverse Serbian aggression and turned instead to the Muslim world, with which he had already established relations during his days as a dissident. The Bosnian government received money and arms. Osama bin Laden was given a Bosnian passport during Izetbegović's presidency and went on to visit Bosnia and Kosovo several times. Bin Laden stated to a German reporter that he planned to bring Muslim volunteers to Bosnia. Following massacres on Bosnian Muslims by Serb and, to a lesser extent, Croat forces, foreign Muslim volunteers joined the Bosnian army in the so-called Bosnian mujahideen, numbering between 300 and 1,500. They quickly attracted heavy criticism amplified by Serb and Croat propaganda, who considered their presence to be evidence of "violent Islamic fundamentalism" at the heart of Europe. However, the foreign volunteers became unpopular even with many of the Bosniak population, because the Bosnian army had thousands of troops and no need for more soldiers, but for arms. Many Bosnian army officers and intellectuals were suspicious regarding foreign volunteers' arrival in the central part of the country, because they came from Split and Zagreb in Croatia, and were passed through the self-proclaimed Herzeg-Bosnia unlike Bosnian army soldiers who were regularly arrested by Croat forces. According to general Stjepan Šiber, the highest-ranking ethnic Croat in the Bosnian army, the key roles in the foreign volunteers' arrival were played by Franjo Tuđman and Croatian counter-intelligence underground with the aim to justify the involvement of Croatia in the Bosnian War and mass crimes committed by Croat forces. Although Izetbegović regarded them as symbolically valuable as a sign of the Muslim world's support for Bosnia, they appear to have made little military difference and became a major political liability.
In 1993, Izetbegović agreed to a peace plan that would divide Bosnia along ethnic lines but continued to insist on a unitary Bosnia government from Sarajevo and on the allocation to the Bosniaks of a large percentage of Bosnia's territory. The war between the Bosniaks and Croats was eventually ended by a truce brokered with the aid of the Americans in March 1994, following which the two sides collaborated more closely against the Serbs. NATO then became increasingly involved in the conflict with occasional "pinprick" bombings conducted against the Bosnian Serbs, generally following violations of ceasefires and the no-fly zone over Bosnia. The Bosnian Croat forces benefited indirectly from US military training given to the Croatian Army. In addition, the Croatians provided considerable quantities of weaponry to the Bosnian Croats and much smaller amounts to the Bosnian army, despite a UN weapons embargo. Most of the Bosnian army's supply of weapons was airlifted from the Muslim world, specifically Iran – an issue which became the subject of some controversy and a US congressional investigation in 1996. In September 1993, the Second Bosniak Congress officially re-introduced the historical ethnic name Bosniaks. The Yugoslav "Muslims by nationality" policy was considered by Bosniaks to be neglecting and opposing their Bosnian identity because the term tried to describe Bosniaks as a religious group, not an ethnic one.
Ending the war
The Washington Agreement in March 1994 ended the Croat-Bosniak War and divided the combined ARBiH and HVO territory into ten autonomous cantons, establishing the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In August 1995, following the Srebrenica massacre and the 2nd Markale massacre, NATO launched an intensive bombing campaign which destroyed the Bosnian Serb command and control system. This allowed the Croatian and Bosniak forces to overrun many Serb-held areas of the country, producing a roughly 50/50 split of the territory between the two sides. The offensive came to a halt not far from the de facto Serb capital of Banja Luka.
When the Croat and Bosniak forces stopped their advance they had captured the power plants supplying Banja Luka's electricity and used that control to pressure the Serb leadership into accepting a ceasefire. The parties agreed to meet at Dayton, Ohio to negotiate a peace treaty under the supervision of the United States. Serb and Croat interests were represented by Milošević and Tuđman, respectively. Izetbegović represented the internationally recognized Bosnian government.
After the war
After the Bosnian War was formally ended by the Dayton peace accord in November 1995, Izetbegović became a Member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. His party's power declined after the international community installed a High Representative to oversee affairs of state, with more power than the Presidency or parliaments of either the Bosniak-Croat or Serb entities. He stepped down in October 2000 at the age of 74, citing poor health. However, Izetbegović remained popular with the Bosniak public, who nicknamed him Dedo (which in Bosnian means grandfather). His endorsement helped his party to bounce back in the 2002 general election. Some observers have described his rule as authoritarian with nationalist positions.
Death
See also: Funeral of Alija IzetbegovićIzetbegović died on 19 October 2003 of heart disease complicated by injuries suffered from a fall at home. An ICTY investigation of Izetbegović was in progress, but ended with his death. His funeral, held three days after his death, on 22 October, drew many Bosnian officials, dignitaries from 44 foreign countries, 105 members of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and between 100,000 and 150,000 people, with his family receiving over 4,000 telegrams. Over 400 journalists attended the funeral as it was broadcast live on TV with 37 cameras.
Following Izetbegović's death there was an initiative to rename a part of the main street of Sarajevo from Ulica Maršala Tita (Marshal Tito Street) and the Sarajevo International Airport in his honor. Following objections from politicians from Republika Srpska, the international community, and UN envoy Paddy Ashdown, both initiatives failed.
He had a son, Bakir, who also entered politics and served as Presidency member from 2010 to 2018, as well as two granddaughters (Jasmina and Mirzela Izetbegović).
On 11 August 2006, Izetbegović's grave at the Kovači cemetery in Sarajevo was badly damaged by a bomb. The identity of the bomber or bombers has never been determined.
Honours and decorations
Military rank
Award or decoration | |
---|---|
Commander-in-chief of the Bosnian Armed Forces |
International
Award or decoration | Country | Awarded by | Year | Place | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Grand Order of Queen Jelena | Croatia | Franjo Tuđman | 1995 | Zagreb | |
Order of the State of Republic of Turkey | Turkey | Süleyman Demirel | 1997 | Ankara | |
Order of Independence | Qatar | Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani | 1998 | Doha |
Writings
Available in English
- Islam Between East and West, Alija Ali Izetbegović, American Trust Publications, 1985 (also ABC Publications, 1993)
- Inescapable Questions: Autobiographical Notes, 'Alija Izetbegović, The Islamic Foundation, 2003
- Izetbegović of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Notes from Prison, 1983–1988, Alija Izetbegović, Greenwood Press, 2001
- Notes From Prison – 1983–1988
- The Islamic Declaration, Alija Izetbegović, s.n., 1991
Available in Bosnian
- Govori i pisma, Alija Izetbegović, SDA, 1994
- Rat i mir u Bosni i Hercegovini (Biblioteka Posebna izdanja), Alija Izetbegović, Vijece Kongresa bosnjackih intelektualaca, 1998
- Moj bijeg u slobodu: Biljeske iz zatvora 1983–1988 (Biblioteka Refleksi), Alija Izetbegović, Svjetlost, 1999
- Islamska deklaracija (Mala muslimanska biblioteka), Alija Izetbegović, Bosna, 1990
Notes
- "Izetbegović: Moja porodica je posjedovala Adu Ciganliju, a dedo je tokom Prvog svjetskog rata spasio niz Srba".
- Hamilton 1995, p. 167.
- Carmichael, Cathie (2015), A Concise History of Bosnia, Greenwood Publishing Group, p. 178, ISBN 978-1-316-39529-5
- Shay 2007, p. 40.
- "Alija Izetbegović: Introduction". Alija Izetbegović Museum. Archived from the original on 9 December 2017. Retrieved 15 January 2015.
- Lebl, Leslie S. (2014). "ISLAMISM AND SECURITY IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA". Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War College.
- ^ Binder, David (20 October 2003). "Alija Izetbegovic, Muslim Who Led Bosnia, Dies at 78". New York Times.
- ^ Jukic, Elvira (28 November 2014). "Bosniak Leader Rejects 'Nazi Father' Claims". Balkan Insight.
- (Izetbegović 2005, p. 23):"Međutim, jedna grupa Srba je došla da intervenira kod tadašnjeg komandanta pukovnika Keserovića. On je bio načelnik Glavnog Štaba. Tad su mi izneli taj podatak da je moj djed spasio 40 Srba i da bi bio dužan da vrati milo za drago. I zahvaljujući toj okolnosti ja sam bio oslobođen."
- Hoare, Marko Attila (2014). Bosnian Muslims in the Second World War. Oxford University Press. p. 12. ISBN 978-0-19-932785-0.
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- YouTube
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References
- Bartrop, Paul (2012). A Biographical Encyclopedia of Contemporary Genocide. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-0-313-38679-4.
- Hamilton, Neil A. (1 December 1995). Founders of Modern Nations: A Biographical Dictionary. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-0-87436-750-8.
- Hamilton, Neil A. (2014). "Izetbegović, Alija". In Hall, Richard C. (ed.). War in the Balkans: An Encyclopedic History from the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Breakup of Yugoslavia. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-61069-031-7.
- Izetbegović, Alija (2005). Alija Izetbegović - dostojanstvo ljudskog izbora. OKO. ISBN 978-9958-43-113-5.
- Pehar, Dražen (2011). Alija Izetbegović and the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Mostar: HKD Napredak. ISBN 978-9958-841-05-7.
- Shay, Shaul (2007). Islamic Terror and the Balkans. Piscataway, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4128-0931-3.
External links
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- "Alija Izetbegovic: 1925–2003", Balkan News, 2014
- "The leader caught without a land", The Times (UK), 4 February 1993
- "Obituaries; Alija Izetbegović, 78; Led Bosnia Through War", Los Angeles Times, 20 October 2003
- "Obituary: Alija Izetbegović: first Chairman of the Presidency of post-communist Bosnia and Herzegovina, a devout Muslim who fought for his country's survival in war and peace during the 1990s", The Guardian (UK), 20 October 2003
- Bosnia: A Short History, Noel Malcolm, 1996
- Galvanizing Fear of Islam: The 1983 Trial of Alija Izetbegović in Context, Aimee Wielechowski, 1996
- The Two Faces of Islam, Stephen Schwartz, 2002
- Inescapable Questions: Autobiographical Notes, Alija Izetbegović, The Islamic Foundation, 2003
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- Alija Izetbegović
- 1925 births
- 2003 deaths
- People from Šamac, Bosnia and Herzegovina
- Bosniaks of Bosnia and Herzegovina
- Bosnia and Herzegovina people of Turkish descent
- Bosnia and Herzegovina people of Serbian descent
- Bosnia and Herzegovina Sunni Muslims
- Bosnia and Herzegovina people of World War II
- 20th-century Bosnia and Herzegovina writers
- Sarajevo Law School alumni
- University of Sarajevo alumni
- Party of Democratic Action politicians
- Politicians of the Bosnian War
- 20th-century philosophers
- 21st-century philosophers
- Bosniak nationalism
- Members of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina
- Chairmen of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina