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{{Short description|Link between religiosity and intelligence}} | ||
The study of '''religiosity and intelligence''' explores the link between ] and ] or educational level (by country and on the individual level). Religiosity and intelligence are both complex topics that include diverse variables, and the interactions among those variables are not always well understood. For instance, intelligence is often defined differently by different researchers;<ref name="Neisser1998" /> also, all scores from intelligence tests are only estimates of intelligence, because one cannot achieve concrete measurements of intelligence (as one would of mass or distance) due to the concept’s abstract nature.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Haier|first1=Richard|title=The Neuroscience of Intelligence|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781107461437|pages=18–19|date=2016-12-28}}</ref> Religiosity is also complex, in that it involves wide variations of interactions of religious beliefs, practices, behaviors, and affiliations, across a diverse array of cultures.<ref name="what is religiosity" /> | |||
The topic of '''religiosity and intelligence''' pertains to relationships between ] and ], the extent to which someone is ]. A number of studies have been undertaken to examine these relationships, although other studies have explored religiosity to issues related to intelligence, such as educational level. | |||
The study on religion and intelligence has been ongoing since the 1920s and conclusions and interpretations have varied in the literature due to different measures for both religiosity and intelligence.<ref name="sickles">{{Cite journal|last1=Sickles |first1=Julie |last2=Huskey |first2=Alisa |last3=Schrantz |first3=Kathryn |last4=Lack |first4=Caleb |title=The Relationship between Intelligence and Religiosity: A Critical Review of the Literature|url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/283062772|journal=Journal of Scientific Psychology|date=2015 |volume=May}}</ref> Some studies find negative ] between ] (IQ) and religiosity.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Zuckerman |first1=Miron |last2=Li |first2=Chen |last3=Lin |first3=Shengxin |last4=Hall |first4=Judith A. |title=The Negative Intelligence–Religiosity Relation: New and Confirming Evidence |journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin |date=15 October 2019 |volume=46 |issue=6 |pages=856–868 |doi=10.1177/0146167219879122|pmid=31610740 |s2cid=204702114 }}</ref><ref name="intmag">{{Cite journal |last=Lynn |first=Richard |author-link=Richard Lynn |author2=John Harvey |author3=Helmuth Nyborg |title=Average intelligence predicts atheism rates across 137 nations |journal=] |year=2009 |volume=37 |pages=11–15 |doi=10.1016/j.intell.2008.03.004 }}</ref> However, such studies and others have found the effect not to be generalizable and unable to predict religiosity from intelligence correlations alone.<ref name="Hale" /><ref name="Webster" /><ref name="Dutton" /><ref name="sickles" /><ref name="dolan" /><ref name="durlinger">{{cite journal |last1=Dürlinger |first1=Florian |last2=Pietschnig |first2=Jakob |title=Meta-analyzing intelligence and religiosity associations: Evidence from the multiverse |journal=PLOS ONE |date=11 February 2022 |volume=17 |issue=2 |pages=e0262699 |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0262699|doi-access=free |pmid=35148316 |pmc=8836311 |bibcode=2022PLoSO..1762699D }}</ref> Some have suggested that nonconformity, cognitive style, and coping mechanism play a role<ref name="psr.sagepub.com">{{cite journal|doi=10.1177/1088868313497266|pmid=23921675|title=The Relation Between Intelligence and Religiosity: A Meta-Analysis and Some Proposed Explanations|first1=Miron|last1=Zuckerman|first2=Jordan|year=2013|last2=Silberman|first3=Judith A.|last3=Hall|journal=]|volume=17|issue=4|pages=325–354|s2cid=2815223}}</ref> while others suggest that any correlations are due to a complex range of social, gender, economic, educational and historical factors, which interact with religion and IQ in different ways.<ref name="Webster" /><ref name="Dutton" /><ref name=tele /><ref name=":1" /><ref name="sickles" /><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Dutton |first1=Edward |last2=Meisenberg |first2=Gerhard |title=Religiosity is Associated with a more Feminine Intelligence profile: Evidence from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, 1979 |journal=Personality and Individual Differences |date=1 April 2021 |volume=173 |pages=110640 |doi=10.1016/j.paid.2021.110640}}</ref> Less developed and poorer countries tend to be more religious, perhaps because religions play a more active ], ] and ] role in those countries.<ref name=Gallup-Poll-Emotional-Religion/> | |||
==Summary of research in the area and definitions of terms== | |||
{{Main|Religiosity|Intelligence}} | |||
Studies on analytic thinking and nonbelievers suggest that analytical thinking does not imply better reflection on religious matters or disbelief.<ref name="Farias" /> A cross-cultural study observed that analytic thinking was not a reliable metric to predict disbelief.<ref name="2018 Ger" /> A review of the literature on cognitive style found that there are no correlations between rationality and belief/disbelief and that upbringing, whether religious or not, better explains why people end up religious or not.<ref name="Dis Ger">{{cite book |last1=Gervais |first1=Will M. |title=Disbelief: The Origins of Atheism in a Religious Species |date=2024 |publisher=Prometheus Books |isbn=978-1633889248}}</ref> | |||
'''Intelligence''' is an umbrella term used to describe a property of the mind that encompasses many related abilities, such as the capacities to reason, to ], to solve problems, to think abstractly, to comprehend ideas, to use ], and to learn. There are several ways to define intelligence. In some cases, intelligence may include traits such as ], ], ], ], or ]. However, some psychologists prefer not to include these traits in the definition of intelligence.<ref name=Neisser1998>{{Cite journal| author = Neisser, U. | coauthors = Boodoo, G.; Bouchard Jr, T.J.; Boykin, A.W.; Brody, N.; Ceci, S.J.; Halpern, D.F.; Loehlin, J.C.; Perloff, R.; Sternberg, R.J.; Others, | year = 1998 | title = Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns | journal = Annual Progress in Child Psychiatry and Child Development 1997 | url = http://books.google.com/?id=gLWnmVbKdLwC&pg=PA95&dq=Intelligence:+Knowns+and+unknowns | accessdate = 2008-10-18 | isbn = 9780876308707}}</ref><ref name=Perloff1996>{{Cite journal| author = Perloff, R. | coauthors = Sternberg, R.J.; Urbina, S. | year = 1996 | title = Intelligence: knowns and unknowns | journal = American Psychologist | volume = 51}}</ref> | |||
A global study on educational attainment found that Jews, Christians, religiously unaffiliated persons, and Buddhists have, on average, higher levels of education than the global average.<ref name="PewEdu2016">{{cite web |date=December 13, 2016 |title=Religion and Education Around the World |url=http://assets.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2016/12/21094148/Religion-Education-ONLINE-FINAL.pdf |publisher=Pew Research Center |page=5}}</ref> Numerous factors affect both educational attainment and religiosity. | |||
A widely-researched index or classification of intelligence among scientists is ] (I.Q.). I.Q. is a summary index, calculated by testing individuals' abilities in a variety of tasks and producing a composite score to represent overall ability, e.g., ]. It is used to predict educational outcomes and other variables of interest. | |||
==Definitions and issues== | |||
===Intelligence=== | |||
{{See also|Intelligence quotient |Intelligence}} | |||
The ] are controversial since at least 70 definitions have been found among diverse fields of research.<ref name="LeggHutter2007">{{cite book | |||
|author1=S. Legg |author2=M. Hutter | chapter = A Collection of Definitions of Intelligence | |||
| title = Advances in Artificial General Intelligence: Concepts, Architectures and Algorithms | |||
| volume = 157 | |||
| pages = 17–24 | |||
| url = http://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=1565458 | |||
|isbn=9781586037581 |year=2007 |publisher=IOS Press }}</ref> Some groups of psychologists have suggested the following definitions: | |||
From "]" (1994), an op-ed statement in the Wall Street Journal signed by fifty-two researchers (out of 131 total invited to sign).<ref name="Gottfredson 1970688887 17–20">{{harvnb|Gottfredson|1997|pp=17–20}}</ref> | |||
{{quote|A very general mental capability that, among other things, involves the ability to reason, plan, solve problems, think abstractly, comprehend complex ideas, learn quickly and learn from experience. It is not merely book learning, a narrow academic skill, or test-taking smarts. Rather, it reflects a broader and deeper capability for comprehending our surroundings—"catching on," "making sense" of things, or "figuring out" what to do.<ref name=Gottfredson1997>{{Cite journal |last=Gottfredson|first= Linda S. |year=1997 |author-link=Linda Gottfredson |title= Mainstream Science on Intelligence (editorial) |journal=Intelligence |issn=0160-2896| volume=24 |pages=13–23 |url=http://www.udel.edu/educ/gottfredson/reprints/1997mainstream.pdf |doi=10.1016/s0160-2896(97)90011-8}}</ref>}} | |||
From "]" (1995), a report published by the Board of Scientific Affairs of the ]: | |||
{{quote|Individuals differ from one another in their ability to understand complex ideas, to adapt effectively to the environment, to learn from experience, to engage in various forms of reasoning, to overcome obstacles by taking thought. Although these individual differences can be substantial, they are never entirely consistent: a given person's intellectual performance will vary on different occasions, in different domains, as judged by different criteria. Concepts of "intelligence" are attempts to clarify and organize this complex set of phenomena. Although considerable clarity has been achieved in some areas, no such conceptualization has yet answered all the important questions, and none commands universal assent. Indeed, when two dozen prominent theorists were recently asked to define intelligence, they gave two dozen, somewhat different, definitions.<ref name=Neisser1998>{{cite journal |last1=Neisser |first1=Ulrich |last2=Boodoo |first2=Gwyneth |last3=Bouchard |first3=Thomas J. |last4=Boykin |first4=A. Wade |last5=Brody |first5=Nathan |last6=Ceci |first6=Stephen J. |last7=Halpern |first7=Diane F. |last8=Loehlin |first8=John C. |last9=Perloff |first9=Robert |last10=Sternberg |first10=Robert J. |last11=Urbina |first11=Susana |author-link1=Ulrich Neisser |author-link10=Robert Sternberg |title=Intelligence: Knowns and unknowns |journal=American Psychologist |issn=0003-066X |volume=51 |issue=2 |pages=77–101 |year = 1996 |url=http://psych.colorado.edu/~carey/pdfFiles/IQ_Neisser2.pdf |access-date=9 October 2014 |doi=10.1037/0003-066x.51.2.77}}</ref>||}} | |||
] is a property of the mind that encompasses many related abilities, such as the capacities to reason, to ], to solve problems, to think abstractly, to comprehend ideas, to use ], and to learn. There are several ways to more specifically define intelligence. In some cases, intelligence may include traits such as ], ], ], ], or ]. However, some psychologists prefer not to include these traits in the definition of intelligence.<ref name="Neisser1998" /> | |||
A widely researched index or classification of intelligence among scientists is ] (IQ). IQ is a summary index, calculated by testing individuals' abilities in a variety of tasks and producing a composite score to represent overall ability, e.g., ]. It is used to predict educational outcomes and other variables of interest. | |||
Others have attempted to measure intelligence indirectly by looking at individuals' or group's educational attainment, although this risks bias from other demographic factors, such as ], ], ] and cultural background, all of which can affect educational attainment.<ref name=Neisser1998/> | Others have attempted to measure intelligence indirectly by looking at individuals' or group's educational attainment, although this risks bias from other demographic factors, such as ], ], ] and cultural background, all of which can affect educational attainment.<ref name=Neisser1998/> | ||
Dissatisfaction with traditional ] has led to the development of alternative theories |
Dissatisfaction with traditional ] has led to the development of alternative theories. In 1983, ] proposed the ], which broadens the conventional definition of intelligence, to include ], ], ], ]al, ], naturalist, intrapersonal and interpersonal intelligences.<ref>{{Cite book | ||
| last = Gardner | | last = Gardner | ||
| first = Howard | | first = Howard | ||
| authorlink = | |||
| coauthors = | |||
| title = Multiple Intelligences | | title = Multiple Intelligences | ||
| |
| date = 4 July 2006 | ||
| publisher = Basic Books | |||
| date = | |||
| isbn = 978-0-465-04768-0 | |||
| location = | |||
}}</ref> | |||
| pages = | |||
He chose not to include spiritual intelligence amongst his "intelligences" due to the challenge of codifying quantifiable scientific criteria,<ref name="Gardner, Howard 2000, pp. 27-34">{{cite journal|author=Gardner, Howard|title=A Case Against Spiritual Intelligence|journal=]|volume=10|issue=1|date=January 2000|pages=27–34|doi=10.1207/S15327582IJPR1001_3|s2cid=144359180}}</ref> but suggested an "existential intelligence" as viable.<ref name="Gardner, Howard 1999 p.53">{{cite book|author=Gardner, Howard|title=Intelligence reframed: multiple intelligences for the 21st century |url=https://archive.org/details/intelligencerefr00gard|url-access=registration|publisher=Basic Books|year=1999|page=|isbn=9780465026104 }}</ref> | |||
| url =| ] = 0-465-04768-8 | |||
| doi = | |||
| id = }}</ref> | |||
===Religiosity=== | |||
] developed stages as an alternative to IQ after studying the nature of the wrong answers on items. The ] was formed as an alternative to IQ. Performance on the items varying in hierarchical complexity from 0 to 14, is absolute, and does not require norms. Because the orders are content and context free, they can be used to measure performance in any domain, including the ones mention by Gardner and Goleman. | |||
{{See also|Religion|Irreligion|Religiosity|Psychology of religion}} | |||
The term ] refers to degrees of religious behaviour, belief, or ]. The measurement of religiosity is hampered by the difficulties involved in defining what is meant by the term. Numerous studies have explored the different components of religiosity, with most finding some distinction between religious beliefs/doctrine, religious practice, and spirituality. Studies can measure religious practice by counting attendance at religious services, religious beliefs/doctrine by asking a few doctrinal questions, and spirituality by asking respondents about their sense of oneness with the divine or through detailed standardized measurements. When religiosity is measured, it is important to specify which aspects of religiosity are referred to.<ref name="what is religiosity">{{cite journal|last1=Holdcroft|first1=Barbara|title=What is Religiosity?|journal=Catholic Education: A Journal of Inquiry and Practice|date=September 2006|volume=10|issue=1|pages=89–103}}</ref> | |||
According to Mark Chaves, decades of anthropological, sociological, and psychological research have established that "religious congruence" (the assumption that religious beliefs and values are tightly integrated in an individual's mind or that religious practices and behaviors follow directly from religious beliefs or that religious beliefs are chronologically linear and stable across different contexts) is actually rare. People’s religious ideas are fragmented, loosely connected, and context-dependent, as in all other domains of culture and in life. The beliefs, affiliations, and behaviors of any individual are complex activities that have many sources including culture. As examples of religious incongruence he notes, "Observant Jews may not believe what they say in their Sabbath prayers. Christian ministers may not believe in God. And people who regularly dance for rain don’t do it in the dry season."<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Chaves|first1=Mark|title=SSSR Presidential Address Rain Dances in the Dry Season: Overcoming the Religious Congruence Fallacy|journal=Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion|date=March 2010|volume=49|issue=1|pages=1–14|doi=10.1111/j.1468-5906.2009.01489.x}}</ref> | |||
===Studies comparing religious belief and I.Q=== | |||
In 2008, intelligence researcher ] examined whether IQ relates to ] and ], using representative data from the ], which includes intelligence tests on a representative selection of white American youth, where they have also replied to questions about religious belief. His results, published in the scientific journal '']'' demonstrated that on average, Atheists scored 1.95 IQ points higher than Agnostics, 3.82 points higher than Liberal persuasions, and 5.89 IQ points higher than Dogmatic persuasions. <ref Name="Nyborg">{{Cite web| last = Nyborg| first =Helmuth |authorlink=Helmuth Nyborg | coauthors = | title = The intelligence–religiosity nexus: A representative study of white adolescent Americans| work = | publisher = | date = 2008-03 | url = http://www.sciencedirect.com/science?_ob=ArticleURL&_udi=B6W4M-4TFV93D-1&_user=10&_rdoc=1&_fmt=&_orig=search&_sort=d&view=c&_acct=C000050221&_version=1&_urlVersion=0&_userid=10&md5=db2ee09bae0195cc1ecbd026da77245c| format = | doi = 10.1016/j.intell.2008.08.003 | accessdate = 2008-10-17}}</ref> "I'm not saying that believing in God makes you dumber. My ] is that people with a low intelligence are more easily drawn toward religions, which give answers that are certain, while people with a high intelligence are more ]," says the professor.<ref>, '']''. translated at http://trance.nu/v4/forum/viewtopic.php?p=1834301</ref> | |||
Demographic studies often show wide diversity of religious beliefs, belonging, and practices in both religious and non-religious populations. For instance, out of Americans who are not religious and not seeking religion, 68% believe in God, 12% are atheists, and 17% are agnostics; as for self-identification of religiosity, 18% consider themselves religious, 37% consider themselves spiritual but not religious, and 42% consider themselves neither spiritual nor religious, while 21% pray every day and 24% pray once a month.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://commons.trincoll.edu/aris/files/2011/08/NONES_08.pdf|title=American Nones: The Profile of the No Religion Population|year=2008|publisher=American Religious Identification Survey|access-date=2014-01-30}}</ref><ref name="Pew 2012 breakdown">{{cite web |url=http://www.pewforum.org/2012/10/09/nones-on-the-rise-religion/ |title=Religion and the Unaffiliated |work="Nones" on the Rise |date=October 9, 2012 |publisher=]: Religion & Public Life }}</ref><ref name="Most Nones Believe God">{{cite web|title=Most of the Religiously Unaffiliated Still Keep Belief in God|url=http://www.pewresearch.org/daily-number/most-of-the-religiously-unaffiliated-still-keep-belief-in-god/|website=Pew Research Center|date=November 15, 2012}}</ref> Global studies on religion also show diversity.<ref>{{cite web|title=The Global Religious Landscape|url=http://www.pewforum.org/2012/12/18/global-religious-landscape-exec/|website=Pew Research Center|date=2012-12-18}}</ref> | |||
] | |||
Nyborg also co-authored a study with ], ] professor of ] at the ], which compared religious belief and average national IQs in 137 countries. <ref Name="intmag">{{Cite web| last = Lynn| first = Richard| authorlink = | coauthors = John Harvey and Helmuth Nyborg| title = Average intelligence predicts atheism rates across 137 nations| work = | publisher = Elsevier Inc| date =| url = http://www.sciencedirect.com/science?_ob=ArticleURL&_udi=B6W4M-4SD1KNR-1&_user=10&_coverDate=04%2F29%2F2008&_alid=759868596&_rdoc=1&_fmt=high&_orig=search&_cdi=6546&_sort=d&_docanchor=&view=c&_ct=1&_acct=C000050221&_version=1&_urlVersion=0&_userid=10&md5=bdb3ca48b21fdb2959f6f8ce4b6001de| format = | doi = 10.1016/j.intell.2008.03.004| accessdate = 2008-06-27}}</ref> The study analysed the issue from several viewpoints. Firstly, using data from a U.S. study of 6,825 adolescents, the authors found that atheists scored 6 g-IQ points higher than those adhering to a religion. | |||
Religion and belief in gods are not necessarily synonymous since ]s exist including within traditions like ] and ]. According to anthropologist Jack David Eller, "atheism is quite a common position, even within religion" and that "surprisingly, atheism is not the opposite or lack, let alone the enemy, of religion but is the most common form of religion."<ref name="Eller">{{cite book|last=Eller|first=Jack|title=Atheism and Secularity Vol.1: Issues, Concepts, Definitions|year=2010|publisher=Praeger|isbn=9780313351839|editor=Phil Zuckerman|chapter=1. What Is Atheism?}}</ref> | |||
Secondly, the authors investigated the link between religiosity and intelligence on a country level. Among the sample of 137 countries, only 23 (17%) had more than 20% of atheists, which constituted “virtually all... higher IQ countries.” The authors reported a correlation of 0.60 between atheism rates and level of intelligence, which is “highly statistically significant.” | |||
==Studies comparing religious belief and IQ== | |||
Commenting on the study in '']'', Lynn said "Why should fewer academics believe in God than the general population? I believe it is simply a matter of the IQ. Academics have higher IQs than the general population. Several ] studies of the general population have shown that those with higher IQs tend not to believe in God." <ref Name="tele">. '']''</ref><ref></ref> | |||
{{See also|Nations and intelligence}} | |||
In a 2013 meta-analysis of 63 studies, led by professor ], a correlation of -.20 to -.25 between religiosity and IQ was particularly strong when assessing beliefs (which in their view reflects intrinsic religiosity), but the negative effects were less defined when behavioral aspects of religion (such as church-going) were examined. They note limitations on this since viewing intrinsic religiosity as being about religious beliefs represents American Protestantism more than Judaism or Catholicism, both of which see behavior as just as important as religious beliefs. They also noted that the available data did not allow adequate consideration of the role of religion type and of culture in assessing the relationship between religion and intelligence. Most of the studies reviewed were American and 87% of participants in those studies were from the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. They noted, "Clearly, the present results are limited to Western societies." The meta-analysis discussed three possible explanations: First, intelligent people are less likely to conform and, thus, are more likely to resist religious dogma, although this theory was contradicted in mostly atheist societies such as the Scandinavian populations, where the religiosity-IQ relationship still existed. Second, intelligent people tend to adopt an analytic (as opposed to intuitive) thinking style, which has been shown to undermine religious beliefs. Third, intelligent people may have less need for religious beliefs and practices, as some of the functions of religiosity can be given by intelligence instead. Such functions include the presentation of a sense that the world is orderly and predictable, a sense of personal control and self-regulation and a sense of enhancing self-esteem and belongingness.<ref name="psr.sagepub.com"/> | |||
===Studies examining religiosity and emotional intelligence=== | |||
A small 2004 study by Ellen Paek empirically examined the extent to which religiosity, operationalized as religious orientation and ], is related to the controversial<ref>{{Cite book|author-link = Hans Eysenck|last = Eysenck|first = H.J.|title = Intelligence: A New Look|year = 2000|isbn = 0765807076|postscript = <!-- Bot inserted parameter. Either remove it; or change its value to "." for the cite to end in a ".", as necessary. -->{{inconsistent citations}}}}</ref><ref name="locke">{{Cite journal | doi = 10.1002/job.318 | last1 = Locke | first1 = E.A. | year = 2005 | title = Why emotional intelligence is an invalid concept | url = | journal = Journal of Organizational Behavior | volume = 26 | issue = | pages = 425–431 }}</ref><ref name="everydaypsychology">Mattiuzzi, P.G. everydaypsychology.com</ref> idea of ]. This study examined the extent to which religiosity, operationalized as religious orientation and behavior, was related to perceived emotional intelligence in self-report measures among 148 church attending adult Christians.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Paek|first=Ellen|year=2006|title= Religiosity and perceived emotional intelligence among Christians |journal=Personality and Individual Differences|publisher=International Society for the Study of Individual Differences|volume=41|issue=3|pages=479–490|issn=0191-8869|doi=10.1016/j.paid.2006.01.016 }}</ref> (Non-religious individuals were not part of the study.) The study found that individuals' self-reported religious orientation was positively correlated with their perceiving themselves to have greater emotional intelligence. While the number of religious group activities was positively associated with perceived emotional intelligence, years of church attendance was unrelated. Significant positive correlations were also found between level of religious commitment and perceived emotional intelligence. Both attitudinal and behavioral measures of religiosity were significant predictors of perceived emotional intelligence, particularly the former. | |||
A 2016 re-analysis of the Zuckerman et al study, found that the negative intelligence-religiosity associations were weaker and less generalizable across time, space, samples, measures, and levels of analysis, but still robust. For example, the negative intelligence–religiosity association was insignificant with samples using men, pre-college participants, and taking into account grade point average. When other variables like education and quality of human conditions were taken into account, positive relation between IQ and disbelief in God was reduced.<ref name="Webster">Webster, Gregory D. and Ryan D. Duffy. "Losing faith in the intelligence–religiosity link: New evidence for a decline effect, spatial dependence, and mediation by education and life quality." Intelligence 55 (2016): 15-27.</ref> According to Dutton and Van der Linden, the re-analysis had controls that were too strict (life quality index and proximity of countries) and also some of the samples used problematic proxies of religiosity, which took away from the variance in the correlations. As such, the reduction of significance in the negative correlation likely reflected a sample anomaly. They also observed that the "weak but significant" correlation of -.20 on intelligence and religiosity from the Zuckerman study was also found when comparing intelligence with other variables like education and income.<ref name="Dutton 1">{{cite journal |last1=Dutton |first1=Edward |last2=Van der Linden |first2=Dimitri |title=Why is Intelligence Negatively Associated with Religiousness? |journal=Evolutionary Psychological Science |date=16 May 2017 |volume=3 |issue=4 |pages=392–403 |doi=10.1007/s40806-017-0101-0|s2cid=148625003 |url=https://pure.eur.nl/en/publications/9dc5442c-cc53-4ad5-8c56-a2df9a7c3691 }}</ref> | |||
In their 2002 article, entitled “Linking emotional intelligence, spirituality and workplace performance: Definitions, models and ideas for research”, Tischler, Biberman and McKeage (2002) reviewed literature on both emotional intelligence and various aspect of spirituality and found that both appear to lead to similar attitudes, behaviors and skills, and that there often seems to be confusion, intersection and linking between the two constructs. | |||
<ref Name= tischler>{{Cite journal| last =Tischler | first = L| authorlink = | coauthors = Biberman, J., & McKeage, R. | title = Linking emotional intelligence, spirituality and workplace performance: Definitions, models and ideas for research| work = | publisher = Emerald Group Publishing Limited| date = 2002| url =http://www.emeraldinsight.com/10.1108/02683940210423114 | | |||
journal = Journal of Managerial Psychology | volume = 17 | doi = 10.1108/02683940210423114 | issn = 0268-3946 | accessdate =2008-10-18 | pages =203}}</ref> | |||
Zuckerman et al. published an updated metanalysis in 2019 with 83 studies finding "strong evidence" of a negative correlation between religiosity and intelligence of -.20 to -.23.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Zuckerman |first1=Miron |last2=Li |first2=Chen |last3=Lin |first3=Shengxin |last4=Hall |first4=Judith A. |title=The Negative Intelligence–Religiosity Relation: New and Confirming Evidence |journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin |date=15 October 2019 |volume=46 |issue=6 |pages=856–868 |doi=10.1177/0146167219879122|pmid=31610740 |s2cid=204702114 }}</ref> Zuckerman cautioned that the results are not generalizable beyond the Western world and that predicting religiosity from intelligence for individuals is fallible.<ref name="dolan">{{cite web |last1=Dolan |first1=Eric W. |title=Meta-analysis of 83 studies produces 'very strong' evidence for a negative relationship between intelligence and religiosity |url=https://www.psypost.org/meta-analysis-of-83-studies-produces-very-strong-evidence-for-a-negative-relationship-between-intelligence-and-religiosity/ |website=PsyPost - Psychology News |date=15 November 2019|quote=The evidence that there is a negative relation between intelligence and religiosity is very strong. But the effect size of the relation is small. This means that there are factors besides intelligence that explain why people are or are not religious. It also means that although more intelligent people tend to be less religious on the average, predicting religiosity from intelligence for individuals is fallible,” Zuckerman told PsyPost." and "The negative relation was established for western societies. We don’t know whether it generalizes to other populations, particularly those in the Far East."}}</ref> | |||
===Studies comparing religious belief and educational attainment=== | |||
In 1975, Norman Poythress studied a sample of 234 US college undergraduates, grouping them into relatively homogeneous religious types based on the similarity of their religious beliefs, and compared their personality characteristics. He found that "Literally-oriented religious Believers did not differ significantly from Mythologically-oriented Believers on measures of intelligence, authoritarianism, or racial prejudice. Religious Believers as a group were found to be significantly less intelligent and more authoritarian than religious Skeptics." He used ]'s as a measure of intelligence for this study.<ref> | |||
{{Cite journal | |||
| last = Poythress | |||
| first = Norman | |||
| author-link = | |||
| title = Literal, Antiliteral, and Mythological Religious Orientations | |||
| place= | |||
| publisher = ] | |||
| year = 1975 | |||
| location = | |||
| volume = 14 | |||
| edition = No. 3 | |||
| doi = 10.2307/1384909 | |||
| id = | |||
| isbn = | |||
| issn = 0021-8294 | |||
| issue = 3 | |||
| pages = 271 | |||
| journal = ] | |||
| jstor=1384909}}</ref> | |||
Researchers ] and ] compared belief in God and IQs.<ref name="intmag" /> Using data from a U.S. study of 6,825 adolescents, the authors found that the average IQ of atheists was 6 points higher than the average IQ of non-atheists. The authors also investigated the link between belief in a god and average national IQs in 137 countries. The authors reported a correlation of 0.60 between atheism rates and level of intelligence, which was determined to be "highly statistically significant".<ref name="intmag" /> ('Belief in a god' is not identical to 'religiosity.' Some nations have high proportions of people who do not believe in a god, but who may nevertheless be highly religious, following non-theistic belief systems such as ] or ].) | |||
A weak negative correlation between education and ] was found by Burton et al. (1989), a small study comparing the religious beliefs and educational achievements of white, ] residents of ]. Contrary to the researchers' expectations, fundamentalist converts were not less educated people.<ref> | |||
Ronald Burton; Stephen Johnson; Joseph Tamney, ''Education and Fundamentalism'', Review of Religious Research (1989)</ref> | |||
Other researchers found Nyborg and Lynn's findings questionable since sporadic and inconsistent estimates were the basis for atheism rates, multiple factors better explain the fluctuations, including reversals, in both religion and IQ by nations through time; data that contradicted their hypothesis was minimized, and secularization debates among scholars were ignored, all of which rendered any predictability as unreliable.<ref name="Hale">{{cite journal |last1=Hale |first1=Frederick |title=Religious Disbelief and Intelligence: The Failure of a Contemporary Attempt to Correlate National Mean IQs and Rates of Atheism |journal=Journal for the Study of Religion |date=2011 |volume=24 |issue=1 |pages=37–53 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/24764228 |issn=1011-7601}}</ref> | |||
===Studies comparing religious behaviour and educational attainment=== | |||
In ], 23% of Christian church attenders have earned a university or postgraduate degree, whereas the figure for the general population is 13%.<ref Name="NCLS">, from the ] Research. Accessed 2007-11-02</ref> ] is the predominant religion in Australia, although adherence is falling.<ref>ABS 4102.0 - Australian Social Trends, 2004</ref> Commentators on the survey attribute the educational levels to sociological factors, such as age, class and income, making no claims about intelligence.<ref name="NCLS"/> | |||
<ref Name="KALDOR">{{Cite book | |||
| last = Kaldor | |||
| first = Peter | |||
| authorlink = | |||
| coauthors = | |||
| title = Who Goes Where? Who Doesn't Care? : Going to Church in Australia | |||
| publisher = Lancer / ANZEA, | |||
| date = 1987 | |||
| location = Sydney: Homebush West | |||
| pages = | |||
| url = | |||
| doi = | |||
| id = }}</ref> | |||
The Lynn et al. paper findings were discussed by Professor Gordon Lynch, from London's Birkbeck College, who expressed concern that the study failed to take into account a complex range of social, economic and historical factors, each of which has been shown to interact with religion and IQ in different ways.<ref name=tele>{{cite news | |||
Studies of ] in the US show that Mormons with higher education attend church more regularly than uneducated Mormons. Survey research indicated that 41% of Mormons with only elementary school education attend church regularly. By contrast, 76% of Mormon college graduates attend church regularly and 78% of Mormons who went beyond their college degrees to do graduate study attend ] regularly.<ref>Stan L. Albrecht, "The Consequential Dimension of Mormon Religiosity" Latter-Day Saint Social Life, Social Research on the LDS Church and its Members, (Provo, Utah: BYU ], 1998), 286.</ref> | |||
|last1=Graeme | |||
|first1=Paton | |||
|title=Intelligent people 'less likely to believe in God' | |||
|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/2111174/Intelligent-people-less-likely-to-believe-in-God.html | |||
|agency=] | |||
|date=11 June 2008}}</ref> Gallup surveys, for example, have found that the world's poorest countries are consistently the most religious, perhaps because religion plays a more functional role (helping people cope) in poorer nations.<ref name="Gallup-Poll-Emotional-Religion">{{cite journal | |||
|last1=Crabtree | |||
|first1=Steve | |||
|last2=Pelham | |||
|first2=Brett | |||
|title=Religion Provides Emotional Boost to World's Poor | |||
|journal=Gallup Poll | |||
|date=6 March 2009 | |||
|url=http://www.gallup.com/poll/116449/Religion-Provides-Emotional-Boost-World-Poor.aspx}}</ref> Even at the scale of the individual, IQ may not directly cause more disbelief in gods. Dr. David Hardman of London Metropolitan University says: "It is very difficult to conduct true experiments that would explicate a causal relationship between IQ and religious belief." He adds that other studies do nevertheless correlate IQ with being willing or able to question beliefs.<ref name="tele"/> | |||
In a sample of 2307 adults in the US., IQ was found to negatively correlate with self reports of religious identification, private practice or religion, mindfulness, religious support, and fundamentalism, but not spirituality. The relationships were relatively unchanged after controlling for personality, education, age, and gender, and were typically modest. The study was limited only to Christian denominations.<ref name=":1">{{cite journal |last1=Lewis |first1=Gary J. |last2=Ritchie |first2=Stuart J. |last3=Bates |first3=Timothy C. |title=The relationship between intelligence and multiple domains of religious belief: Evidence from a large adult US sample |journal=Intelligence |date=November 2011 |volume=39 |issue=6 |pages=468–472 |doi=10.1016/j.intell.2011.08.002}}</ref> | |||
===Religiosity levels, rationality, international math/science examinations, cultures (scientific, youth), higher education === | |||
Another measure on intelligence, perhaps more reliable than others presented before, and religiosity is by the performance in mathematics and science by people in differing religious cultures whether religiously atheist or religiously theist. In the first worldwide study on the religious diversity in atheism and research on secularity, the contributing authors attempt to explain atheism, theism, religion, and secularity. One of the authors, Gregory Paul, concludes <ref name=Zuckerman>{{cite book|last=Zuckerman|first=Phil|title=Atheism and Secularity (Volume 1): Issues, Concepts, and Definitions|year=2010|publisher=Praeger|location=California|isbn=9780313351839}}</ref> | |||
A critical review of the research on intelligence and religiosity by Sickles et al. observed that conclusions vary widely in the literature because most studies use inconsistent and poor measures for both religiosity and intelligence. Furthermore, they noted intelligence differences seen between people of varying religious beliefs and non-theists is most likely the result of educational differences that are in turn the result of holding fundamentalist religious beliefs rather than the result of innate differences in intelligence between them.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Sickles |first1=Julie |last2=Huskey |first2=Alisa |last3=Schrantz |first3=Kathryn |last4=Lack |first4=Caleb |title=The Relationship between Intelligence and Religiosity: A Critical Review of the Literature|url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/283062772|journal=Journal of Scientific Psychology|date=2015 |volume=May}}</ref> | |||
According to Dutton et al. negative correlations on religion may be correlated with autistic spectrum on specialized learning ability since when members of the same ethnic group are compared there are very few differences in IQ in general.<ref name="Dutton">{{cite journal |last1=Dutton |first1=Edward |last2=te Nijenhuis |first2=Jan |last3=Metzen |first3=Daniel |last4=van der Linden |first4=Dimitri |last5=Madison |first5=Guy |title=The Myth of the Stupid Believer: The Negative Religiousness–IQ Nexus is Not on General Intelligence (g) and is Likely a Product of the Relations Between IQ and Autism Spectrum Traits |journal=Journal of Religion and Health |date=June 2020 |volume=59 |issue=3 |pages=1567–1579 |doi=10.1007/s10943-019-00926-3|pmid=31587150 |pmc=7239797 |quote=We therefore conclude that specialized cognitive abilities and test specificities may play a prospectively larger role in moderating the observed ability differences than g, when ethnically close-matched populations are used.|hdl=1765/123177 |hdl-access=free }}</ref> | |||
"''Nor is it likely that most atheists and agnostics base their decision to not believe in the gods on a careful, rational analysis of the pertinent philosophical and scientific arguments. As noted earlier Europeans score about as poorly on tests of scientific knowledge as do the more religious American population. The common perplexment of rationalists that so many people are superstitious is psychosociologically naive, most people do not care all that much about scientific rationalism, which explains why three quarters of Americans and many other Westerners believe in something paranormal aside from gods. A growing body of research indicates that humans are not a predominantly rational species; intuitive thinking based on on inadequate information being the norm...''" | |||
In non-western countries like Korea, where religion is seen differently than in the West, non-religious people had lower mean IQs than religious persons.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=te Nijenhuis |first1=Jan |last2=Dutton |first2=Edward |last3=Choi |first3=Kyu Yeong |last4=Choi |first4=Yu Yong |last5=Lee |first5=Jang Jae |last6=Seo |first6=Eun Hyun |last7=Kim |first7=Hoowon |last8=Lee |first8=Kun Ho |title=Do elderly religious people in South Korea have lower mean IQ than elderly non-religious people? |journal=Personality and Individual Differences |date=January 2021 |volume=168 |pages=110298 |doi=10.1016/j.paid.2020.110298|doi-access=free }}</ref> | |||
A 2022 metanalysis of 89 studies found a small and weak negative correlation of -.14 and noted that the findings were not generalizable beyond a Western contexts.<ref name="durlinger" /> | |||
Evidence, showing what Gregory Paul mentions, that the American population, which is considered religious, and secular western populations have very similar scores and knowledge when it comes to mathematics and science, is available from for the years 1999, 2003, 2007. This is an international research program from the US Department of Education in collaboration with many other countries on data on 4th and 8th graders. Data on understanding of math and science and young age is relevant since this is a time where religious influences may shape a child's intellectual abilities to solve problems and thus be relevant to intelligence. | |||
===Studies examining theistic and atheistic cognitive style=== | |||
In terms of researching the religious beliefs of scientists themselves with respect to intelligence, there have been some attempts to collect data on religiosity and compare with intelligence. One example is by Nature<ref>{{cite journal|last=Larson|first=Edward J.|coauthors=Larry Witham|title=Leading scientists still reject God|journal=Nature|date=23 July 1998|year=1998|month=July|volume=394|issue=313|doi=10.1038/28478|url=http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v394/n6691/full/394313a0.html|accessdate=10/27/2009}}</ref>, however this attempt was flawed due to the nature of the questions it asked from "greater" scientists. For example, it asked for belief in a "personal God" from 517 members of the National Academies of Science. 70% responded. It did not ask for more generic options such as deism or pantheism and as such it it not very reliable to extrapolate to the general population of scientists or even engineers. A more recent and more detailed attempt<ref>{{cite book|last=Ecklund|first=Elaine|title=Science Vs. Religion: What Scientists Really Think|year=2010|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=New York|isbn=9780195392982}}</ref> does a more coherent job on the issue. Eckland's survey of about 1,700 "elite" natural and social scientists from top US universities resulted in 34% claiming there was no God, 30% not knowing and believing there was no way of finding out, and the rest being affirmative of the supernatural and/or theism. The detailed interviews and questionnaire allow for context of why they believe what they believe. Many of the declared atheists and agnostics had a very naive, narrow, or stereotyped view of religion and religious people often equating religion with theism and religious people as people who use nothing but supernatural explanations to explain everything. Both are these are clearly false. Most religions in the past have been religions of atheism according to Jack David Eller, an anthropologist of religion, <ref name="Zuckerman" /> and religious people use normal and non-supernatural explanations overwhelmingly. Many times when people class themselves under "no religion" or "other" on surveys in the US they usually end up having traditional Christians beliefs. <ref name="Zuckerman" /> | |||
The idea that analytical thinking makes one less likely to be religious is an idea supported by Gervais and Noernzayan's 2012 study<ref name=Gervais>{{cite journal|last1=Gervais|first1=W. M.|last2=Norenzayan|first2=A.|title=Analytic Thinking Promotes Religious Disbelief|journal=Science|date=26 April 2012|volume=336|issue=6080|pages=493–496|doi=10.1126/science.1215647|url=http://www2.psych.ubc.ca/~ara/Manuscripts/Science-2012-Gervais-493-6.pdf|access-date=24 January 2016|pmid=22539725|bibcode=2012Sci...336..493G|s2cid=41484144}}</ref> They observed that intuitive thinking tended to increase intrinsic religiosity, intuitive religious belief and belief in supernatural entities. They also added a causative element, finding that subtly triggering analytic thinking can increase religious disbelief. They concluded that "Combined, these studies indicate that analytic processing is one factor (presumably among several) that promotes religious disbelief." While these studies linked religious disbelief to analytical rather than intuitive thinking, they urged caution in the interpretation of these results, noting that they were not judging the relative merits of analytic and intuitive thinking in promoting optimal decision making, or the merits or validity of religiosity as a whole. | |||
In 2017, Calin-Jageman replicated the Gervais 2012 experiment and found no link between analytic thinking and decrease in religious belief.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Sanchez |first1=Clinton |last2=Sundermeier |first2=Brian |last3=Gray |first3=Kenneth |last4=Calin-Jageman |first4=Robert J. |title=Direct replication of Gervais & Norenzayan (2012): No evidence that analytic thinking decreases religious belief |journal=PLOS ONE |date=24 February 2017 |volume=12 |issue=2 |pages=e0172636 |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0172636|doi-access=free |pmid=28234942 |pmc=5325262 |bibcode=2017PLoSO..1272636S }}</ref> In another replication attempt, another team failed to get the same results as Gervais and Noernzayan .<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Camerer |first1=Colin F. |last2=Dreber |first2=Anna |last3=Holzmeister |first3=Felix |last4=Ho |first4=Teck-Hua |last5=Huber |first5=Jürgen |last6=Johannesson |first6=Magnus |title=Evaluating the replicability of social science experiments in Nature and Science between 2010 and 2015 |journal=Nature Human Behaviour |date=27 August 2018 |volume=2 |issue=9 |pages=637–644 |doi=10.1038/s41562-018-0399-z|pmid=31346273 |url=https://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechAUTHORS:20181120-072245155 }}</ref> For which, Gervais and Noernzayan acknowledged that they no longer felt confident in their original 2012 findings.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Gervais |first1=Will M. |last2=Norenzayan |first2=Ara |title=Analytic atheism revisited |journal=Nature Human Behaviour |date=27 August 2018 |volume=2 |issue=9 |pages=609 |doi=10.1038/s41562-018-0426-0|pmid=31346274 }}</ref> | |||
A trans-generational study that tracked the journey of about 3,300 - 2,500 American youth from youth to adulthood through the religious and spiritual landscape determined that religiosity does not decrease with higher education in America - contrary to popular secularization theories and that religiosity in American universities is increasing overall.<ref name=Smith>{{cite book|last=Smith|first=Christian|title=Souls in Transition: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of Emerging Adults|year=2009|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=New York|isbn=9780195371796}}</ref> | |||
In 2018, Gervais et al did a follow up study to assess if analytic thinking correlated with atheism in 13 different countries and found that cross-culturally, the relation is very weak and fickle and that culture plays a bigger role than analytic thinking on core beliefs.<ref name="2018 Ger">{{cite journal |last1=Gervais |first1=Will M. |last2=van Elk |first2=Michiel |last3=Xygalatas |first3=Dimitris |last4=McKay |first4=Ryan T. |last5=Aveyard |first5=Mark |last6=Buchtel |first6=Emma E. |title=Analytic atheism: A cross-culturally weak and fickle phenomenon? |journal=Judgment and Decision Making |date=May 2018 |volume=13 |issue=3 |pages=268–274 |doi=10.1017/S1930297500007701|hdl=11245.1/01cca8f1-3441-49e1-984f-acb385cbf184 |hdl-access=free }}</ref> | |||
Harvard researchers found evidence suggesting that all religious beliefs become more confident when participants are thinking intuitively (atheists and theists each become more convinced). Thus ] generally tends to create more qualified, doubted belief.<ref name=HarvardIntuition>{{cite journal |url=https://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/releases/xge-141-3-423.pdf |title=Divine Intuition: Cognitive Style Influences Belief in God, by Amitai Shenhav, David G. Rand, and Joshua D. Greene at Harvard University |year=2011 |last1=Shenhav |first1=Amitai |last2=Rand |first2=David G. |last3=Greene |first3=Joshua D.|journal = Journal of Experimental Psychology}}</ref> Reflective thinking was further correlated with greater changes in beliefs since childhood: these changes were towards atheism for the most reflective participants, and towards greater belief in a god for the most intuitive thinkers. The study controlled for personality differences and cognitive ability, suggesting the differences were due to thinking styles – not simply IQ or raw cognitive ability.<ref name=HarvardIntuition/> An experiment in the study found that participants moved towards greater belief in a god after writing essays about how intuition yielded a right answer or reflection yielded a wrong answer (and conversely, towards atheism if ] to think about either a failure of intuition or success of reflection). The authors say it is all evidence that a relevant factor in religious belief is thinking style.<ref name=HarvardIntuition/> The authors add that, even if intuitive thinking tends to increase belief in a god, "it does not follow that reliance on intuition is always irrational or unjustified."<ref name=HarvardIntuition/> | |||
A 2017 study re-analyzed the relationship between intuitive and analytical thinking and its correlation with supernatural belief among three measurements (Pilgrimage setting, supernatural attribution, brain stimulation) and found no significant correlation.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Farias |first1=Miguel |last2=van Mulukom |first2=Valerie |last3=Kahane |first3=Guy |last4=Kreplin |first4=Ute |last5=Joyce |first5=Anna |last6=Soares |first6=Pedro |last7=Oviedo |first7=Lluis |last8=Hernu |first8=Mathilde |last9=Rokita |first9=Karolina |last10=Savulescu |first10=Julian |last11=Möttönen |first11=Riikka |title=Supernatural Belief Is Not Modulated by Intuitive Thinking Style or Cognitive Inhibition |journal=Scientific Reports |date=8 November 2017 |volume=7 |issue=1 |pages=15100 |doi=10.1038/s41598-017-14090-9|pmid=29118434 |pmc=5678111 |bibcode=2017NatSR...715100F }}</ref> | |||
Reviewing psychological studies on atheists, Miguel Farias noted that studies concluding that analytical thinking leads to lower religious belief "do not imply that atheists are more conscious or reflective of their own beliefs, or that atheism is the outcome of a conscious refutation of previously held religious beliefs" since they too have variant beliefs such as in conspiracy theories of the naturalistic variety.<ref name=Farias>{{cite book|last1=Farias|first1=Miguel|editor1-last=Bullivant|editor1-first=Stephen|editor2-last=Ruse|editor2-first=Michael|title=The Oxford Handbook of Atheism|date=2013|publisher=Oxford Univ. Press|location=Oxford|isbn=978-0199644650|chapter=30. Psychology of Atheism}}</ref> He notes that studies on deconversion indicate that a greater proportion of people who leave religion do so for motivational rather than rational reasons, and the majority of deconversions occur in adolescence and young adulthood when one is emotionally volatile.<ref name=Farias /> Furthermore, he notes that atheists are indistinguishable from New Age individuals or Gnostics since there are commonalities such as being individualistic, non-conformist, liberal, and valuing hedonism and sensation.<ref name=Farias /> | |||
Concerning the cognitive science studies on atheists, Johnathan Lanman notes that there are implicit and explicit beliefs which vary among individuals. An individual's atheism and theism may be related to the amount of "credibility enhancing displays" (CRED) one experiences in that those who are exposed more to theistic CRED will likely be theist and those who have less exposure to theistic CRED will likely be atheists.<ref name=Lanman>{{cite book|last1=Lanman|first1=Johnatahn|editor1-last=Bullivant|editor1-first=Stephen|editor2-last=Ruse|editor2-first=Michael|title=The Oxford Handbook of Atheism|date=2013|publisher=Oxford Univ. Press|location=Oxford|isbn=978-0199644650|chapter=31. Atheism and Cognitive Science}}</ref> | |||
Neurological research on mechanisms of belief and non-belief, using Christians and atheists as subjects, by Harris et al. have shown that the brain networks involved in evaluating the truthfulness of both religious and non religious statements are generally the same regardless of religiosity. However, the activity within these networks differed across the religiosity of statements, with the religious statements activating the insula and anterior cingulate cortex to a greater degree, and the non religious statements activating hippocampal and superior frontal regions to a greater degree. The areas associated with religious statements are generally associated with salient emotional processing, while areas associated with non religious statements are generally associated with memory. The association between the salience network and religious statements is congruent with the cognitive theory proposed by Boyer that the implausibility of religious propositions are offset by their salience. The same neural networks were active in both Christians and atheists even when dealing with "blasphemous statements" to each other's worldviews. Furthermore, it supports the idea that "intuition" and "reason" are not two separate and segregated activities but are intertwined in both theists and atheists.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Harris|first1=Sam|last2=Kaplan|first2=Jonas T.|last3=Curiel|first3=Ashley|last4=Bookheimer|first4=Susan Y.|last5=Iacoboni|first5=Marco|last6=Cohen|first6=Mark S.|last7=Sporns|first7=Olaf|title=The Neural Correlates of Religious and Nonreligious Belief|journal=PLOS ONE|date=1 October 2009|volume=4|issue=10|pages=e7272|doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0007272|pmid=19794914|pmc=2748718|bibcode=2009PLoSO...4.7272H|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{cite magazine|last1=Miller|first1=Lisa|title=THE BRAIN PROCESSES FACTS AND BELIEFS THE SAME WAY|url=http://www.newsweek.com/brain-processes-facts-and-beliefs-same-way-79125|magazine=Newsweek|date=September 30, 2009}}</ref> | |||
A 2024 review of the literature on cognitive style noted that cognitive scientists understand there to be two systems of the mind: intuition and rationality, which intersect and overlap. Though some studies initially found some correlations between rationality and cognitive style, such studies failed when replicated independently by scientists. Based on the updated research, there are no correlations between rationality and belief/disbelief and instead other factors such as upbringing, whether religious or not, better explains why people end up religious or not.<ref name="Dis Ger" /> | |||
===Studies examining religiosity and emotional intelligence=== | |||
A small 2004 study by Ellen Paek examined the extent to which religiosity (in which only Christians were surveyed), operationalized as ] and ], is related to the controversial<ref>{{cite book | |||
|author-link=Hans Eysenck | |||
|last=Eysenck | |||
|first=H.J. | |||
|title=Intelligence: A New Look | |||
|year=2000 | |||
|publisher=Transaction Publishers | |||
|isbn=978-0-7658-0707-6}}</ref><ref name="locke">{{cite journal | |||
|doi=10.1002/job.318 | |||
|last1=Locke | |||
|first1=E.A. | |||
|year=2005 | |||
|title=Why emotional intelligence is an invalid concept | |||
|journal=Journal of Organizational Behavior | |||
|volume=26 | |||
|issue=4 | |||
|pages=425–431}}</ref><ref name=everydaypsychology>{{cite web | |||
|last1=Mattiuzzi | |||
|first1=Paul G. | |||
|title=Emotional Intelligence? I'm not feeling it. | |||
|url=http://everydaypsychology.com/2008/12/emotional-intelligence-im-not-feeling.html | |||
|website=EverydayPsychology.com}}</ref> idea of ] (EI). The study examined the extent to which religious orientation and behavior were related to self-reported EI in 148 church-attending adult Christians.<ref>{{cite journal | |||
|last=Paek | |||
|first=Ellen | |||
|year=2006 | |||
|title=Religiosity and perceived emotional intelligence among Christians | |||
|journal=Personality and Individual Differences | |||
|volume=41 | |||
|issue=3 | |||
|pages=479–490 | |||
|issn=0191-8869 | |||
|doi=10.1016/j.paid.2006.01.016}}</ref> (Non-religious individuals were not part of the study.) The study found that the individuals' self-reported religious orientation was positively correlated with their perceiving themselves to have greater EI. While the number of religious group activities was positively associated with perceived EI, the number of years of ] was unrelated. Significant positive correlations were also found between level of religious commitment and perceived EI. Thus, the Christian volunteers were more likely to consider themselves emotionally intelligent if they spent more time in group activities and had more commitment to their beliefs. | |||
Tischler, Biberman and McKeage warn that there is still ambiguity in the above concepts. In their 2002 article, entitled "Linking emotional intelligence, spirituality and workplace performance: Definitions, models and ideas for research", they reviewed literature on both EI and various aspect of spirituality. They found that both EI and spirituality appear to lead to similar attitudes, behaviors and skills, and that there often seems to be confusion, intersection and linking between the two constructs.<ref name= tischler>{{cite journal | |||
|last=Tischler | |||
|first=L | |||
|author2=Biberman, J. | |||
|author3=McKeage, R. | |||
|title=Linking emotional intelligence, spirituality and workplace performance: Definitions, models and ideas for research | |||
|year=2002 | |||
|journal=Journal of Managerial Psychology | |||
|volume=17 | |||
|doi=10.1108/02683940210423114 | |||
|issn=0268-3946 | |||
|pages=203–218 | |||
|issue=3}}</ref> | |||
Recently, Łowicki and Zajenkowski investigated the potential associations between various aspects of religious belief and ability and trait EI. In their first study they found that ability EI was positively correlated with general level of belief in God or a higher power. Their next study, conducted among Polish Christians, replicated the previous result and revealed that both trait and ability EI were negatively related to extrinsic religious orientation and negative religious coping.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Łowicki|first1=Paweł|last2=Zajenkowski|first2=Marcin|title=Divine Emotions: On the Link Between Emotional Intelligence and Religious Belief|url=http://rdcu.be/pq5m|journal=Journal of Religion and Health|volume=56|issue=6|pages=1998–2009|language=en|doi=10.1007/s10943-016-0335-3|pmid=27913977|pmc=5653720|year=2016}}</ref> | |||
===Studies exploring religiosity and educational attainment=== | |||
{{main|Religiosity and education}} | |||
The relationship between the level of religiosity and one's level of education has been a philosophical, as well as a scientific and political concern since the second half of the 20th century. | |||
The parameters in this field are slightly different compared to those brought forward above: if the "level of religiosity" remains a concept which is difficult to determine scientifically, on the contrary, the "level of education" is, indeed, easy to compile, official data on this topic being publicly accessible to anyone in most countries. | |||
Different studies available show contrasting conclusions. An analysis of ] data showed that in most countries, there is no significant relationship between education and religious attendance, with some differences between "Western" countries and former socialist countries, which the authors attribute to historical, political, and economic factors, not intelligence.<ref>{{cite web | |||
|url = http://www.economics.harvard.edu/pub/hier/2001/HIER1913.pdf | |||
|title = Education and Religion | |||
|last1 = Sacerdote | |||
|first1 = Bruce | |||
|last2 = Glaeser | |||
|first2 = Edward L. | |||
|publisher = Harvard Institute of Economic Research | |||
|page = 29 | |||
|access-date = 6 January 2012 | |||
|url-status = dead | |||
|archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20120528154532/http://www.economics.harvard.edu/pub/hier/2001/HIER1913.pdf | |||
|archive-date = 28 May 2012 | |||
}}</ref> Other studies have noted a positive relationship.<ref>{{cite book | |||
|last=Norris | |||
|first=Pippa | |||
|title=Sacred and Secular: Religion and Politics Worldwide | |||
|year=2011 | |||
|publisher=Cambridge University Press | |||
|isbn=978-1-107-64837-1 | |||
|edition=2nd | |||
|author2=Ronald Inglehart | |||
|pages=267–268 | |||
|quote=The effects of income become insignificant, however, the impact of education actually reverses in the United States: ''it is the more educated who attend church most frequently.'' It therefore appears that the typical socioeconomic profile of churchgoing is indeed somewhat distinctive in the United States when compared with other wealthy countries.}}</ref><ref name="NCLS">{{cite web | |||
|url=http://www.ncls.org.au/default.aspx?sitemapid=141 | |||
|title=Education and occupation profile of attenders | |||
|year=2004 | |||
|publisher=]}}</ref> | |||
A 2016 ] global study on religion and education around the world ranked ] as the most educated (13.4 years of schooling) followed by ] (9.3 years of schooling). The ]—a category which includes ], ] and those who describe their religion as “]”—ranked overall as the third most educated religious group (8.8 years of schooling) followed by ] (7.9 years of schooling), ] (5.6 years of schooling), and ] (5.6 years of schooling).<ref name="Pew2016"/> In the youngest age (25-34) group surveyed, Jews averaged 13.8 years of schooling, the unaffiliated group averaged 10.3 years of schooling, Christians averaged 9.9 years of schooling, Buddhists averaged 9.7 years of schooling, Hindus averaged 7.1 years of schooling, and Muslims averaged 6.7 years of schooling. 61% of Jews, 20% of Christians, 16% of the unaffiliated, 12% of Buddhists, 10% of Hindus, and 8% of Muslims have graduate and ] degrees.<ref name="Pew2016"/> The study observed that the probability of having a college degree in the U.S. is higher for all religious minorities surveyed (perhaps partly due to selective immigration policies that favor highly skilled applicants), including the unaffiliated group which ranks in the fifth place, being higher than the national average of 39%.<ref name="Pew2016">{{cite web |date=December 19, 2011 |title=Religion and Education Around the World |url=http://assets.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2016/12/21094148/Religion-Education-ONLINE-FINAL.pdf |publisher=Pew Research Center |access-date=December 13, 2016}}</ref> | |||
==See also== | ==See also== | ||
{{Portal|Psychology|Religion}} | |||
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'''Intelligence:''' | |||
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==References== | ==References== | ||
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==External links== | |||
* Review of Satoshi Kanazawa, “Why liberals and atheists are more intelligent,” Social Psychology Quarterly 73(1): 33-57. | |||
==Further reading== | ==Further reading== | ||
* Shermer, M. (2000) ''How we believe''. New York, NY: W.H. Freeman. ISBN 0805074791 | |||
* {{cite book|author=Shermer, M.|year=2000|title=How we believe|location=New York, NY|publisher=W.H. Freeman|isbn=978-0-8050-7479-6|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/howwebelievescie00sher}} | |||
{{Human group differences}} | |||
{{DEFAULTSORT:Religiosity And Intelligence}} | {{DEFAULTSORT:Religiosity And Intelligence}} | ||
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Latest revision as of 09:04, 11 November 2024
Link between religiosity and intelligenceThe study of religiosity and intelligence explores the link between religiosity and intelligence or educational level (by country and on the individual level). Religiosity and intelligence are both complex topics that include diverse variables, and the interactions among those variables are not always well understood. For instance, intelligence is often defined differently by different researchers; also, all scores from intelligence tests are only estimates of intelligence, because one cannot achieve concrete measurements of intelligence (as one would of mass or distance) due to the concept’s abstract nature. Religiosity is also complex, in that it involves wide variations of interactions of religious beliefs, practices, behaviors, and affiliations, across a diverse array of cultures.
The study on religion and intelligence has been ongoing since the 1920s and conclusions and interpretations have varied in the literature due to different measures for both religiosity and intelligence. Some studies find negative correlation between intelligence quotient (IQ) and religiosity. However, such studies and others have found the effect not to be generalizable and unable to predict religiosity from intelligence correlations alone. Some have suggested that nonconformity, cognitive style, and coping mechanism play a role while others suggest that any correlations are due to a complex range of social, gender, economic, educational and historical factors, which interact with religion and IQ in different ways. Less developed and poorer countries tend to be more religious, perhaps because religions play a more active social, moral and cultural role in those countries.
Studies on analytic thinking and nonbelievers suggest that analytical thinking does not imply better reflection on religious matters or disbelief. A cross-cultural study observed that analytic thinking was not a reliable metric to predict disbelief. A review of the literature on cognitive style found that there are no correlations between rationality and belief/disbelief and that upbringing, whether religious or not, better explains why people end up religious or not.
A global study on educational attainment found that Jews, Christians, religiously unaffiliated persons, and Buddhists have, on average, higher levels of education than the global average. Numerous factors affect both educational attainment and religiosity.
Definitions and issues
Intelligence
See also: Intelligence quotient and IntelligenceThe definitions of intelligence are controversial since at least 70 definitions have been found among diverse fields of research. Some groups of psychologists have suggested the following definitions:
From "Mainstream Science on Intelligence" (1994), an op-ed statement in the Wall Street Journal signed by fifty-two researchers (out of 131 total invited to sign).
A very general mental capability that, among other things, involves the ability to reason, plan, solve problems, think abstractly, comprehend complex ideas, learn quickly and learn from experience. It is not merely book learning, a narrow academic skill, or test-taking smarts. Rather, it reflects a broader and deeper capability for comprehending our surroundings—"catching on," "making sense" of things, or "figuring out" what to do.
From "Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns" (1995), a report published by the Board of Scientific Affairs of the American Psychological Association:
Individuals differ from one another in their ability to understand complex ideas, to adapt effectively to the environment, to learn from experience, to engage in various forms of reasoning, to overcome obstacles by taking thought. Although these individual differences can be substantial, they are never entirely consistent: a given person's intellectual performance will vary on different occasions, in different domains, as judged by different criteria. Concepts of "intelligence" are attempts to clarify and organize this complex set of phenomena. Although considerable clarity has been achieved in some areas, no such conceptualization has yet answered all the important questions, and none commands universal assent. Indeed, when two dozen prominent theorists were recently asked to define intelligence, they gave two dozen, somewhat different, definitions.
Intelligence is a property of the mind that encompasses many related abilities, such as the capacities to reason, to plan, to solve problems, to think abstractly, to comprehend ideas, to use language, and to learn. There are several ways to more specifically define intelligence. In some cases, intelligence may include traits such as creativity, personality, character, knowledge, or wisdom. However, some psychologists prefer not to include these traits in the definition of intelligence.
A widely researched index or classification of intelligence among scientists is intelligence quotient (IQ). IQ is a summary index, calculated by testing individuals' abilities in a variety of tasks and producing a composite score to represent overall ability, e.g., Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale. It is used to predict educational outcomes and other variables of interest.
Others have attempted to measure intelligence indirectly by looking at individuals' or group's educational attainment, although this risks bias from other demographic factors, such as age, income, gender and cultural background, all of which can affect educational attainment.
Dissatisfaction with traditional IQ tests has led to the development of alternative theories. In 1983, Howard Gardner proposed the theory of multiple intelligences, which broadens the conventional definition of intelligence, to include logical, linguistic, spatial, musical, kinesthetic, naturalist, intrapersonal and interpersonal intelligences. He chose not to include spiritual intelligence amongst his "intelligences" due to the challenge of codifying quantifiable scientific criteria, but suggested an "existential intelligence" as viable.
Religiosity
See also: Religion, Irreligion, Religiosity, and Psychology of religionThe term religiosity refers to degrees of religious behaviour, belief, or spirituality. The measurement of religiosity is hampered by the difficulties involved in defining what is meant by the term. Numerous studies have explored the different components of religiosity, with most finding some distinction between religious beliefs/doctrine, religious practice, and spirituality. Studies can measure religious practice by counting attendance at religious services, religious beliefs/doctrine by asking a few doctrinal questions, and spirituality by asking respondents about their sense of oneness with the divine or through detailed standardized measurements. When religiosity is measured, it is important to specify which aspects of religiosity are referred to.
According to Mark Chaves, decades of anthropological, sociological, and psychological research have established that "religious congruence" (the assumption that religious beliefs and values are tightly integrated in an individual's mind or that religious practices and behaviors follow directly from religious beliefs or that religious beliefs are chronologically linear and stable across different contexts) is actually rare. People’s religious ideas are fragmented, loosely connected, and context-dependent, as in all other domains of culture and in life. The beliefs, affiliations, and behaviors of any individual are complex activities that have many sources including culture. As examples of religious incongruence he notes, "Observant Jews may not believe what they say in their Sabbath prayers. Christian ministers may not believe in God. And people who regularly dance for rain don’t do it in the dry season."
Demographic studies often show wide diversity of religious beliefs, belonging, and practices in both religious and non-religious populations. For instance, out of Americans who are not religious and not seeking religion, 68% believe in God, 12% are atheists, and 17% are agnostics; as for self-identification of religiosity, 18% consider themselves religious, 37% consider themselves spiritual but not religious, and 42% consider themselves neither spiritual nor religious, while 21% pray every day and 24% pray once a month. Global studies on religion also show diversity.
Religion and belief in gods are not necessarily synonymous since nontheistic religions exist including within traditions like Hinduism and Christianity. According to anthropologist Jack David Eller, "atheism is quite a common position, even within religion" and that "surprisingly, atheism is not the opposite or lack, let alone the enemy, of religion but is the most common form of religion."
Studies comparing religious belief and IQ
See also: Nations and intelligenceIn a 2013 meta-analysis of 63 studies, led by professor Miron Zuckerman, a correlation of -.20 to -.25 between religiosity and IQ was particularly strong when assessing beliefs (which in their view reflects intrinsic religiosity), but the negative effects were less defined when behavioral aspects of religion (such as church-going) were examined. They note limitations on this since viewing intrinsic religiosity as being about religious beliefs represents American Protestantism more than Judaism or Catholicism, both of which see behavior as just as important as religious beliefs. They also noted that the available data did not allow adequate consideration of the role of religion type and of culture in assessing the relationship between religion and intelligence. Most of the studies reviewed were American and 87% of participants in those studies were from the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. They noted, "Clearly, the present results are limited to Western societies." The meta-analysis discussed three possible explanations: First, intelligent people are less likely to conform and, thus, are more likely to resist religious dogma, although this theory was contradicted in mostly atheist societies such as the Scandinavian populations, where the religiosity-IQ relationship still existed. Second, intelligent people tend to adopt an analytic (as opposed to intuitive) thinking style, which has been shown to undermine religious beliefs. Third, intelligent people may have less need for religious beliefs and practices, as some of the functions of religiosity can be given by intelligence instead. Such functions include the presentation of a sense that the world is orderly and predictable, a sense of personal control and self-regulation and a sense of enhancing self-esteem and belongingness.
A 2016 re-analysis of the Zuckerman et al study, found that the negative intelligence-religiosity associations were weaker and less generalizable across time, space, samples, measures, and levels of analysis, but still robust. For example, the negative intelligence–religiosity association was insignificant with samples using men, pre-college participants, and taking into account grade point average. When other variables like education and quality of human conditions were taken into account, positive relation between IQ and disbelief in God was reduced. According to Dutton and Van der Linden, the re-analysis had controls that were too strict (life quality index and proximity of countries) and also some of the samples used problematic proxies of religiosity, which took away from the variance in the correlations. As such, the reduction of significance in the negative correlation likely reflected a sample anomaly. They also observed that the "weak but significant" correlation of -.20 on intelligence and religiosity from the Zuckerman study was also found when comparing intelligence with other variables like education and income.
Zuckerman et al. published an updated metanalysis in 2019 with 83 studies finding "strong evidence" of a negative correlation between religiosity and intelligence of -.20 to -.23. Zuckerman cautioned that the results are not generalizable beyond the Western world and that predicting religiosity from intelligence for individuals is fallible.
Researchers Helmuth Nyborg and Richard Lynn compared belief in God and IQs. Using data from a U.S. study of 6,825 adolescents, the authors found that the average IQ of atheists was 6 points higher than the average IQ of non-atheists. The authors also investigated the link between belief in a god and average national IQs in 137 countries. The authors reported a correlation of 0.60 between atheism rates and level of intelligence, which was determined to be "highly statistically significant". ('Belief in a god' is not identical to 'religiosity.' Some nations have high proportions of people who do not believe in a god, but who may nevertheless be highly religious, following non-theistic belief systems such as Buddhism or Taoism.)
Other researchers found Nyborg and Lynn's findings questionable since sporadic and inconsistent estimates were the basis for atheism rates, multiple factors better explain the fluctuations, including reversals, in both religion and IQ by nations through time; data that contradicted their hypothesis was minimized, and secularization debates among scholars were ignored, all of which rendered any predictability as unreliable.
The Lynn et al. paper findings were discussed by Professor Gordon Lynch, from London's Birkbeck College, who expressed concern that the study failed to take into account a complex range of social, economic and historical factors, each of which has been shown to interact with religion and IQ in different ways. Gallup surveys, for example, have found that the world's poorest countries are consistently the most religious, perhaps because religion plays a more functional role (helping people cope) in poorer nations. Even at the scale of the individual, IQ may not directly cause more disbelief in gods. Dr. David Hardman of London Metropolitan University says: "It is very difficult to conduct true experiments that would explicate a causal relationship between IQ and religious belief." He adds that other studies do nevertheless correlate IQ with being willing or able to question beliefs.
In a sample of 2307 adults in the US., IQ was found to negatively correlate with self reports of religious identification, private practice or religion, mindfulness, religious support, and fundamentalism, but not spirituality. The relationships were relatively unchanged after controlling for personality, education, age, and gender, and were typically modest. The study was limited only to Christian denominations.
A critical review of the research on intelligence and religiosity by Sickles et al. observed that conclusions vary widely in the literature because most studies use inconsistent and poor measures for both religiosity and intelligence. Furthermore, they noted intelligence differences seen between people of varying religious beliefs and non-theists is most likely the result of educational differences that are in turn the result of holding fundamentalist religious beliefs rather than the result of innate differences in intelligence between them.
According to Dutton et al. negative correlations on religion may be correlated with autistic spectrum on specialized learning ability since when members of the same ethnic group are compared there are very few differences in IQ in general.
In non-western countries like Korea, where religion is seen differently than in the West, non-religious people had lower mean IQs than religious persons.
A 2022 metanalysis of 89 studies found a small and weak negative correlation of -.14 and noted that the findings were not generalizable beyond a Western contexts.
Studies examining theistic and atheistic cognitive style
The idea that analytical thinking makes one less likely to be religious is an idea supported by Gervais and Noernzayan's 2012 study They observed that intuitive thinking tended to increase intrinsic religiosity, intuitive religious belief and belief in supernatural entities. They also added a causative element, finding that subtly triggering analytic thinking can increase religious disbelief. They concluded that "Combined, these studies indicate that analytic processing is one factor (presumably among several) that promotes religious disbelief." While these studies linked religious disbelief to analytical rather than intuitive thinking, they urged caution in the interpretation of these results, noting that they were not judging the relative merits of analytic and intuitive thinking in promoting optimal decision making, or the merits or validity of religiosity as a whole.
In 2017, Calin-Jageman replicated the Gervais 2012 experiment and found no link between analytic thinking and decrease in religious belief. In another replication attempt, another team failed to get the same results as Gervais and Noernzayan . For which, Gervais and Noernzayan acknowledged that they no longer felt confident in their original 2012 findings.
In 2018, Gervais et al did a follow up study to assess if analytic thinking correlated with atheism in 13 different countries and found that cross-culturally, the relation is very weak and fickle and that culture plays a bigger role than analytic thinking on core beliefs.
Harvard researchers found evidence suggesting that all religious beliefs become more confident when participants are thinking intuitively (atheists and theists each become more convinced). Thus reflective thinking generally tends to create more qualified, doubted belief. Reflective thinking was further correlated with greater changes in beliefs since childhood: these changes were towards atheism for the most reflective participants, and towards greater belief in a god for the most intuitive thinkers. The study controlled for personality differences and cognitive ability, suggesting the differences were due to thinking styles – not simply IQ or raw cognitive ability. An experiment in the study found that participants moved towards greater belief in a god after writing essays about how intuition yielded a right answer or reflection yielded a wrong answer (and conversely, towards atheism if primed to think about either a failure of intuition or success of reflection). The authors say it is all evidence that a relevant factor in religious belief is thinking style. The authors add that, even if intuitive thinking tends to increase belief in a god, "it does not follow that reliance on intuition is always irrational or unjustified."
A 2017 study re-analyzed the relationship between intuitive and analytical thinking and its correlation with supernatural belief among three measurements (Pilgrimage setting, supernatural attribution, brain stimulation) and found no significant correlation.
Reviewing psychological studies on atheists, Miguel Farias noted that studies concluding that analytical thinking leads to lower religious belief "do not imply that atheists are more conscious or reflective of their own beliefs, or that atheism is the outcome of a conscious refutation of previously held religious beliefs" since they too have variant beliefs such as in conspiracy theories of the naturalistic variety. He notes that studies on deconversion indicate that a greater proportion of people who leave religion do so for motivational rather than rational reasons, and the majority of deconversions occur in adolescence and young adulthood when one is emotionally volatile. Furthermore, he notes that atheists are indistinguishable from New Age individuals or Gnostics since there are commonalities such as being individualistic, non-conformist, liberal, and valuing hedonism and sensation.
Concerning the cognitive science studies on atheists, Johnathan Lanman notes that there are implicit and explicit beliefs which vary among individuals. An individual's atheism and theism may be related to the amount of "credibility enhancing displays" (CRED) one experiences in that those who are exposed more to theistic CRED will likely be theist and those who have less exposure to theistic CRED will likely be atheists.
Neurological research on mechanisms of belief and non-belief, using Christians and atheists as subjects, by Harris et al. have shown that the brain networks involved in evaluating the truthfulness of both religious and non religious statements are generally the same regardless of religiosity. However, the activity within these networks differed across the religiosity of statements, with the religious statements activating the insula and anterior cingulate cortex to a greater degree, and the non religious statements activating hippocampal and superior frontal regions to a greater degree. The areas associated with religious statements are generally associated with salient emotional processing, while areas associated with non religious statements are generally associated with memory. The association between the salience network and religious statements is congruent with the cognitive theory proposed by Boyer that the implausibility of religious propositions are offset by their salience. The same neural networks were active in both Christians and atheists even when dealing with "blasphemous statements" to each other's worldviews. Furthermore, it supports the idea that "intuition" and "reason" are not two separate and segregated activities but are intertwined in both theists and atheists.
A 2024 review of the literature on cognitive style noted that cognitive scientists understand there to be two systems of the mind: intuition and rationality, which intersect and overlap. Though some studies initially found some correlations between rationality and cognitive style, such studies failed when replicated independently by scientists. Based on the updated research, there are no correlations between rationality and belief/disbelief and instead other factors such as upbringing, whether religious or not, better explains why people end up religious or not.
Studies examining religiosity and emotional intelligence
A small 2004 study by Ellen Paek examined the extent to which religiosity (in which only Christians were surveyed), operationalized as religious orientation and religious behaviour, is related to the controversial idea of emotional intelligence (EI). The study examined the extent to which religious orientation and behavior were related to self-reported EI in 148 church-attending adult Christians. (Non-religious individuals were not part of the study.) The study found that the individuals' self-reported religious orientation was positively correlated with their perceiving themselves to have greater EI. While the number of religious group activities was positively associated with perceived EI, the number of years of church attendance was unrelated. Significant positive correlations were also found between level of religious commitment and perceived EI. Thus, the Christian volunteers were more likely to consider themselves emotionally intelligent if they spent more time in group activities and had more commitment to their beliefs.
Tischler, Biberman and McKeage warn that there is still ambiguity in the above concepts. In their 2002 article, entitled "Linking emotional intelligence, spirituality and workplace performance: Definitions, models and ideas for research", they reviewed literature on both EI and various aspect of spirituality. They found that both EI and spirituality appear to lead to similar attitudes, behaviors and skills, and that there often seems to be confusion, intersection and linking between the two constructs.
Recently, Łowicki and Zajenkowski investigated the potential associations between various aspects of religious belief and ability and trait EI. In their first study they found that ability EI was positively correlated with general level of belief in God or a higher power. Their next study, conducted among Polish Christians, replicated the previous result and revealed that both trait and ability EI were negatively related to extrinsic religious orientation and negative religious coping.
Studies exploring religiosity and educational attainment
Main article: Religiosity and educationThe relationship between the level of religiosity and one's level of education has been a philosophical, as well as a scientific and political concern since the second half of the 20th century.
The parameters in this field are slightly different compared to those brought forward above: if the "level of religiosity" remains a concept which is difficult to determine scientifically, on the contrary, the "level of education" is, indeed, easy to compile, official data on this topic being publicly accessible to anyone in most countries.
Different studies available show contrasting conclusions. An analysis of World Values Survey data showed that in most countries, there is no significant relationship between education and religious attendance, with some differences between "Western" countries and former socialist countries, which the authors attribute to historical, political, and economic factors, not intelligence. Other studies have noted a positive relationship.
A 2016 Pew Center global study on religion and education around the world ranked Jews as the most educated (13.4 years of schooling) followed by Christians (9.3 years of schooling). The religiously unaffiliated—a category which includes atheists, agnostics and those who describe their religion as “nothing in particular”—ranked overall as the third most educated religious group (8.8 years of schooling) followed by Buddhists (7.9 years of schooling), Muslims (5.6 years of schooling), and Hindus (5.6 years of schooling). In the youngest age (25-34) group surveyed, Jews averaged 13.8 years of schooling, the unaffiliated group averaged 10.3 years of schooling, Christians averaged 9.9 years of schooling, Buddhists averaged 9.7 years of schooling, Hindus averaged 7.1 years of schooling, and Muslims averaged 6.7 years of schooling. 61% of Jews, 20% of Christians, 16% of the unaffiliated, 12% of Buddhists, 10% of Hindus, and 8% of Muslims have graduate and post-graduate degrees. The study observed that the probability of having a college degree in the U.S. is higher for all religious minorities surveyed (perhaps partly due to selective immigration policies that favor highly skilled applicants), including the unaffiliated group which ranks in the fifth place, being higher than the national average of 39%.
See also
- Outline of human intelligence
- Psychology of religion
- Relationship between religion and science
- Heritability of IQ
- Environment and intelligence
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The effects of income become insignificant, however, the impact of education actually reverses in the United States: it is the more educated who attend church most frequently. It therefore appears that the typical socioeconomic profile of churchgoing is indeed somewhat distinctive in the United States when compared with other wealthy countries.
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Further reading
- Shermer, M. (2000). How we believe. New York, NY: W.H. Freeman. ISBN 978-0-8050-7479-6.