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			{{Short description|Polish statesman (1867–1935)}}
	{{About|the Polish chief of state||Pilsudski (disambiguation)}}
			{{Redirect|Pilsudski}}
	{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2011}}
			{{featured article}}
			{{pp-extended|small=yes}}
			{{Use dmy dates|date=November 2023}}
	{{Infobox officeholder		{{Infobox officeholder
			| honorific_prefix = ]
	|name = Józef Klemens Piłsudski
			| name = Józef Piłsudski
	|image = Jozef Pilsudski1.jpg
			| image = Józef Piłsudski (-1930).jpg
	|imagesize =245px
			| imagesize =
	|smallimage =
			| caption = Piłsudski {{circa|1920s}}
	|caption =
			| office2 = ]
	|order = ]<br /><small>Chief of State of the ]</small>
	|term_start = 14 November 1918		| term_start2 = 22 November 1918
	|term_end = 11 December 1922		| term_end2 = 14 December 1922
			| primeminister2 = {{Collapsible list|title={{nobold|''See list''}}
	|primeminister = ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ]
			| ]
	|predecessor = Independence<br /><small>(eventually ])</small>
			| ]
	|successor = ]<br /><small>(President)</small>
			| ]
	|order2 = ]<br /><small>President-elect of the ]</small>
			| ]
	|term2=May 31, 1926<br />(did not take office)
			| ]
	|predecessor2=]
			| ]
	|successor2=]
			| ]
	|order3 = ]<br /><small>20th ]</small>
			| ]
	|term_start3 = 15 August 1930
	|term_end3 = 4 December 1930
	|president3 = ]
	|predecessor3 = ]
	|successor3 = ]
	|order4 = ]<br /><small>15th ]</small>
	| term_start4 = 15 May 1926
	| term_end4 = 30 September 1926
	| predecessor4 = ]
	| successor4 = Józef Piłsudski
	|term_start4 = 2 October 1926
	|term_end4 = 27 June 1928
	|president4 = ]
	|predecessor4 = ]
	|successor4 = ]
	|order5 = ]<br /><small>1st ]</small>
	|term_start5 = 27 August 1926
	|term_end5 = 12 May 1935
	|president5=]
	|predecessor5 = (post created)
	|successor5 = ]
	|order6 = 7th ]
	|term_start6 = 16 May 1926
	|term_end6 = 12 May 1935
	|president6 = ] (acting)<br />]
	|primeminister6 = ], Himself, ], ], ], ], ], ]
	|predecessor6=]
	|successor6=]
	|birth_date = {{birth date|1867|12|5|df=y}}
	|birth_place = ] ({{lang-lt|Zalavas}}), ], ]
	|death_date = {{death date and age|1935|5|12|1867|12|5|df=y}}
	|death_place = ], Poland
	|constituency =
	|party = None (formerly ])
	|spouse = ];<br />]
	|profession =
	|religion = born Catholic, later converted to Lutheranism and then returned to Catholicism
	|signature = Józef Piłsudski Signature.svg
	|footnotes =
	<!--Military service-->
	|nickname =
	|allegiance = Poland
	|branch = ]<br>]
	|serviceyears = 1914 - 1923, 1926 - 1935
	|rank = ]
	|unit =
	|commands =
	|battles =
	|awards =
	}}		}}
			| predecessor2 = ]
			| successor2 = ] (as ])
			| office3 = ]
			| term_start3 = 2 October 1926
			| term_end3 = 27 June 1928
			| president3 = ]
			| predecessor3 = ]
			| successor3 = Kazimierz Bartel
			| deputy3 = Kazimierz Bartel
			| birth_name = Józef Klemens Piłsudski
			| birth_date = {{Birth date|1867|12|5|df=y}}
			| birth_place = ], ], Russian&nbsp;Empire {{awrap|(now Lithuania)}}
			| death_date = {{Death date and age|1935|5|12|1867|12|5|df=y}}
			| death_place = ], Poland
			| constituency =
			| party = ]
			| otherparty = ] (1893–1918){{Ref label|c|c|none}}
			| spouse = {{plainlist|
			* {{marriage|]|1899|1921|end=died}}
			* {{marriage|]|1921}}
			}}
			| children = {{hlist|]|]}}
			| profession =
			| signature = Józef Piłsudski Signature.svg
			| footnotes =
			| nickname =
			| allegiance = {{plainlist|
			* ]
			* ]
			}}
			| branch = {{plainlist|
			* ]
			* ]
			}}
			| serviceyears = {{plainlist|
			* 1914–1923
			* 1926–1935
			}}
			| rank = ]
			| unit =
			| commands =
			| battles = {{plainlist|
			* ]
			* ]
			* ]
			* ]
			* ]
			}}
			| awards =
			| resting_place =
			| module = {{Listen|pos=center|embed=yes|filename=J. Piłsudski - Żywioł pracy.ogg|type=speech|title=Józef Piłsudski's voice|description=Recorded on 5 September 1924}}
			}}
			'''Józef Klemens Piłsudski'''{{Ref label|a|a|none}} ({{IPA|pl|ˈjuzɛf ˈklɛmɛns piwˈsutskʲi|lang|Pl-Józef_Piłsudski.ogg}}; 5 December 1867&nbsp;– 12 May 1935) was a Polish statesman who served as the ] (1918–1922) and first ] (from 1920). In the ], he became an increasingly dominant figure in ] and exerted significant influence on shaping the country's foreign policy. Piłsudski is viewed as a father of the ], which was re-established in 1918, 123 years after the final ] in 1795, and was considered ''de facto'' leader (1926–1935) of the Second Republic as the ].
			Seeing himself as a descendant of the culture and traditions of the ], Piłsudski believed in a multi-ethnic Poland—"a home of nations" including indigenous ethnic and religious minorities. Early in his political career, Piłsudski became a leader of the ]. Believing Poland's independence would be won militarily, he formed the ]. In 1914, he predicted a new major war would defeat the ] and the ]. After ] began in 1914, Piłsudski's Legions fought alongside ] against Russia. In 1917, with Russia faring poorly in the war, he withdrew his support for the Central Powers, and was imprisoned in ] by the Germans.
	]]]
	]n ] for Piłsudski, distributed (presumably by his political enemies) "on the 10th anniversary of Poland's independence":<br />
	{{hidden|Translation|"State criminal<br />
	<u>JÓZEF PIŁSUDSKI,</u> nobleman<br />
	'''DESCRIPTION''':<br />
	'''Age''' 19 (1887)<br />
	'''Height''' {{convert|1.75|m|ft|2|abbr=on}}.<br />
	'''Face''' clear<br />
	'''Eyes''' grey<br />
	'''Hair''' dark-blond<br />
	'''Sideburns''' light-blond, sparse<br />
	'''Eyebrows''' dark-blond, fused<br />
	'''Beard''' dark-blond<br />
	'''Mustache''' light-blond<br />
	'''Nose''' normal<br />
	'''Mouth''' normal<br />
	'''Teeth''' missing some<br />
	'''Chin''' round<br />
	'''Distinctive marks:'''<br />
	1) clear face, with eyebrows fused over nose,<br />
	2) wart at the end of right ear"}}]]
	'''Józef Klemens Piłsudski'''{{Ref label|a|a|none}} ({{IPA-pl|ˈjuzɛf piwˈsutski|lang|Pl-Józef_Piłsudski.ogg}}, 5 December 1867&nbsp;– 12 May 1935) was a ] ]—] (1918–22), "First ]" (from 1920), and leader (1926–35) of the ]. From mid-World War I he had a major influence in ], and was an important figure on the European political scene.<ref name="Plach"/> He is considered largely responsible for the creation of the Second Republic of Poland in 1918, 123 years after the ].<ref name="Pozeg9–11"/><ref>], .</ref><ref name="HD2"/><ref>], .</ref><ref>Norman J.G. Pounds, "Poland," '']'', vol. 22, ], 1986, p. 318.</ref> Under Piłsudski, Poland annexed ] from ] following ] but was unable to incorporate most of his Lithuanian homeland into the newly resurrected Polish State.<ref>. Retrieved on 5 April 2009</ref>
			Piłsudski was Poland's Chief of State from November 1918, when Poland regained its independence, until 1922. From 1919 to 1921 he commanded ] in six wars that re-defined the country's borders. On the verge of defeat in the ] in August 1920, his forces repelled the invading Soviet Russians at the ]. In 1923, with a government dominated by his opponents, in particular the ], Piłsudski retired from active politics. Three years later he returned to power in the ] and became the strongman of the ] government.<ref name="BEIPCQ">{{cite book |title=Beyond Empire: Interwar Poland and the Colonial Question, 1918–1939 |last=Puchalski |first=Piotr |url=https://www.proquest.com/openview/bfe22980348fd04646924c8349f0eb72 |publisher=The University of Wisconsin-Madison Press |year=2019 |access-date=October 19, 2024}}</ref><ref name="FMBALNPLPSC">{{cite journal |journal=Studia Iuridica Lublinensia |title=From May to Bereza: A Legal Nihilism in the Political and Legal Practice of the Sanation Camp 1926–1935 |last=Kowalski |first=Wawrzyniec |url=https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=985623 |publisher=Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Sklodowskiej |issue=5 |pages=133–147 |year=2020 |doi=10.17951/sil.2020.29.5.133-147 |access-date=October 19, 2024|doi-access=free }}</ref><ref name="TFARPRP">{{cite journal |journal=Zapiski Historyczne |title=The Formation of Authoritarian Rule in Poland between 1926 and 1939 as a Research Problem |last=Olstowski |first=Przemysław |url=https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=1256530 |publisher=Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu |issue=2 |pages=27–60 |year=2024 |doi=10.15762/ZH.2024.13 |access-date=October 19, 2024 |quote=The case of authoritarian rule in Poland following the ], is notable for its unique origins Rooted in a period when Poland lacked statehood Polish authoritarianism evolved Central to this phenomenon was Marshal Józef Piłsudski, the ideological leader of Poland's ruling camp after the May Coup of 1926|doi-access=free }}</ref> He focused on military and foreign affairs until his death in 1935, developing ] that has survived into the 21st century.
	Early in his political career, Piłsudski became a leader of the ]. Concluding, however, that Poland's independence would have to be won by force of arms, he created the ]. In 1914 he anticipated the outbreak of a European war, the ]'s defeat by the ], and the Central Powers' defeat by the western powers.<ref>], p. 14; ], p. 45.</ref> When World War I broke out, he and his Legions fought alongside the ] and ]'s to ensure Russia's defeat. In 1917, with Russia faring badly in the war, he withdrew his support from the Central Powers.
			Although some aspects of Piłsudski's administration, such as imprisoning his political opponents at ], are controversial, he remains one of the most ] figures in Polish 20th-century history and is widely regarded as a founder of modern Poland.
	From November 1918, when Poland regained independence, until 1922 Piłsudski was Poland's '']''. In 1919–21 he commanded Poland's forces in the ]. In 1923, with the ] dominated by his opponents, particularly the ], he withdrew from active politics. Three years later, he returned to power with the ], and became the de facto ruler of Poland. An ] ambassador to Warsaw described him as "a liberal democrat in the clothes of an old-world knight".<ref> Ilya Prizel,
			{{TOC limit|3}}
	Cambridge University Press, 1998, p. 60</ref> From then until his death in 1935, he concerned himself primarily with military and ].
			==Early life==
	For at least thirty years until his death, Piłsudski pursued, with varying degrees of intensity, two complementary strategies, intended to enhance Poland's security: "]", which aimed at breaking up, successively, ] and the ] into their constituent nations; and the creation of an ] federation, comprising Poland and several of her neighbors. Though a number of his political acts remain controversial, Piłsudski's memory is held in high esteem by his compatriots.<ref name="TT_NGP"/><ref name="Goldfarb"/><ref name="Pozeg6"/><ref name="Roshwald"/>
			]
			Piłsudski was born 5 December 1867 to the ] ] at their manor of Zułów near the village of ] (now Zalavas in ]).{{sfn|Hetherington|2012|p=92}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Bianchini |first=Stefano |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sLIzDwAAQBAJ&dq=Pi%C5%82sudski+Zu%C5%82%C3%B3w+Zu%C5%82owo&pg=PT30 |title=Liquid Nationalism and State Partitions in Europe |date=2017-09-29 |publisher=Edward Elgar Publishing |isbn=978-1-78643-661-0 |pages=30 |language=en}}</ref> At his birth, the village was part of the ] and had been so since 1795. Before that, it was in the ], an integral part of the ] from 1569 to 1795. After World War I, the village was part of the ] that was contested between Lithuania and Poland throughout the interwar period. From 1922 until 1939, the village was in the Second Polish Republic. During World War II, the village suffered Soviet and German occupations. The estate was part of the dowry brought by his mother, Maria, a member of the wealthy Billewicz family.{{sfn|Hetherington|2012|p=95}} The Piłsudski family, although pauperized,{{r|POleksa04}} cherished Polish patriotic traditions,{{r|PolandGov|Urbank97_13-5}} and are characterized either as Polish{{r|Lerski96_439|Davies05_40}} or as ] ].{{r|POleksa04|BidJef98_186}}{{Ref label|b|b|none}} Józef was the second son born to the family.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Reddaway|first=William Fiddian|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jExpAAAAMAAJ&q=Pilsudski+%22second+son%22|title=Marshal Pilsudski|date=1939|publisher=Routledge|pages=5|language=en}}</ref>
	==Biography==
			Józef was not an especially diligent student when he attended the Russian ].{{sfn|Roshwald|2001|p=36}} Along with his brothers ], ] and ], Józef was introduced by his mother Maria to Polish history and literature, which were suppressed by the Imperial authorities.{{r|McM03_208}} His father, also named Józef, fought in the ] against Russian rule.{{r|PolandGov}} The family resented the government's ] policies. Young Józef profoundly disliked having to attend ] services {{r|McM03_208}} and left school with an aversion for the ], its empire, and its culture.{{r|POleksa04}}
	===Early life===
	Józef Piłsudski was born on 5 December 1867 to a ] family at their ] manor in the village of ] ({{lang-pl|Zułów}}), in ]<ref>Hetherington 2012, p. 92</ref>, which then was a part of the Russian Empire, as a result of ] by the ], the ] and the ] at the end of the 18th century. Currently it is part of the ] of ].<ref name="Poland.gov"/> The ], impoverished ],<ref name="Pidl"/> cherished Polish patriotic traditions<ref name="Poland.gov"/><ref name="Urb 13-15"/> and has been characterized either as Polish<ref name="HD"/><ref name="Davies40"/> or as ]-].<ref name=Pidl/><ref>], .</ref>{{Ref label|b|b|none}} Józef was the second son born to the family.
			In 1885 Piłsudski started ] at ] where he became involved with '']'', part of the Russian ] revolutionary movement.{{r|PWN}} In 1886, he was suspended for participating in student demonstrations.{{r|PolandGov}} He was rejected by the ], whose authorities had been informed of his political affiliation.{{r|PolandGov}} On 22 March 1887, he was arrested by Tsarist authorities on a charge of plotting with ] socialists to assassinate ] ]; Piłsudski's main connection to the plot was the involvement of his brother Bronisław.{{r|ICRAP|Urbank97_50}} Józef was sentenced to five years' exile in ], first at ] on the ], then at ].{{r|PolandGov|Urbank97_50}}
	]
	Józef, when he attended the Russian '']'' at Vilnius, was not an especially diligent student.<ref name="Aviel"/> One of the younger students at this gymnasium was the future communist ], who later would become Piłsudski's arch-enemy.<ref>Robert Blobaum. ''Feliks Dzierzynsky and the SDKPiL: A study of the origins of Polish Communism.'' 1984. ISBN 978-0-88033-046-6 p. 30.</ref>
	Along with his brothers ], ] and ], Józef was introduced by his mother Maria, ''née'' Billewicz, to Polish history and literature, which were suppressed by the Russian authorities.<ref name="MM-208"/> His father, likewise named Józef, had fought in the ] against Russian rule of Poland.<ref name="Poland.gov"/>
			===Siberian exile===
	The family resented the Russian government's ] policies. Young Józef profoundly disliked having to attend ] service<ref name="MM-208"/> and left school with an aversion not only for the ] and the Russian Empire, but for the culture, which he knew well.<ref name=Pidl/>
			While being transported in a prisoners' convoy to Siberia, Piłsudski was held for several weeks at a prison in ].{{r|LandauDunlop30_30}} During his stay, another inmate insulted a guard and refused to apologize; Piłsudski and other political prisoners were beaten by the guards for their defiance and Piłsudski lost two teeth. He took part in a subsequent hunger strike until the authorities reinstated political prisoners' privileges that had been suspended after the incident.{{r|Urbank97_62-6}} For his involvement, he was sentenced in 1888 to six months' imprisonment. He had to spend the first night of his incarceration in 40-degree-below-zero Siberian cold; this led to an illness that nearly killed him and health problems that would plague him throughout life.{{r|Urbank97_68-9}}
			During his exile, Piłsudski met many '']'', groups of people who have resettled to Siberia.{{r|Urbank97_74–7}} He was allowed to work in an occupation of his choosing and tutored local children in mathematics and foreign languages{{r|POleksa04}} (he knew French, German and Lithuanian in addition to Russian and his native Polish; he would later learn English).{{sfn|Jędrzejewicz|Cisek|1994|p=13}} Local officials decided that, as a Polish noble, he was not entitled to the 10-] pension received by others.{{r|Urbank97_71}}
	In 1885 Piłsudski started ] at ], where he became involved with '']'', part of the Russian '']i'' revolutionary movement.<ref name="PWN"/> In 1886 he was suspended for participating in student demonstrations.<ref name="Poland.gov"/> He was rejected by the ] (], Estonia), whose authorities had been informed of his political affiliation.<ref name="Poland.gov"/> On 22 March 1887 he was arrested by Tsarist authorities on a charge of plotting with ] socialists to assassinate ] ]. In fact Piłsudski's main connection to the plot was his elder brother Bronisław's involvement in it.<ref name="BronPił">{{cite web
	|url=http://www.icrap.org/pl/cv.html|title=Kalendarium wydarzeń życia Bronisława Piłsudskiego (Calendar of events in the life of Bronisław Piłsudski)|work=ICRAP: wersja polska|language=Polish|accessdate =2 August 2007}}</ref> Bronisław was sentenced to fifteen years' ] ('']'') in eastern Siberia.<ref name="BronPił"/><ref name="Urb 50"/>
			==Polish Socialist Party==
	Józef received a milder sentence: five years' exile in ], first at ] on the ], then at ].<ref name="Poland.gov"/><ref name="Urb 50"/> While being transported in a prisoners' convoy to Siberia, Piłsudski was held for several weeks at a prison in ].<ref name="Pilsudski, Hero of Poland"/> There he took part in what the authorities viewed as a revolt: after one of the inmates had insulted a guard and refused to apologize, he and other political prisoners were beaten by the guards for their defiance;<ref name="Urb 62–66"/> Piłsudski lost two teeth and took part in a subsequent hunger strike until the authorities reinstated political prisoners' privileges that had been suspended after the incident.<ref name="Urb 62–66"/> For his involvement, he was sentenced in 1888 to six months' imprisonment.<ref name="Urb 68–69"/> He had to spend the first night of his incarceration in 40-degree-below-zero Siberian cold; this led to an illness that nearly killed him and to health problems that would plague him throughout life.<ref name="Urb 68–69"/>
			In 1892 Piłsudski returned from exile and settled in Adomavas Manor near ]. In 1893, he joined the ] (''PPS''){{r|PolandGov}}, and helped organize their Lithuanian branch.{{r|Urbank97_88}} Initially, he sided with the Socialists' more radical wing, but despite the socialist movement's ostensible ], he remained a Polish nationalist.{{r|McM03_209}} In 1894, as its ], he published an ] socialist newspaper called '']'' (The Worker); he would also be one of its chief writers and a ].{{r|PolandGov|PWN|Urbank97_93}}{{sfn|Piłsudski|1989|p=12}} In 1895, he became a PPS leader, promoting the position that doctrinal issues were of minor importance and socialist ideology should be merged with nationalist ideology because this combination offered the greatest chance of restoring Polish independence.{{r|PWN}}
			]
			On 15 July 1899, while an underground organizer, Piłsudski married a fellow socialist organizer, ], ''née'' Koplewska.{{r|Alabrud99_99|Garlicki195_63|Pobog-Ma90_7}} According to his biographer ], the marriage was less romantic than pragmatic. ''Robotnik'''s printing press was housed in their apartment first in Vilnius, then in ]. A pretext of regular family life made them less suspect. Also, Russian law protected a wife from prosecution for the illegal activities of her husband.{{sfn|Jędrzejewicz|1990|loc=pp. 27–8 (1982 ed.)}} The marriage deteriorated when, several years later, Piłsudski began an affair with a younger socialist,{{r|McM03_209}} ]. Maria died in 1921; in October that year, Piłsudski married Aleksandra. By then, the couple had two daughters, ] and ].<ref>{{Cite web|last=Drążek|first=Aleksandra|date=8 August 2021|title=Córki Piłsudskiego - co wiemy o losach córek marszałka|url=https://kronikidziejow.pl/porady/corki-pilsudskiego-co-wiemy-o-losach-corek-marszalka/|access-date=6 September 2021|website=kronikidziejow.pl}}</ref>
			In February 1900 Piłsudski was imprisoned at the ] when Russian authorities found ''Robotnik''{{'s}} underground printing press in Łódź. He feigned mental illness in May 1901 and escaped from a mental hospital at ] with the help of a Polish physician, ], and others. He fled to ], then part of ], and thence to ] in London, staying with ] and his family.{{r|PolandGov}}
	During his years of exile in Siberia, Piłsudski met many '']'', including ], who had almost become a leader of the ].<ref name="Urb 74–77"/> He was allowed to work in an occupation of his own choosing, and earned his living tutoring local children in mathematics and foreign languages<ref name=Pidl/> (he knew French, German and Lithuanian<ref>{{cite web
	|last=Šimelionis
	|first=Izidorius
	|url=http://www.lrytas.lt/?id=11846508871183494575&view=4
	|title=Maršalas J. Pilsudskis lietuviukus kalbino lietuviškai (Marshal J. Piłsudski spoke to little Lithuanians in Lithuanian)
	|date=17 July 2007
	|work=]
	|language=Lithuanian
	|accessdate =8 December 2007
	}}</ref> in addition to Russian and his native Polish; he would later learn English).<ref name="Jedrz13"/> Local officials decided that as a Polish noble he was not entitled to the 10-] pension received by most other exiles.<ref name="Urb 71"/>
			===Armed resistance===
	In 1892 Piłsudski returned from exile and settled in Adomavas Manor near Teneniai (now in ]). In 1893 he joined the ] (''PPS'')<ref name="Poland.gov"/> and helped organize its Lithuanian branch.<ref name="Urb 88"/> Initially he sided with the Socialists' more radical wing, but despite the socialist movement's ostensible ] he remained a Polish nationalist.<ref name="MM-209"/> In 1894, as its ], he began publishing an ] socialist newspaper, '']'' (The Worker); he would also be one of its chief writers, and, initially, a ].<ref name="Poland.gov" /><ref name="PWN" /><ref name="Urb 93"/><ref name="Piłsudski12">], p. 12.</ref> In 1895 he became a PPS leader, and took the position that doctrinal issues were of minor importance and that socialist ideology should be merged with nationalist ideology, since that combination offered the greatest chance of restoring Polish independence.<ref name="PWN"/>
			In the early 1900s, almost all parties in Russian Poland and Lithuania took a conciliatory position toward the Russian Empire and aimed at negotiating within it a limited autonomy for Poland. Piłsudski's PPS was the only political force prepared to fight the Empire for Polish independence and to resort to violence to achieve that goal.{{r|POleksa04}}
			On the outbreak of the ] in the summer of 1904, Piłsudski traveled to Tokyo, Japan, where he tried unsuccessfully to obtain that country's assistance for an uprising in Poland. He offered to supply Japan with ] to support its war with Russia, and proposed the creation of a Polish Legion from Poles,{{r|Urbank97_109–11}} conscripted into the Russian Army, who had been captured by Japan. He also suggested a ] directed at breaking up the Russian Empire, a goal that he later continued to pursue.{{sfn|Charaszkiewicz|2000|p=56}} Meeting with ], he suggested that starting a ] in Poland would distract Russia and asked for Japan to supply him with weapons. Although the Japanese diplomat ] supported the plan, the Japanese government, including Yamagata, was more skeptical.{{sfn|Kowner|2006|p=285}} Piłsudski's arch-rival, ], travelled to Japan and argued against Piłsudski's plan, discouraging the Japanese government from supporting a Polish revolution because he thought it was doomed to fail.{{r|Urbank97_109–11|Zamo87_330}} The Japanese offered Piłsudski much less than he hoped; he received Japan's help in purchasing weapons and ammunition for the PPS and their combat organisation, and the Japanese declined the Legion proposal.{{r|PolandGov|Urbank97_109–11}}
	]
	On 15 July 1899, while an underground organizer, Piłsudski married a fellow socialist organizer, ].<ref name="Alabrudzinska99"/><ref name="Garlicki63"/><ref name="Pobog-Malinowski07"/> According to his chief biographer, Wacław Jędrzejewicz, the marriage was less romantic than pragmatic in nature. Both were very involved in the socialist and independence movement. The printing press of "Robotnik" was in their apartment first in ], than in ]. Having a pretext of regular family life made their accommodation safer from suspicion. The Russian law also protected the wife from prosecution for the illegal activities of the husband.<ref>"Piłsudski: A Life For Poland", Wacław Jędrzejewicz, Hipocremne Books, New York, 1982, ISBN 978-0-87052-747-0, p. 27-28</ref> The marriage deteriorated when, several years later, Piłsudski began an affair with a younger socialist,<ref name="MM-209"/> ]. Maria died in 1921, and in October that year Piłsudski married Aleksandra. By then the couple had two little daughters, ] and ].
			In the fall of 1904, Piłsudski formed a paramilitary unit (the ], or ''bojówki'') aiming to create an armed ] against the Russian authorities.{{r|Zamo87_330}} The PPS organized demonstrations, mainly in ]. On 28 October 1904, Russian ] ] attacked a demonstration, and in reprisal, during a demonstration on 13 November, Piłsudski's paramilitary opened fire on Russian police and military.{{r|Zamo87_330|Urbank97_113–6}} Initially concentrating their attention on spies and informers, in March 1905, the paramilitary began using bombs to assassinate selected Russian police officers.{{r|Urbank97_117–8}}
	In February 1900, after Russian authorities found ''Robotnik'''s underground printing press in ], Piłsudski was imprisoned at the ]. But, after feigning mental illness in May 1901, he managed to escape from a mental hospital at ] with the help of a Polish physician, ], and others, fleeing to ], then part of ].<ref name="Poland.gov"/>
			===Russian Revolution of 1905===
	At the time, when almost all parties in Russian Poland and Lithuania took a conciliatory position toward the Russian Empire and aimed at negotiating within it a limited autonomy for Poland, Piłsudski's PPS was the only political force that was prepared to fight the Empire for Polish independence and to resort to violence in order to achieve that goal.<ref name=Pidl/>
			During the ], Piłsudski played a leading role in events in ]. In early 1905 he ordered the PPS to launch a general strike there; it involved some 400,000 workers and lasted two months until it was broken by the Russian authorities.{{r|Zamo87_330}} In June 1905, Piłsudski sent paramilitary aid to an uprising in Łódź, later called ]. In Łódź, armed clashes broke out between Piłsudski's paramilitaries and gunmen loyal to Dmowski and his ].{{r|Zamo87_330}} On 22 December 1905, Piłsudski called for all Polish workers to rise up; the call went largely unheeded.{{r|Zamo87_330}}
			Piłsudski instructed the PPS to boycott the elections to the ].{{r|Zamo87_330}} The decision, and his resolve to try to win Polish independence through revolution, caused tensions within the PPS, and in November 1906, the party fractured over Piłsudski's leadership.{{r|Zamo87_332}} His faction came to be called the "Old Faction" or "]" ("''Starzy''" or "''Frakcja Rewolucyjna''"), while their opponents were known as the "Young Faction", "Moderate Faction" or "]" ("''Młodzi''", "''Frakcja Umiarkowana''", "''Lewica''"). The "Young" sympathized with the ], and believed priority should be given to co-operation with Russian revolutionaries in toppling the Russian Empire and creating a socialist ] to facilitate negotiations for independence.{{r|PWN}} Piłsudski and his supporters in the Revolutionary Faction continued to plot a revolution against Tsarist Russia to secure Polish independence.{{r|PolandGov}} By 1909, his faction was the majority in the PPS, and Piłsudski remained an important PPS leader until the outbreak of the First World War.{{r|Urbank97_131}}
	On the outbreak of the ] (1904–1905), in the summer of 1904, Piłsudski traveled to Tokyo, Japan, where he tried unsuccessfully to obtain that country's assistance for an uprising in Poland. He offered to supply Japan with ] in support of its war with Russia and proposed the creation of a Polish Legion from Poles,<ref name="Urb 109–111"/> conscripted into the Russian Army, who had been captured by Japan. He also suggested a ] directed at breaking up the Russian Empire — a goal that he later continued to pursue.<ref>], p. 56.</ref>
			===Prelude to World War I===
	Another notable Pole, ], also traveled to Japan, where he argued against Piłsudski's plan, endeavoring to discourage the Japanese government from supporting at this time a Polish revolution which Dmowski felt would be doomed to failure.<ref name="Urb 109–111"/><ref name="Zamoyski-330"/> Dmowski, himself a Polish patriot, would remain Piłsudski's political arch-enemy to the end of Piłsudski's life.<ref name="Zamoyski-332"/> In the end, the Japanese offered Piłsudski much less than he had hoped for; he received Japan's help in purchasing weapons and ammunition for the PPS and its combat organisation, while the Japanese declined the Legion proposal.<ref name="Poland.gov"/><ref name="Urb 109–111"/>
			Piłsudski anticipated a coming European war{{r|Roos+Rothschild}} and the need to organize the leadership of a future Polish army. He wanted to secure Poland's independence from the three empires that partitioned Poland out of political existence in the late 18th century. In 1906 Piłsudski, with the connivance of the Austrian authorities, founded a military school in ] for the training of paramilitary units.{{r|Zamo87_332}} In 1906 alone, the 800-strong paramilitaries, operating in five-man teams in Congress Poland, killed 336 Russian officials; in subsequent years, the number of their casualties declined, and the paramilitaries' numbers increased to some 2,000 in 1908.{{r|Zamo87_332|Urbank97_121–2}} The paramilitaries also held up Russian currency transports that were leaving Polish territories. On the night of 26/27 September 1908, they robbed a Russian mail train that was carrying tax revenues from Warsaw to Saint Petersburg.{{r|Zamo87_332}} Piłsudski, who took part in this ] near Vilnius, used the funds so obtained to finance his secret military organization.{{r|EBritannica_JP}} The funds totaled 200,812 rubles which was a fortune for the time and equaled the paramilitaries' entire income for the two preceding years.{{r|Urbank97_121–2}}
			In 1908, Piłsudski transformed his paramilitary units into a "]" (''Związek Walki Czynnej'', or ''ZWC''), headed by three of his associates, ], ] and ].{{r|Zamo87_332}} The ''ZWC''{{'s}} main purpose was to train officers and ]s for a future Polish Army.{{r|PWN}} In 1910, two legal paramilitary organizations were created in the Austrian zone of Poland, one in Lwów (now ], Ukraine), and one in Kraków, to conduct training in ]. With the permission of the Austrian officials, Piłsudski founded a series of "sporting clubs", then the ], as cover for the training of a Polish military force. In 1912, Piłsudski (using the pseudonym "''Mieczysław''") became commander-in-chief of a Riflemen's Association (''Związek Strzelecki''). By 1914, they had increased to 12,000 men.{{r|PolandGov|Zamo87_332}} In 1914, while giving a lecture in Paris, Piłsudski declared, "Only the sword now carries any weight in the balance for the destiny of a nation", arguing that Polish independence can only be achieved through military struggle against the partitioning powers.{{r|Zamo87_332}}<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Chimiak|first1=Galia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=d5_UDwAAQBAJ&dq=%22Only+the+sword+now+carries+any+weight+in+the+balance+for+the+destiny+of+a+nation%22&pg=PA13|title=Polish and Irish Struggles for Self-Determination: Living near Dragons|last2=Cierlik|first2=Bożena|date=26 February 2020|publisher=Cambridge Scholars Publishing|isbn=978-1-5275-4764-3|language=en}}</ref>
	In the fall of 1904 Piłsudski formed a paramilitary unit (the ], or ''bojówki'') aiming to create an armed ] against the Russian authorities.<ref name="Zamoyski-330"/> The PPS organized an increasing numbers of demonstrations, mainly in ]; on 28 October 1904, Russian ] ] attacked a demonstration, and in reprisal, during a demonstration on 13 November Piłsudski's paramilitary opened fire on Russian police and military.<ref name="Zamoyski-330"/><ref name="Urb 113–116"/> Initially concentrating their attention on spies and informers, in March 1905 the paramilitary began using bombs to assassinate selected Russian police officers.<ref name="Urb 117–118"/>
			==World War I==
	During the ], Piłsudski played a leading role in events in ].<ref name="Zamoyski-330"/> In early 1905 he ordered the PPS to launch a general strike there; it involved some 400,000 workers and lasted two months until it was broken by the Russian authorities.<ref name="Zamoyski-330"/> In June 1905, Piłsudski sent paramilitary aid to an uprising in ].<ref name="Zamoyski-330"/> During the "]", as the Łódź uprising came to be known, armed clashes broke out between Piłsudski's paramilitaries and gunmen loyal to Dmowski and his ].<ref name="Zamoyski-330"/> On 22 December 1905, Piłsudski called for all Polish workers to rise up; the call went largely unheeded.<ref name="Zamoyski-330"/>
			{{Main|History of Poland during World War I}}
			At a meeting in Paris in 1914, Piłsudski presciently declared that for Poland to regain independence in the impending war, Russia must be beaten by the Central Powers (the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires) and the latter powers must in turn be beaten by ], ], and the United States.{{r|Roos+Rothschild}}<ref>] and his family – who had arrived in Kraków on 28 July 1914, exactly on the outbreak of World War I – in the first days of August took refuge in the Polish mountain resort of ]. There Conrad opined – as Piłsudski had in Paris earlier in 1914 – that, for Poland to regain independence, Russia must be defeated by the ] (the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires), and the Central Powers must in turn be beaten by France and Britain. ], ''Joseph Conrad: A Life'', Rochester, New York, Camden House, 2007, {{ISBN|978-1-57113-347-2}}, p. 464. Soon after the war, Conrad said of Piłsudski: "He was the only great man to emerge on the scene during the war." ], ''Conrad under Familial Eyes'', Cambridge University Press, 1984, {{ISBN|0-521-25082-X}}, p. 239.</ref>
	Unlike the National Democrats, Piłsudski instructed the PPS to boycott the elections to the ].<ref name="Zamoyski-330"/> This decision, and his resolve to try to win Polish independence through uprisings, caused tensions within the PPS, and in November 1906 the party fractured over Piłsudski's leadership.<ref name="Zamoyski-332"/> His faction came to be called the "Old Faction" or "Revolutionary Faction" ("''Starzy''" or "'']''"), while their opponents were known as the "Young Faction", "Moderate Faction" or "Left Wing" ("''Młodzi''", "''Frakcja Umiarkowana''", "'']''"). The "Young" sympathized with the ] and believed that priority should be given to co-operation with Russian revolutionaries in toppling the Tsarist regime and creating a socialist ] that would facilitate negotiations for independence.<ref name="PWN"/>
			At the outbreak of war, on 3 August in Kraków Piłsudski formed a small ] military unit called the ] from members of the ] and ].{{r|Urbank97_171–2}} That same day, ] under ] was sent to ] across the Russian border before the official ] between Austria-Hungary and Russia on 6 August 1914.{{r|Urbank97_168}}
	Piłsudski and his supporters in the Revolutionary Faction continued to plot a revolution against Tsarist Russia that would secure Polish independence.<ref name="Poland.gov"/> By 1909 his faction would again be the majority in the PPS, and Piłsudski would remain one of the most important PPS leaders up to the outbreak of the First World War.<ref name="Urb 131"/>
			]
			Piłsudski's strategy was to send his forces north across the border into ] into an area the ] had evacuated in the hope of breaking through to Warsaw and sparking a nationwide revolution.{{r|PWN|Cienciala02}} Using his limited forces in those early days, he backed his orders with the sanction of a fictitious "National Government in Warsaw",{{r|Urbank97_174–5}} and he bent and stretched Austrian orders to the utmost, taking initiatives, moving forward, and establishing Polish institutions in liberated towns, whereas the Austrians saw his forces as good only for scouting or for supporting main Austrian formations.{{r|Urbank97_178–9}} On 12 August 1914 Piłsudski's forces took the town of ], in ], but Piłsudski found the residents less supportive than he had expected.{{r|Urbank97_170–1_180–2}}
			On 27 August 1914 Piłsudski established the ], formed within the ],<ref>{{Cite book|last=Thomas|first=Nigel|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fwxLDwAAQBAJ&dq=polish+legions+august+22+27&pg=PT20|title=Polish Legions 1914–19|date=31 May 2018|publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing|isbn=978-1-4728-2543-8|pages=20|language=en}}</ref> and took personal command of their ],{{r|PolandGov}} which he would lead into several victorious battles.{{r|PWN}} He also secretly informed the British government in the fall of 1914 that his Legions would never fight against France or Britain, only Russia.{{r|Cienciala02}}
	Piłsudski anticipated a coming European war<ref name="Roos"/><ref name="JR45"/> and the need to organize the nucleus of a future Polish Army which could help win Poland's independence from the three empires that had partitioned her out of political existence in the late 18th century. In 1906 Piłsudski, with the connivance of Austrian authorities, founded a military school in ] for the training of paramilitary units.<ref name="Zamoyski-332"/> In 1906 alone, the 800-strong paramilitaries, operating in five-man teams in Congress Poland, killed 336 Russian officials; in subsequent years, the number of their casualties declined, while the paramilitaries' numbers increased to some 2,000 in 1908.<ref name="Zamoyski-332"/><ref name="Urb 121–122"/>
			Piłsudski decreed that Legions' personnel were to be addressed by the ]-inspired "Citizen" (''Obywatel''), and he was referred to as "the Commandant" ("''Komendant''").{{r|Zamo87_333}} Piłsudski enjoyed extreme respect and loyalty from his men, which would remain for years to come.{{r|Zamo87_333}} The Polish Legions fought against Russia, at the side of the Central Powers, until 1917.<ref>{{Cite book|last=May|first=Arthur J.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=71IrEAAAQBAJ&dq=polish+legions+1914+1917+%22central+powerS%22&pg=PA505|title=The Passing of the Hapsburg Monarchy, 1914-1918, Volume 2|date=11 November 2016|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|isbn=978-1-5128-0753-0|pages=505|language=en}}</ref>
	The paramilitaries also held up Russian currency transports leaving Polish territories. On the night of 26/27 September 1908, they robbed a Russian ] carrying tax revenues from Warsaw to Saint Petersburg.<ref name="Zamoyski-332"/> Piłsudski, who took part in this ] near Vilnius, used the funds thus "expropriated" to finance his secret military organization.<ref name="Britannica" /> The take from that single raid (200,812 rubles) was a fortune for the time and equaled the paramilitaries' entire takes of the two preceding years.<ref name="Urb 121–122"/>
			In August 1914 Piłsudski had set up the ] (''Polska Organizacja Wojskowa''), which served as a precursor of the ] agency and was designed to perform espionage and sabotage missions.{{r|PWN|Cienciala02}}<ref>{{Cite book|last=Wróbel|first=Piotr J.|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OHdqaZBfHggC&dq=%22Polish+Military+Organisation%22+November+1914&pg=PA286|title=Spießer, Patrioten, Revolutionäre: Militärische Mobilisierung und gesellschaftliche Ordnung in der Neuzeit|date=15 September 2010|publisher=Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht|isbn=978-3-86234-113-9|editor-last=Bergien|editor-first=Rüdiger|page=286|language=de|chapter=The Revival of Poland and Paramilitary Violence, 1918-1920|editor-last2=Pröve|editor-first2=Ralf}}</ref>
	] in 1917]]
			], 1916]]
	In 1908 Piłsudski transformed his paramilitary units into an "Association for Active Struggle" ('']'', or ''ZWC''), headed by three of his associates, ], ] and ].<ref name="Zamoyski-332"/> One of the ''ZWC'''s main purposes was to train officers and ]s for a future Polish Army.<ref name="PWN"/>
			In mid-1916, after the ], in which the Polish Legions delayed a Russian offensive at a cost of over 2,000 casualties,{{sfn|Rąkowski|2005|pp=109–11}} Piłsudski demanded that the Central Powers issue a guarantee of independence for Poland. He supported that demand with his own proffered resignation and that of many of the Legions' officers.{{r|Urbank97_251–2}} On 5 November 1916 the Central Powers proclaimed the independence of Poland, hoping to increase the number of Polish troops that could be sent to the ] against Russia, thereby relieving German forces to bolster the ].{{r|EBritannica_JP|Biskupski2000}}
			Piłsudski agreed to serve in the ], created by the Central Powers, and acted as ] in the newly formed ]; as such, he was responsible for the ].{{r|Zamo87_333}} After the ], and in view of the worsening situation of the Central Powers, Piłsudski took an increasingly uncompromising stance by insisting that his men no longer be treated as "German ]" and be only used to fight Russia. Anticipating the Central Powers' defeat in the war, he did not wish to be allied with the losing side.{{r|Rothschild90_45|Urbank97_253}}
	In 1910 two legal paramilitary organizations were created in the Austrian zone of Poland – one in Lwów (now ], Ukraine) and one in ] – to conduct training in ]. With the permission of the Austrian authorities, Piłsudski founded a series of "sporting clubs", then the ], which served as cover to train a Polish military force. In 1912 Piłsudski (using the '']'', "''Mieczysław''") became commander-in-chief of a Riflemen's Association (''Związek Strzelecki'') that grew by 1914 to 12,000 men.<ref name="Poland.gov"/><ref name="Zamoyski-332"/> In 1914, Piłsudski declared that "Only the sword now carries any weight in the balance for the destiny of a nation."<ref name="Zamoyski-332"/>
			], 1917]]
			In the aftermath of the July 1917 "]", when Piłsudski forbade Polish soldiers to swear ] to ] of Germany, he was arrested and imprisoned at ].<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/article/dream-of-the-polish-eagle/|title=Dream of the Polish Eagle|date=October 2010|work = Warfare History Network}}</ref> The Polish units were disbanded and the men were incorporated into the Austro-Hungarian Army,{{r|PolandGov|Cienciala02}} while the ] began attacking German targets.{{r|PWN}} Piłsudski's arrest greatly enhanced his reputation among Poles, many of whom began to see him as a leader willing to take on all the partitioning powers.{{r|PWN}}
			On 8 November 1918, three days before the ], Piłsudski and his colleague, Colonel ], were released by the Germans from Magdeburg and soon placed on a train bound for the Polish capital, Warsaw – the collapsing Germans hoping that Piłsudski would create a force friendly to them.{{r|Cienciala02}}
	===World War I===
	]
	{{Main|World War I}}
	At a meeting in Paris in 1914, Piłsudski presciently declared that in the impending war, for Poland to regain independence, Russia must be beaten by the Central Powers (the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires), and the latter powers must in their turn be beaten by ], ] and the United States.<ref name="Roos"/><ref name="JR45"/> By contrast, ], Piłsudski's rival, believed that the best way to achieve a unified and independent Poland was to support the ] against the Central Powers.<ref name="Zamoyski-333"/>
	]
	At the outbreak of World War I, on 3 August in ], Piłsudski formed a small ] military unit, the ], from members of the ] and ].<ref name="Urb 171–172"/><ref name="PolPrzem"/> That same day, a cavalry unit under ] was sent to ] across the Russian border, even before the official ] between Austria-Hungary and Russia, which ensued on 6 August.<ref name="Urb 168"/>
			==Rebuilding Poland==
	Piłsudski's strategy was to send his forces north across the border into ], into an area which the ] had evacuated, in the hope of breaking through to Warsaw and sparking a national uprising.<ref name="PWN"/><ref name="Cienciala"/> Using his limited forces, in those early days he backed his orders with the sanction of a fictitious "National Government in Warsaw",<ref name="Urb 174–175"/> and bent and stretched Austrian orders to the utmost, taking initiatives, moving forward and establishing Polish institutions in liberated towns, while the Austrians saw his forces as good only for scouting or for supporting main Austrian formations.<ref name="Urb 178–179"/> On 12 August 1914 Piłsudski's forces took the town of ], of ], but Piłsudski found the populace less supportive than he had expected.<ref name="Urb 170–171 and 180–182"/>
			=== Head of state ===
	Soon afterward he officially established the ], taking personal command of their ],<ref name="Poland.gov"/> which he would lead successfully into several victorious battles.<ref name="PWN"/> He also secretly informed the British government in the fall of 1914 that his Legions would never fight France or Britain, only Russia.<ref name="Cienciala"/>
			] 50'', Warsaw, where Piłsudski stayed 13–29 November 1918, after his release from Magdeburg]]
	]
			]
	Piłsudski decreed that Legions' personnel were to be addressed by the ]-inspired "Citizen" (''Obywatel''), and he himself was referred to as "the Commandant" ("''Komendant''").<ref name="Zamoyski-333"/> Piłsudski enjoyed extreme respect and loyalty from his men<ref name="Zamoyski-333"/> which would remain for years to come. The Polish Legions fought against Russia at the side of the Central Powers until 1917.
			On 11 November 1918, Piłsudski was appointed ] of Polish forces by the ] and was entrusted with creating a national government for the newly independent country. Later that day, which would become ], he proclaimed an independent Polish state.{{r|Cienciala02}} That week, Piłsudski negotiated the evacuation of the German garrison from Warsaw and of other German troops from ]. Over 55,000 Germans peacefully departed Poland, leaving their weapons to the Poles. In the coming months, over 400,000 in total departed over Polish territories.{{r|Cienciala02|Urbank97_256_277–8}}
			On 14 November 1918, Piłsudski was asked to supervise provisionally the running of the country. On 22 November he officially received, from the new government of ], the title of Provisional Chief of State (''Tymczasowy Naczelnik Państwa'') of renascent Poland.{{r|PolandGov}} Various Polish military organizations and provisional governments (the Regency Council in Warsaw; ]'s government in ]; and the ] in Kraków) supported Piłsudski. He established a coalition government that was predominantly socialist and introduced many reforms long proclaimed as necessary by the Polish Socialist Party, such as the ], free school education and ], to avoid major unrest. As head of state, Piłsudski believed he must remain separated from partisan politics.{{r|PWN|Cienciala02}}
	Soon after forming the Legions, also in 1914, Piłsudski set up another organization, the ] (''Polska Organizacja Wojskowa''), which served as a precursor ] agency and was designed to perform espionage and sabotage missions.<ref name="PWN"/><ref name="Cienciala"/>
	], 1916]]
	In mid-1916, after the ] (4–6 July 1916), in which the Polish Legions delayed a Russian offensive at a cost of over 2,000 casualties,<ref>], p. 12.</ref> Piłsudski demanded that the Central Powers issue a guarantee of independence for Poland. He backed this demand with his own proffered ] and that of many of the Legions' officers.<ref name="Urb 251–252"/> On 5 November 1916 the Central Powers proclaimed the "independence" of Poland, hoping to increase the number of Polish troops that could be sent to the ] against Russia, thereby relieving German forces to bolster the ].<ref name="Britannica" /><ref name="Biskupski"/>
			The day after his arrival in Warsaw, he met with old colleagues from his time working with the underground resistance, who addressed him socialist-style as "]" (''Towarzysz'') and asked for his support for their revolutionary policies. He refused it and supposedly answered: <blockquote>"Comrades, I took the red tram of socialism to the stop called Independence, and that's where I got off. You may keep on to the final stop if you wish, but from now on let's address each other as '] !"{{r|PolandGov}}</blockquote>However, the authenticity of this quote is disputed.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Gdzie Piłsudski wysiadł z tramwaju, czyli historie poprzekręcane |url=https://histmag.org/Gdzie-Pilsudski-wysiadl-z-tramwaju-czyli-historie-poprzekrecane-14909 |access-date=16 March 2023 |website=histmag.org}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title="Wysiadłem z czerwonego tramwaju...", czyli czego NIE powiedział Józef Piłsudski |url=https://kurierhistoryczny.pl/artykul/wysiadlem-z-czerwonego-tramwaju-czyli-czego-nie-powiedzial-jozef-pilsudski,368 |access-date=16 March 2023 |website=Kurier Historyczny}}</ref> Piłsudski declined to support any party and did not form any political organization of his own; instead, he advocated creating a coalition government.{{r|PWN|Suleja04_202}}
	Piłsudski agreed to serve in the ] created by the Central Powers, and acted as ] in the newly formed ]; as such he was responsible for the ].<ref name="Zamoyski-333"/> After the ], and in view of the worsening situation of the Central Powers, Piłsudski took an increasingly uncompromising stance, insisting that his men no longer be treated as "German ]" and only be used to fight Russia. Anticipating the Central Powers' defeat in the war, he did not wish to be allied with the losing side.<ref name="JR45"/><ref name="Urb 253"/> In the aftermath of a July 1917 "]" when Piłsudski forbade Polish soldiers to swear an ] to the Central Powers, he was arrested and imprisoned at ]; the Polish units were disbanded, and the men were incorporated into the ],<ref name="Poland.gov"/><ref name="Cienciala"/> while the ] began attacking German targets.<ref name="PWN"/> Piłsudski's arrest greatly enhanced his reputation among Poles, many of whom began to see him as the most determined Polish leader, willing to take on ''all'' the partitioning powers.<ref name="PWN"/>
			=== First policies ===
	On 8 November 1918, three days before the ], Piłsudski and his colleague, Colonel ], were released by the Germans from Magdeburg and soon—like ] before them—placed on a private train, bound for their national capital, as the collapsing Germans hoped that Piłsudski would create a force friendly to them.<ref name="Cienciala"/>
			Piłsudski set about organizing a Polish army out of Polish veterans of the German, Russian, and Austrian armies. Much of former Russian Poland had been destroyed in the war, and systematic looting by the Germans had reduced the region's wealth by at least 10%.{{r|McM03_210}} A British diplomat who visited Warsaw in January 1919 reported: "I have nowhere seen anything like the evidence of extreme poverty and wretchedness that meet one's eye at almost every turn."{{r|McM03_210}} In addition, the country had to unify the disparate systems of law, economics, and ] in the former German, Austrian, and Russian sectors of Poland. There were nine legal systems, five currencies, and 66 types of rail systems (with 165 models of locomotives), each needing to be consolidated.{{r|McM03_210}}
			] Palace, Piłsudski's official residence during his years in power]]
	===Rebuilding Poland===
	]]]
	On 11 November 1918, in Warsaw, Piłsudski was appointed ] of Polish forces by the ] and was entrusted with creating a national government for the newly independent country. On that very day (which would become ]), he proclaimed an independent Polish state.<ref name="Cienciala"/>
			Biographer ] described Piłsudski as very deliberate in his decision-making: Piłsudski collected all available pertinent information, then took his time weighing it before arriving at a final decision. He held long working hours, and maintained a simple lifestyle, eating plain meals alone at an inexpensive restaurant.{{r|McM03_210}} Though he was popular with much of the Polish public, his reputation as a loner (the result of many years' underground work) and as a man who distrusted almost everyone led to strained relations with other Polish politicians.{{r|McM03_209}}
	That week, too, Piłsudski also negotiated the evacuation of the German garrison from Warsaw and of other German troops from the "]" authority. Over 55,000 Germans would peacefully depart Poland, leaving their weapons to the Poles. In coming months, over 400,000 total would depart Polish territories.<ref name="Cienciala"/><ref name="Urb 256 and 277–278"/>
			Piłsudski and the first Polish government were distrusted in the West because he had co-operated with the Central Powers from 1914 to 1917 and because the governments of Daszyński and Moraczewski were primarily socialist.{{r|Cienciala02}} It was not until January 1919, when pianist and composer ] became ] and foreign minister of a new government, that Poland was recognized in the West.{{r|Cienciala02}} Two separate governments were claiming to be Poland's legitimate government: Piłsudski's in Warsaw and Dmowski's in Paris.{{r|McM03_210}} To ensure that Poland had a single government and to avert civil war, Paderewski met with Dmowski and Piłsudski and persuaded them to join forces, with Piłsudski acting as Provisional Chief of State and Commander-in-Chief, while Dmowski and Paderewski represented Poland at the ].{{r|McM03_213-4}} Articles 87–93 of the ]{{r|VersaillesTreaty1919_87-93}} and the ], signed on 28 June 1919, formally established Poland as an independent and sovereign state in the international arena.{{r|Grant99_114}}
	On 14 November 1918 Piłsudski was asked to provisionally supervise the running of the country. On 22 November he officially received, from the new government of ], the title of Provisional Chief of State (''Naczelnik Państwa'') of renascent Poland.<ref name="Poland.gov"/>
			Piłsudski often clashed with Dmowski for viewing the Poles as the dominant nationality in renascent Poland, and attempting to send the ] to Poland through Danzig, Germany (now ], Poland).{{r|McM03_211-214|Boemeke98_314}} On 5 January 1919, some of Dmowski's supporters (] and ]) attempted ] against Piłsudski but failed.{{r|Urbank97_499–501}} On 20 February 1919, Polish parliament (the ]) confirmed his office when it passed the ], although Piłsudski proclaimed his intention to eventually relinquish his powers to the parliament. "Provisional" was struck from his title, and Piłsudski held the office of the Chief of State until 9 December 1922, after ] was elected as the first ].{{r|PolandGov}}
	Various Polish military organizations and provisional governments (the ] in Warsaw; ]'s government in ]; and the ] in ]) bowed to Piłsudski, who set about forming a new coalition government. It was predominantly socialist and introduced many reforms long proclaimed as necessary by the Polish Socialist Party, such as the ], free school education, and ]. This was necessary to avoid major unrest.
			Piłsudski's major foreign policy initiative was a proposed federation (to be called ''"Międzymorze"'' (] for "Between-Seas"), and known from the ] as '']'', stretching from the ] to the ]. In addition to Poland and Lithuania, it was to consist of ], ], ] and ],{{r|Cienciala02}} somewhat in emulation of the ] ].{{r|PWN}}{{sfn|Jędrzejewicz|1990|p=93}} Piłsudski's plan met with opposition from most of the prospective member states, which refused to relinquish their independence, as well as the Allied powers, who thought it to be too bold a change to the existing ] structure.{{r|HistNet_01}} According to historian ], it was around 1920 that Piłsudski came to realize the infeasibility of that version of his Intermarium project.{{sfn|Sanford|2002|pp=5–6}} Instead of a Central and Eastern European alliance, there soon appeared a series of border conflicts, including the ] (1918–19), the ] (1919–1920, culminating in ]), ] (beginning in 1918), and most notably the Polish–Soviet War (1919–21).{{r|PWN}} ] commented, "The war of giants has ended; the wars of the pygmies have begun."{{r|HydeP01_75}}
	However, Piłsudski believed that as head of state he must be above partisan politics.<ref name="PWN"/><ref name="Cienciala"/> The day after his arrival in Warsaw, he met with old colleagues from underground days, who addressed him socialist-style as "]" ("''Towarzysz''") and asked his support for their revolutionary policies; he refused it and answered: "Comrades, I took the red ] of socialism to the stop called Independence, and that's where I got off. You may keep on to the final stop if you wish, but from now on let's address each other as '] !"<ref name="Poland.gov"/> He declined to support any one party and did not form any political organization of his own; instead, he advocated creating a coalition government.<ref name="PWN"/><ref name="Suleja202"/> He also set about organizing a Polish army out of Polish veterans of the German, Russian and Austrian armies.
			==Polish–Soviet War==
	In the days immediately after World War I, Piłsudski attempted to build a government in a shattered country. Much of former Russian Poland had been destroyed in the war, and systematic looting by the Germans had reduced the region's wealth by at least 10%.<ref name="MM-210"/> A British diplomat who visited Warsaw in January 1919 reported: "I have nowhere seen anything like the evidences of extreme poverty and wretchedness that meet one's eye at almost every turn".<ref name="MM-210"/>
			{{Main|Polish–Soviet War}}
			] in 1919]]
			In the ], there was unrest on all Polish borders. Regarding Poland's future frontiers, Piłsudski said: "All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente—on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany." The situation was different in the east, of which Piłsudski said that "there are doors that open and close, and it depends on who forces them open and how far."{{r|McM03_211}} In the east, Polish forces clashed with Ukrainian forces in the Polish–Ukrainian War, and Piłsudski's first orders as Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, on 12 November 1918, were to provide support for the ].{{r|Urbank97_281}}
			Piłsudski was aware that the Bolsheviks would not ally with an independent Poland and predicted that war with them was inevitable.{{r|Urbank97_2_90}} He viewed their advance west as a major problem, but he also considered the Bolsheviks less dangerous for Poland than their ].{{r|Kenez99_37}} The "White Russians", representatives of the old Russian Empire, were willing to accept limited independence for Poland, probably within borders similar to those of the former ]. They objected to Polish control of Ukraine, which was crucial for Piłsudski's Intermarium project.{{r|Urbank97_2_83}} This contrasted with the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed the partitions of Poland null and void.{{r|Urbank97_291}} Piłsudski speculated that Poland would be better off with the Bolsheviks, alienated from the Western powers, than with a restored Russian Empire.{{r|Kenez99_37|Urbank97_2_45}} By ignoring the strong pressures from the ] to join the attack on Lenin's struggling Bolshevik government, Piłsudski probably saved it in the summer and the fall of 1919.{{r|Urbank97_2_92}}
	In addition, the country had to unify the disparate systems of law, economics, and ] in the former German, Austrian and Russian sectors of Poland. There were nine legal systems, five currencies, 66 types of rail systems (with 165 models of locomotives), which all had to be consolidated on an expedited basis.<ref name="MM-210"/>
	], Piłsudski's official residence during his years in power]]
			]".]]
	], in ''Piłsudski: A Life for Poland'', describes Piłsudski as very deliberate in his decision-making. He collected all available pertinent information, then took his time weighing it before arriving at a final decision. Piłsudski drove himself hard, working all day and all night.<ref name="MM-210"/> He maintained a ]n lifestyle, eating plain meals alone at an inexpensive restaurant.<ref name="MM-210"/> Though Piłsudski was popular with much of the Polish public, his reputation as a loner (the result of many years' underground work), as a man who distrusted almost everyone, led to strained relations with other Polish politicians.<ref name="MM-209"/>
			After the ], and a series of escalating battles that resulted in the Poles advancing eastward, on 21 April 1920, ] Piłsudski (as his rank had been since March 1920) signed a military alliance called the ] with Ukrainian leader ]. The treaty allowed both countries to conduct joint operations against ]. The goal of the Polish-Ukrainian Treaty was to establish an independent Ukraine and independent Poland in alliance, resembling that once existing within ].{{r|Davies03_95ff}} The Polish and Ukrainian Armies under Piłsudski's command launched ] against the Russian forces in Ukraine and on 7 May 1920, with remarkably little fighting, they captured ].{{r|Davies03_00}}
			The Bolshevik leadership framed the Polish actions as an invasion, successfully generating popular support for their cause at home.{{r|Figes96_699}} The Soviets then launched a counter-offensive from ], and counterattacked in Ukraine, advancing into Poland{{r|Davies03_00}} in a drive toward Germany to encourage the ] in their struggles for power.{{r|Lenin1920}} The Soviets announced their plans to invade Western Europe; Soviet Communist theoretician ], writing in '']'', hoped for the resources to carry the campaign beyond Warsaw "straight to London and Paris".{{r|CohenS80_101}} Soviet commander ]'s order of the day for 2 July 1920 read: "To the West! Over the corpse of White Poland lies the road to worldwide conflagration. March upon Vilnius, ], Warsaw!"{{r|Lawrynowicz}} and "onward to Berlin over the corpse of Poland!"{{r|Cienciala02}}
	Piłsudski and the first Polish government were distrusted in the West because Piłsudski had cooperated with the Central Powers in 1914–17 and because the governments of Daszyński and Jędrzej Moraczewski were primarily socialist.<ref name="Cienciala"/> It was not until January 1919, when the world-famous pianist and composer ] became ] and foreign minister of a new government, that it was recognized in the West.<ref name="Cienciala"/>
			], 1920, during ]]]
	That still left two separate governments claiming to be Poland's legitimate government: Piłsudski's in Warsaw, and Dmowski's in Paris.<ref name="MM-210"/> To ensure that Poland have a single government and to avert civil war, Paderewski met with Dmowski and Piłsudski and persuaded them to join forces, with Piłsudski acting as Provisional Chief of State and ] while Dmowski and Paderewski represented Poland at the ].<ref name="MM-213–214"/> Articles 87–93 of the ]<ref name="The Versailles Treaty 28 June 1919: Part III"/> and the ], signed on 28 June 1919, formally established Poland as an independent and sovereign state in the international arena.<ref>], .</ref>
			On 1 July 1920, in view of the rapidly advancing Soviet offensive, Poland's parliament, the Sejm, formed a ], chaired by Piłsudski, to provide expeditious decision-making as a temporary supplanting of the fractious Sejm.{{r|Urbank97_341–6_357–8}} The ] contended that the string of Bolshevik victories had been Piłsudski's fault{{r|Suleja04_265}} and demanded that he resign; some even accused him of treason.{{r|Urbank97_341–6}} On 19 July they failed to carry a ] in the council and this led to Dmowski's withdrawal from the council.{{r|Urbank97_341–6}} On 12 August, Piłsudski tendered his resignation to Prime Minister ], offering to be the scapegoat if the military solution failed, but Witos refused to accept his resignation.{{r|Urbank97_341–6}} The Entente pressured Poland to surrender and enter into negotiations with the Bolsheviks. Piłsudski, however, was a staunch advocate of continuing the fight.{{r|Urbank97_341–6}}
	] in ] (project from 1936)]]
	Piłsudski often clashed with Dmowski, at variance with the latter's vision of the Poles as the dominant nationality in renascent Poland, and irked by Dmowski's attempt to send the ] to Poland through Danzig, Germany (now ], Poland).<ref name="MM-211 and 214"/><ref name="BFG"/> On 5 January 1919, some of Dmowski's supporters (] and ]) attempted ] against Piłsudski and Prime Minister Moraczewski, but failed.<ref name="Urb 499–501"/>
			==="Miracle at the Vistula"===
	On 20 February 1919 Piłsudski declared that he would return his powers to the newly elected Polish parliament ('']''). However, the ''Sejm'' reinstated his office in the ]. The word "Provisional" was struck from his title, and Piłsudski would hold the office until 9 December 1922, when ] was elected the first ].<ref name="Poland.gov"/>
			Piłsudski's plan called for Polish forces to withdraw across the ] River and to defend the bridgeheads at Warsaw and on the ] River while some 25% of the available ] concentrated to the south for a counteroffensive. Afterwards, two armies under General ], facing Soviet frontal attack on Warsaw from the east, were to hold their ] positions while an army under General ] was to strike north from outside Warsaw, cutting off Soviet forces that sought to envelop the Polish capital from that direction. The most important role of the plan was assigned to a relatively small, approximately 20,000-man, newly assembled "Reserve Army" (also known as the "Strike Group", "''Grupa Uderzeniowa''"), comprising the most determined, battle-hardened Polish units that were commanded by Piłsudski. Their task was to spearhead a lightning northward offensive, from the Vistula-Wieprz triangle south of Warsaw, through a weak spot that had been identified by Polish intelligence between the Soviet Western and Southwestern ]. That offensive would separate the Soviet Western Front from its reserves and disorganize its movements. Eventually, the gap between Sikorski's army and the "Strike Group" would close near the ]n border, bringing about the destruction of the encircled Soviet forces.{{r|Cisek02_1401|Urbank97_346-441_357-8}}
			Piłsudski's plan was criticized as "amateurish" by high-ranking army officers and military experts, quick to point out Piłsudski's lack of formal military education. However, the desperate situation of the Polish forces persuaded other commanders to support it. When a copy of the plan was acquired by the Soviets, Western Front commander ] thought it was a ruse and disregarded it.{{sfn|Davies|2003|p=197}} Days later, the Soviets were defeated in the ], halting the Soviet advance in one of the worst defeats for the ].{{r|Davies03_00|Urbank97_346-441_357-8}} ], a National Democrat Sejm deputy, coined the phrase "Miracle at the Vistula" (''Cud nad Wisłą''){{r|Głos05}} to express his disapproval of Piłsudski's "Ukrainian adventure". Stroński's phrase was adopted as praise for Piłsudski by some patriotically- or piously minded Poles, who were unaware of Stroński's ironic intent.{{r|Urbank97_346-441_357-8}}{{sfn|Davies|1998|p=935}}
	Piłsudski's major foreign-policy initiative at this time was a proposed federation (to be called "]", ] for "Between-Seas", and also known from the ] as "]", stretching from the ] to the ]) of Poland with the independent ] and ] and ],<ref name="Cienciala"/> somewhat in emulation of the ] ].<ref name="PWN"/><ref>].</ref>
			While Piłsudski had a major role in crafting the war strategy, he was aided by others, notably ].{{r|Erickson01_95}} Later, some supporters of Piłsudski would seek to portray him as the sole author of the Polish strategy, while his opponents would try to minimize his role.{{r|LönnrothEt94_230}} On the other hand, in the West, the role of General ] of the ] was, for a time, exaggerated.{{r|Cienciala02|LönnrothEt94_230|Szczep}}
	Piłsudski's plan met with opposition from most of the prospective member states—who refused to relinquish any of their hard-won independence—as well as from the Allied powers, for whom it would be too bold a change to the existing ] structure.<ref name="Polish-Soviet War: Battle of Warsaw"/> According to historian ], around 1920 Piłsudski came to realize the infeasibility of this version of his ] project.<ref name="Sanford"/>
			In February 1921, Piłsudski visited Paris, where, in negotiations with French President ], he laid the foundations for the ], which would be signed later that year.{{r|Urbank97_484}} The ], ending the Polish-Soviet War in March 1921, partitioned ] and ] between Poland and Russia. Piłsudski called the treaty an "act of cowardice".{{sfn|Davies|2005|loc=p. 399 (1982 ed. Columbia Univ. Press)}} The treaty and his secret approval of General ]'s ] from the Lithuanians marked an end to this incarnation of Piłsudski's federalist ] plan.{{r|PWN}} After Vilnius was occupied by the ], Piłsudski said that he "could not help but regard them as brothers".{{Sfn|Snyder|2004|p=70}} In parliament, Piłsudski once said: "I cannot not reach out to Kaunas. .. I cannot disregard those brothers who consider the day of our triumph a day of shock and mourning."<ref>{{Cite journal |date=1957 |title=Dialogas tarp lenkų ir lietuvių |url=http://partizanai.org/index.php/i-laisve-1957-13-50/956-dialogas-tarp-lenku-ir-lietuviu |journal=] |language=lt |volume=13 |issue=50 |quote=Pilsudskis seime kalbėjo; “Negaliu netiesti rankos Kaunui. .. negaliu nelaikyti broliais tų, kurie mūsų triumfo dieną laiko smūgio ir gedulo diena”.}}</ref> On 25 September 1921, when Piłsudski visited Lwów (now ]) for the opening of the first ] (''Targi Wschodnie''), he was the target of an unsuccessful assassination attempt by ], acting on behalf of Ukrainian-independence organizations, including the ].{{r|Urbank97_485}}
	Instead of a Central- and East-European alliance, there soon appeared a series of border conflicts, including the ] (1918–19), the ] (1920, culminating in ]), ] (beginning in 1918), and most notably the Polish-Soviet War (1919–21).<ref name="PWN"/> ] commented: "The war of giants has ended, the wars of the pygmies begun."<ref name="AHP"/>
			==Retirement and coup==
	===Polish-Soviet War===
	]		], Piłsudski (''left'') transfers his powers to President-elect ].]]
			], 3 July 1923, Piłsudski announces his retirement from active politics.]]
	{{Main|Polish-Soviet War}}
			The Polish ] severely limited the powers of the ] intentionally, to prevent Piłsudski from waging war. This caused Piłsudski to decline to run for the office.{{r|PWN}} In the run-up to the first presidential election, a ] was held, in which Piłsudski endorsed two lists: the National-State Union, and the ],<ref>{{cite book |last=Cat-Mackiewicz |first=Stanisław |date=2012 |title=Historia Polski od 11 listopada 1918 do 17 września 1939 |publisher=Universitas |isbn=97883-242-3740-1}}</ref> neither of which secured any seats in the Sejm. On 9 December 1922, the Polish ] elected ] of ]; his election, opposed by the right-wing parties, caused public unrest.{{r|Urbank97_487-8}} On 14 December at the ] Palace, Piłsudski officially transferred his powers as Chief of State to his friend Narutowicz; the ''Naczelnik'' was replaced by the President.{{r|Urbank97_488|EBritannica_JP}}
	]]]
			] during ]. At right is General ].]]
	In the ], there was unrest on all Polish borders. Regarding Poland's future frontiers, Piłsudski said, "All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente — on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany", while in the east "there are doors that open and close, and it depends on who forces them open and how far."<ref name="MM-211"/> In 1918 in the east, Polish forces clashed with Ukrainian forces in the Polish-Ukrainian War, and Piłsudski's first orders as Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, on 12 November 1918, were to provide support for the ].<ref name="Urb 281"/>
			Two days later, on 16 December 1922, Narutowicz was shot dead by a right-wing painter and art critic, ], who had originally wanted to kill Piłsudski but had changed his target, influenced by National Democrat anti-Narutowicz propaganda.{{r|Urbank97_489}} For Piłsudski, that was a major shock; he started to doubt that Poland could function as a democracy{{r|Suleja04_300}} and supported a government led by a strong leader.{{sfn|Davies|1986|p=140}} He became ] and, together with ] ], quelled the unrest by instituting a ].{{r|Urbank97_489–90}}
			] of ] (PSL Piast), another of Piłsudski's old colleagues, was elected the new president, and ], also of PSL Piast, became prime minister. The new government, an alliance among the centrist PSL Piast, the right-wing ] and ] parties, contained right-wing enemies of Piłsudski. He held them responsible for Narutowicz's death and declared that it was impossible to work with them.{{r|Urbank97_490–1}} On 30 May 1923, Piłsudski resigned as Chief of the General Staff.{{r|Urbank97_490}}
	Piłsudski was aware that the Bolsheviks were no friends of independent Poland, and that war with them was inevitable.<ref name="Urb 90–2"/> He viewed their advance west as a major problem, but also considered the Bolsheviks less dangerous for Poland than their ].<ref name="Kenez"/> These "White Russians" — representatives of the old Russian Empire — were willing to accept only limited independence for Poland, probably within borders similar to those of the former ], and clearly objected to Polish control of Ukraine, which was crucial for Piłsudski's '']'' project.<ref name="Urb 83–2"/>
			Piłsudski criticized General ]'s proposal that the military should be supervised by civilians as an attempt to politicize the army, and on 28 June, he resigned his last political appointment. The same day, the Sejm's left-wing deputies voted for a resolution, thanking him for his work.{{r|Urbank97_490}} Piłsudski went into retirement in ], outside Warsaw, at his country manor, ''"Milusin"'', presented to him by his former soldiers.{{sfn|Watt|1979|p=210}} There, he wrote a series of political and military memoirs, including ''Rok 1920'' (The Year 1920).{{r|PolandGov}}
	This was in contrast to the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed the partitions of Poland null and void.<ref name="Urb 291"/> Piłsudski thus speculated that Poland would be better off with the Bolsheviks, alienated from the Western powers, than with a restored Russian Empire.<ref name="Kenez"/><ref name="Urb 45–2"/> By ignoring the strong pressures from the ] to join the attack on ]'s struggling ] government, Piłsudski probably saved the Bolshevik government in the summer and fall of 1919.<ref name="Urb 92–2"/>
			Meanwhile, Poland's economy was a shambles. ] fueled public unrest, and the government was unable to find a quick solution to the mounting unemployment and economic crisis.{{r|Urbank97_502}} Piłsudski's allies and supporters repeatedly asked him to return to politics, and he began to create a new power base, centred on former members of the ], the ] and some left-wing and ] parties. In 1925, after several governments had resigned in short order and the political scene was becoming increasingly chaotic, Piłsudski became more and more critical of the government and eventually issued statements demanding the resignation of the Witos cabinet.{{r|PolandGov|PWN}} When the ] coalition, which Piłsudski had strongly criticized, formed a new government,{{r|PWN}} on 12–14 May 1926, Piłsudski returned to power in the ], supported by the Polish Socialist Party, ], the ], and the ].{{r|Urbank97_515}} Piłsudski had hoped for a bloodless coup but the government had refused to surrender;{{r|Suleja04_343}} 215 soldiers and 164 civilians had been killed, and over 900 persons had been wounded.{{sfn|Roszkowski|1992|loc= p. 53, section 5.1}}
	]".]]
	In the wake of the ] and of a series of escalating battles which resulted in the Poles advancing eastward, on 21 April 1920, ] Piłsudski (as his rank had been since March 1920) signed a military alliance (the ]) with Ukrainian leader ] to conduct joint operations against ]. The goal of the Polish-Ukrainian treaty was to establish an independent Ukraine in alliance with Poland.<ref name="Davies_WERS-99-103pl"/> In return, Petliura gave up Ukrainian claims to ], for which he was denounced by eastern-Galician Ukrainian leaders.<ref name="Cienciala"/>
			==In government==
	The Polish and Ukrainian armies, under Piłsudski's command, launched the ] against the Russian forces in Ukraine. On 7 May 1920, with remarkably little fighting, they captured ].<ref name="Davies_WERS"/>
			] Palace, Warsaw, Piłsudski's official residence during his years in power]]On 31 May 1926, the Sejm elected Piłsudski president of the Republic, but Piłsudski refused the office due to the presidency's limited powers. Another of his old friends, ], was elected in his stead. Mościcki then appointed Piłsudski as ] (defence minister), a post he held for the rest of his life through eleven successive governments, two of which he headed from 1926 to 1928 and for a brief period in 1930. He also served as ] and Chairman of the War Council.{{r|PolandGov}}
	] ''(right)'', 1920, during Polish-Soviet War]]
	The Bolshevik leadership framed the Polish actions as an invasion; in response, thousands of officers and deserters joined the army, and thousands of civilians volunteered for war work.<ref>], p. 699. "Within weeks of Brusilov's appointment, 14,000 officers had joined the army to fight the Poles, thousands of civilians had volunteered for war-work, and well over 100,000 deserters had returned to the Red Army on the Western Front."</ref> The Soviets launched a counter-offensive from ] and ]ed in Ukraine, advancing into Poland<ref name="Davies_WERS"/> in a drive toward Germany to encourage the ] in its struggle to take power. Soviet confidence soared.<ref name="LeninSpeach"/> The Soviets announced their plans to invade western Europe; Soviet communist theoretician ], writing in '']'', hoped for the resources to carry the campaign beyond Warsaw "straight to London and Paris".<ref name="Cohen"/> Soviet General ]'s order of the day for 2 July 1920, read: "To the West! Over the corpse of White Poland lies the road to worldwide conflagration. March upon ], ], Warsaw!"<ref name="Lawrynowicz"/> and "onward to Berlin over the corpse of Poland!"<ref name="Cienciala"/>
			Piłsudski had no plans for major reforms; he quickly distanced himself from the most radical of his left-wing supporters and declared that his coup was to be a "revolution without revolutionary consequences".{{r|PWN}} His goals were to stabilize the country, reduce the influence of political parties (which he blamed for corruption and inefficiency) and strengthen the army.{{r|PWN|Urbank97_528–9}} His role in the Polish government over the subsequent years has been called a dictatorship or a "quasi-dictatorship".{{sfn|Biskupski|2012|p=46}}
	On 1 July 1920, in view of the rapidly advancing Soviet offensive, Poland's parliament, the '']'', formed a ]. It was chaired by Piłsudski and was to provide expeditious decision-making and temporarily supplant the fractious ].<ref name="Urb 341–346 and 357–358"/> The ], however, contended that the string of Bolshevik victories had been Piłsudski's fault<ref name="Suleja265"/> and demanded that he resign; some even accused him of treason.<ref name="Urb 341–346"/> Their 19 July failure to carry a ] in the council led to ]'s withdrawal from it.<ref name="Urb 341–346"/> On 12 August Piłsudski tendered his resignation to Prime Minister ], offering to be the scapegoat if the military solution failed, but Witos refused to accept his resignation.<ref name="Urb 341–346"/> The ] pressured Poland to surrender and enter into negotiations with the Bolsheviks. Piłsudski, however, was a staunch advocate of continuing the fight.<ref name="Urb 341–346"/> As ] noted, at that time, especially abroad, "Piłsudski had nothing of his later prestige. As a pre-war revolutionary he led his party to splits and quarrels; as a general in World War I he led his legions to internment and disbanding; as a marshal of the Polish Army he led it to Kiev and Vilnius, both now lost to Poles. He left the Polish Socialist Party and his Austro-German allies; refused to ally himself with Entente. In France and England he was considered a treasonous ally who leads Poland into destruction; in Russia he was seen as a false servant of the allies, who will lead imperialism to ruin. All&nbsp;– from ] to ], from '']'' to '']''&nbsp;– considered him a military and political failure. In August 1920 all were in agreement that his catastrophic career will be crowned with the fall of Warsaw."<ref name="Davies_WERS229"/>
	]'' (''Kasztanka'')]]
	Yet over the next few weeks, Poland's risky, unconventional strategy at the August 1920 ] halted the Soviet advance.<ref name="Davies_WERS"/> The Polish plan was developed by Piłsudski and others, including ].<ref name="Eric"/> Later, some supporters of Piłsudski would seek to portray him as the sole author of the Polish strategy, while opponents would seek to minimize his role.<ref name="Nobel"/> In the West for a long time a myth persisted that it was General ] of the ] who had saved Poland; modern scholars, however, are in agreement that Weygand's role was minimal at best.<ref name="Cienciala"/><ref name="Nobel"/><ref name="Szczep"/>
			===Internal politics===
	Piłsudski's plan called for Polish forces to withdraw across the ] and defend the bridgeheads at Warsaw and on the ], while some 25% of available ] concentrated to the south for a strategic counter-offensive. The plan next required two armies under General ], facing Soviet frontal attack on Warsaw from the east, to hold their ] positions at all costs. At the same time, an army under General ] was to strike north from outside Warsaw, cutting off Soviet forces that sought to envelope the Polish capital from that direction. The most important role, however, was assigned to a relatively small, approximately 20,000-man, newly assembled "Reserve Army" (also known as the "Strike Group", "''Grupa Uderzeniowa''"), comprising the most determined, battle-hardened Polish units and commanded personally by Piłsudski. Their task was to spearhead a lightning northward offensive, from the Vistula-Wieprz triangle south of Warsaw, through a weak spot identified by Polish intelligence between the Soviet Western and Southwestern ]. That offensive would separate the Soviet Western Front from its reserves and disorganize its movements. Eventually, the gap between Sikorski's army and the "Strike Group" would close near the ]n border, bringing about the destruction of the encircled Soviet forces.<ref name="Cisek"/><ref name="Urb 346–441"/>
			Piłsudski's coup entailed sweeping limitations on parliamentary government, as his ] government (1926–1939), at times employing authoritarian methods, sought to curb perceived corruption and incompetence of the parliament rule, and in Piłsudski's words, restore "moral health" to public life (hence the name of his faction, "Sanation", which could be understood as "moral purification").<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Biskupski|first1=M. B. B.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I-ySkJHOQsIC&dq=Pilsudski+%22moral+health%22&pg=PA145|title=The Origins of Modern Polish Democracy|last2=Pula|first2=James S.|last3=Wróbel|first3=Piotr J.|date=15 April 2010|publisher=Ohio University Press|isbn=978-0-8214-4309-5|pages=145|language=en}}</ref><ref name="BEIPCQ" /><ref name="FMBALNPLPSC" /><ref name="TFARPRP" /> From 1928, the Sanation government was represented by the '']'' (BBWR).<ref name="BEIPCQ" /><ref name="FMBALNPLPSC" /><ref name="TFARPRP" /> Popular support and an effective propaganda apparatus allowed Piłsudski to maintain his authoritarian powers, which could not be overruled either by the president, who was appointed by Piłsudski, or by the Sejm.{{r|PolandGov}} The powers of the Sejm were curtailed by ] that were introduced soon after the coup, on 2 August 1926.{{r|PolandGov}} From 1926 to 1930, Piłsudski relied chiefly on propaganda to weaken the influence of opposition leaders.{{r|PWN}}
			The culmination of his dictatorial and supralegal policies came in the 1930s, with the imprisonment and trial of political opponents (the ]s) on the eve of the ] and with the 1934 establishment of the ] for political prisoners in present-day ],{{r|PWN}} where some prisoners were brutally mistreated.{{r|Śleszyński03}} After the BBWR's 1930 victory, Piłsudski allowed most internal matters to be decided by ] while he concentrated on military and foreign affairs.{{r|PWN}} His treatment of political opponents and their 1930 arrest and imprisonment was internationally condemned and the events damaged Poland's reputation.{{r|Biskupski2000}}
	At the time Piłsudski's plan was strongly criticized, and only the desperate situation of the Polish forces persuaded other commanders to go along with it. Though based on reliable intelligence, including ] Soviet radio communications, the plan was termed "amateurish" by high-ranking army officers and military experts who were quick to point out Piłsudski's lack of formal military education. When a copy of the plan fell into Soviet hands, Soviet commander ] thought it a ruse and disregarded it.<ref name="Davies_WERS_197"/> Days later, the Soviets paid dearly for this when, during the ], the overconfident ] suffered one of its greatest defeats ever.<ref name="Davies_WERS"/><ref name="Urb 346–441"/>
			], daughters, 1928]]
			Piłsudski became increasingly disillusioned with democracy in Poland.{{r|CohenY89_65}} His intemperate public utterances (he called the Sejm a "prostitute") and his sending of 90 armed officers into the Sejm building in response to an impending ] caused concern in contemporary and modern observers who have seen his actions as setting precedents for authoritarian responses to political challenges.{{r|Times7Apr1930|Times11Nov1929|NYT12091993_Perlez}} He sought to transform the ] into a ]; however, he opposed the introduction of ].{{r|PWN}} The adoption of a new Polish constitution in April 1935 was tailored by Piłsudski's supporters to his specifications, providing for a strong presidency; but the ] served Poland until World War II, and carried its ] until the end of the war and beyond. Piłsudski's government depended more on his ] than on ].{{r|PWN}} None of his followers could claim to be his legitimate heir, and after his death the ] structure would quickly fracture, returning Poland to the pre-Piłsudski era of parliamentary political contention.{{r|PWN}}
			], commemorating 250th anniversary of victorious ].]]
			Piłsudski's government began a period of national stabilization and of improvement in the situation of ], which formed about a third of the Second Republic's population.{{r|Stachura04_79|ColuEncyclPoland}} Piłsudski replaced the ]' "]" with a "state-assimilation" policy: citizens were judged not by their ethnicity but by their loyalty to the state.{{r|Snyder04_144|Zimm04_166}} Widely recognized for his opposition to the National Democrats' anti-Semitic policies,{{r|Vital99_788|Payne95_141|Lieven94_163|Engelking01_75|Flannery05_200|Zimm03_19}} he extended his policy of "state-assimilation" to ].{{r|Snyder04_144|Zimm04_166|Prizel98_61|Wein90_292}} The years 1926 to 1935 and Piłsudski himself were favorably viewed by many Polish Jews whose situation improved especially under Piłsudski-appointed Prime Minister ].{{r|Cieplinski02|Paulsson03_37}} Many Jews saw Piłsudski as their only hope for restraining antisemitic currents in Poland and for maintaining public order; he was seen as a guarantor of stability and a friend of the Jewish people, who voted for him and actively participated in his political bloc.{{r|Snyder07_66}} Piłsudski's death in 1935 brought a deterioration in the quality of life of Poland's Jews.{{r|Zimm03_19}}
	A ] '']'' deputy, ], coined the phrase, "Miracle at the Vistula" ("''Cud nad Wisłą''"),<ref name="Głos">{{cite journal|last=Frątczak|first=Sławomir Z.|language=Polish|url=http://www.glos.com.pl/Archiwum_nowe/Rok+2005/032/strona/Cud.html |journal=]|issue=32/2005|year=2005|title=Cud nad Wisłą|accessdate=26 June 2009 |archiveurl = http://web.archive.org/web/20070708173639/http://www.glos.com.pl/Archiwum_nowe/Rok+2005/032/strona/Cud.html |archivedate = 8 July 2007}}</ref> to express his disapproval of Piłsudski's "Ukrainian adventure". Stroński's phrase was adopted as praise for Piłsudski by some patriotically or piously minded Poles, who were unaware of Stroński's ironic intent. A junior member of the French military mission, ], would later adopt some lessons from the Polish-Soviet War as well as from Piłsudski's career.<ref name="Urb 346–441"/><ref name="Davies_E"/>
			During the 1930s, a combination of developments, from the ]{{r|Snyder04_144}} to the ] of '']'' terrorist attacks and government pacifications, caused government relations with the national minorities to deteriorate.{{r|Snyder04_144}}{{sfn|Davies|2005|loc=p. 407 (1982 ed. Columbia Univ. Press)}} Unrest among national minorities was also related to foreign policy. Troubles followed repressions in the largely-Ukrainian eastern Galicia, where nearly 1,800 persons were arrested. Tension also arose between the government and Poland's German minority, particularly in ]. The government did not yield to calls for antisemitic measures, but the Jews (8.6% of Poland's population) grew discontented for economic reasons that were connected with the Depression. By the end of Piłsudski's life, his government's relations with national minorities were increasingly problematic.{{sfn|Leslie|1983|p=182}}
	In February 1921 Piłsudski visited Paris, where in negotiations with French president ] he laid the foundations for the ] that would be signed later that year.<ref name="Urb 484"/> The ], which ended the Polish-Soviet War in March 1921, partitioned ] and ] between Poland and Russia. Piłsudski called the treaty an "act of cowardice".<ref name="Davies_GP2-399"/> The treaty, and Piłsudski-approved General ]'s ] from the Lithuanians, marked an end to this incarnation of Piłsudski's federalist '']'' plan.<ref name="PWN"/>
			In the military sphere, Piłsudski was praised for his plan at the Battle of Warsaw in 1920, but was criticized for subsequently concentrating on personnel management and neglecting modernization of military strategy and equipment.{{r|PWN|Garlicki195_178}} According to his detractors, his experiences in World War I and the Polish-Soviet War led him to over-estimate the importance of cavalry, and to neglect the development of armor and air forces.{{r|Garlicki195_178}} His supporters, on the other hand, contend that, particularly from the late 1920s, he supported the development of these military branches.{{r|Urbank97_2_330-7}} Modern historians concluded that the limitations on Poland's military modernization in this period was less doctrinal than financial.<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Zaloga|first1=Steve|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L1EpAQAAMAAJ&q=%22+financial+rather+than+doctrinal%22|title=The Polish Campaign, 1939|last2=Madej|first2=W. Victor|date=1990|publisher=Hippocrene Books|isbn=978-0-87052-013-6|pages=11|language=en}}</ref>
	On 25 September 1921, when Piłsudski visited Lwów (now ]) for the opening of the first ] (''Targi Wschodnie''), he was the target of an unsuccessful assassination attempt by ], acting on behalf of Ukrainian-independence organizations, including the ].<ref name="Urb 485"/>
	===Retirement and coup===		===Foreign policy===
			], Piłsudski, ] and ], Polish Foreign minister, in ] on 15 June 1934, five months after the ]]]Piłsudski sought to maintain his country's independence in the international arena. Assisted by his protégé, Foreign Minister ], he sought support for Poland in alliances with western powers, such as France and Britain, and with friendly neighbors such as Romania and Hungary.{{r|Urbank97_539–40}} A supporter of the Franco-Polish Military Alliance and the ], part of the ], Piłsudski was disappointed by the policy of ] pursued by the French and British governments, evident in their signing of the ].{{r|Prizel98_71|Lukacs01_30|Jordan02_23}} The Locarno treaties were intended by the British government to ensure a peaceful handover of the territories claimed by Germany such as the ], the ], and the ] (modern ], Poland) by improving Franco-German relations to such extent that France would dissolve its alliances in eastern Europe.{{sfn|Schuker|1999|p=48-49}} Piłsudski aimed to maintain good relations with the Soviet Union and Germany,{{r|Prizel98_71|Lukacs01_30|Jordan02_23}} and relations with Germany and the ] during Piłsudski's tenure could, for the most part, be described as neutral.{{r|Prizel98_71|Urbank97_538-40}} Under Piłsudski, Poland maintained good relations with neighboring ], Hungary and ], but were strained with ], and worse with ].{{sfn|Goldstein|2002|p=29}}
	], Chief of State Piłsudski (''left'') transferred his powers to President-elect ] (''right''). Two days later, the President was assassinated.]]
	After the Polish ] severely limited the powers of the ] (intentionally, to prevent a President Piłsudski from waging war), Piłsudski declined to run for the office.<ref name="PWN"/> On 9 December 1922 the Polish ] elected ] of ]; his election, opposed by the right-wing parties, caused public unrest.<ref name="Urb 487-488"/> On 14 December at the ], Piłsudski officially transferred his powers as Chief of State to his friend Narutowicz; the ''Naczelnik'' was replaced by the President.<ref name="Urb 488"/><ref>{{cite encyclopedia
	|encyclopedia=]
	|title=Piłsudski, Józef (Klemens)
	|edition=15th
	|year=2005
	|volume=9
	|page=445
	}}</ref>
	], 3 July 1923, Piłsudski announced his retirement from active politics.]]
	Two days later, on 16 December 1922, Narutowicz was shot dead by a right-wing painter and art critic, ], who had originally wanted to kill Piłsudski but had changed his target, influenced by ] anti-Narutowicz propaganda.<ref name="Urb 489"/>
			A recurring fear of Piłsudski was that France would reach an agreement with Germany at the expense of Poland. In 1929, the French agreed to pull out of the Rhineland in 1930, five years earlier than the Treaty of Versailles specified. The same year, the French announced plans for the ] along the border with Germany, and construction of the Maginot line began in 1930. The Maginot line was a tacit French admission that Germany would be rearming beyond the limits set by the Treaty of Versailles in the near-future and that France intended to pursue a defensive strategy.{{sfn|Young|1996|p=19-21}} At the time Poland signed the alliance with France in 1921, the French were occupying the Rhineland and Polish plans for a possible war with ''Reich'' were based on the assumption of a French offensive into the north German plain from their bases in the Rhineland. The French pullout from the Rhineland and a shift to a defensive strategy as epitomized by the Maginot line completely upset the entire basis of Polish foreign and defense policy.{{sfn|Young|1996|p=21}}
	For Piłsudski this was a major shock, shaking his belief that Poland could function as a democracy<ref name="Suleja300"/> and making him favor government by a strong hand.<ref>], p. 140.</ref> He became ] and, together with ] ], managed to stabilize the situation, quelling unrest with a brief ].<ref name="Urb 489–490"/>
			In June 1932, just before the ] opened, Piłsudski heard reports that the new German chancellor ] was about to make an offer for a Franco-German alliance to the French Premier Édouard Herriot which would be at the expense of Poland.{{sfn|Wandycz|1988|p=237}} In response, Piłsudski sent the destroyer ] into the harbour of Danzig.{{sfn|Wandycz|1988|p=237}} Though the issue was ostensibly about access rights for the Polish Navy in Danzig, the real purpose of sending ''Wircher'' was as a way to warn Herriot not to disadvantage Poland in a deal with Papen.{{sfn|Wandycz|1988|p=237}} The ensuring ] sent the desired message to the French and improved the Polish Navy's access rights to Danzig.{{sfn|Wandycz|1988|p=237}}
	] of ] (PSL Piast), another of Piłsudski's old colleagues, was elected the new president, and ], also of PSL Piast, became prime minister. But the new government—pursuant to the ], an alliance among the centrist PSL Piast and the right-wing ] and ] parties—contained right-wing enemies of Piłsudski, people whom he held morally responsible for Narutowicz's death and with whom he found it impossible to work .<ref name="Urb 490–491"/> On 30 May 1923, Piłsudski resigned as Chief of the General Staff.
	] house, with his former soldiers, before the 1926 coup]]
	After General ] proposed that the military should be more closely supervised by civilian authorities, Piłsudski criticized this as an attempt to politicize the army, and on 28 June he resigned his last political appointment. The same day, the Sejm's left-wing deputies voted a resolution thanking him for his past work.<ref name="Urb 490"/> Piłsudski went into retirement in ], outside Warsaw, at his country manor, ''"Milusin"'', which had been presented to him by his former soldiers.<ref>], p. 210.</ref> There he settled down to supporting his family by writing a series of political and military memoirs, including ''Rok 1920'' (The Year 1920).<ref name="Poland.gov"/>
			Poland signed the ] in 1932.{{r|Urbank97_539–40}} Critics of the pact state that it allowed Stalin to eliminate his socialist opponents, primarily in Ukraine. The pacts were supported by advocates of Piłsudski's ] programme.{{sfn|Charaszkiewicz|2000|p=64}} After ] ] in Germany in January 1933, Piłsudski is rumored to have proposed to France a ] against Germany.{{r|Urbank97_2_317-26}} Lack of French enthusiasm may have been a reason for Poland signing the ] in 1934.{{r|EBritannica_JP|Urbank97_539–40}}<ref name="TT_NGP"/><ref name="GQH"/> Little evidence has, however, been found in French or Polish diplomatic archives that such a proposal for preventive war was ever actually advanced.<ref name="Bel"/> Critics of Poland's pact with Germany accused Piłsudski of underestimating Hitler's aggressiveness,{{r|Hehn05_76}} and giving Germany time to re-arm.{{sfn|Kershaw|2001|p=237}}{{r|Davidson04_25}} Hitler repeatedly suggested a German-Polish alliance against the Soviet Union, but Piłsudski declined, instead seeking precious time to prepare for a potential war with either Germany or the Soviet Union. Just before his death, Piłsudski told ] that it must be Poland's policy to maintain neutral relations with Germany, keep up the Polish alliance with France and improve relations with the United Kingdom.{{r|Urbank97_539–40}} The two non-aggression pacts were intended to strengthen Poland's position in the eyes of its allies and neighbors.{{r|PolandGov}} Piłsudski was probably aware of the weakness of the pacts, stating: "Having these pacts, we are straddling two stools. This cannot last long. We have to know from which stool we will tumble first, and when that will be".{{r|Kipp93_95}}
	] during the ]. At right is General ].]]
	Meanwhile Poland's economy was in shambles. ] fueled public unrest, and the government was unable to find a quick solution to the mounting unemployment and economic crisis.<ref name="Urb 502"/> Piłsudski's allies and supporters repeatedly asked him to return to politics, and he began to create a new power base, centered around former members of the ] and the ] as well as some left-wing and ] parties. In 1925, after several governments had resigned in short order and the political scene was becoming increasingly chaotic, Piłsudski became more and more critical of the government, eventually issuing statements demanding the resignation of the Witos cabinet.<ref name="Poland.gov"/><ref name="PWN"/>
			===Economic policy===
	When the ] coalition, which Piłsudski had strongly criticized, formed a new government,<ref name="PWN"/> on 12–14 May 1926, Piłsudski returned to power in a ''coup d'état'' (the ]), supported by the Polish Socialist Party, ], the ], and even the ].<ref name="Urb 515"/> Piłsudski had hoped for a bloodless coup, but the government had refused to back down;<ref name="Suleja343"/> 215 soldiers and 164 civilians had been killed, and over 900 persons had been wounded.<ref>], p. 53, section 5.1.</ref>
			Despite coming from a socialist background and initially implementing socialist reforms, Piłsudski's government followed the conservative free-market economic tradition of the ] throughout its existence. Poland had one of the lowest taxation rates in Europe, with 9.3% of taxes as a distribution of national income. Piłsudski's government was also heavily dependent on foreign investments and economies, with 45.4% of Polish equity capital controlled by foreign corporations. After the ], the Polish economy crumbled and failed to recover until ]'s government introduced economic reforms with more government interventions with an increase in tax revenues and public spending after Piłsudski's death. These interventionist policies saw Poland's economy recover from the recession until the USSR and the German invasion of Poland in 1939.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Dadak |first=Casimir |date=May 2012 |title=National Heritage and Economic Policies in Free and Sovereign Poland after 1918 |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/contemporary-european-history/article/abs/national-heritage-and-economic-policies-in-free-and-sovereign-poland-after-1918/B65FA110EF9020504F284BB52EB5B907 |journal=Contemporary European History |language=en |volume=21 |issue=2 |pages=193–214 |doi=10.1017/S0960777312000112 |s2cid=161683968 |issn=1469-2171}}</ref>
			==Religious views==
	On 31 May the '']'' elected Piłsudski president of the Republic. Piłsudski, however, aware of the presidency's limited powers, refused the office. Another of his old friends, ], was elected in his stead. Piłsudski's formal offices—apart from two terms as prime minister in 1926–28 and 1930—would for the most part remain limited to those of ], ], and Chairman of The War Council.<ref name="Poland.gov"/>
			Piłsudski's religious views are a matter of debate. He was baptised Roman Catholic on 15 December 1867 in the church of Powiewiórka (then ] deanery). His godparents were Joseph and Constance Martsinkovsky Ragalskaya.<ref></ref> On 15 July 1899, at the village of Paproć Duża, near ], he married ], a divorcée. As the ] did not recognise divorces, she and Piłsudski had converted to ].<ref>Andrzej Garlicki, ''Józef Piłsudski: 1867–1935'', ], ], 1988, {{ISBN|8307017157}}, pp. 63–64.</ref> Pilsudski later returned to the Catholic Church to marry ]. Piłsudski and Aleksandra could not get married as Piłsudski's wife Maria refused to divorce him. It was only after Maria's death in 1921 that they were married, on 25 October that year.<ref>Adviser Daria and Thomas, ''Jozef Pilsudski: Legends and Facts'', Warsaw 1987, {{ISBN|83-203-1967-6}}, p. 132.]</ref><ref>Suleja Vladimir, ''Jozef Pilsudski'', Wroclaw – Warsaw – Kraków 2005, {{ISBN|83-04-04706-3}}, pp. 290.</ref>
			==Death==
	===After the coup===
			]
	Piłsudski had no plans for major reforms; he quickly distanced himself from the most radical of his left-wing supporters, declaring that his coup was to be a "revolution without revolutionary consequences".<ref name="PWN"/> His goals were to stabilize the country, reduce the influence of political parties, which he blamed for corruption and inefficiency, and strengthen the army.<ref name="PWN"/><ref name="Urb 528–529"/> His role in the Polish government over the subsequent years has been called a "dictatorship" by some sources or a "quasi-dictatorship".<ref name="Biskupski">{{cite book | title=Independence Day: Myth, Symbol, and the Creation of Modern Poland | publisher=Oxford University Press | author=Biskupski, M. M. | year=2012 | pages=46}}</ref>
			By 1935, unbeknown to the public, Piłsudski had for several years been in declining health. On 12 May 1935, he died of ] at Warsaw's ] Palace. The celebration of his life began spontaneously within half an hour of the announcement of his death.{{sfn|Drozdowski|Szwankowska|1995|p=5}} It was led by military personnel – former ], members of the ], veterans of the wars of 1919–21 – and by his political collaborators from his service as Chief of State, and later, Prime Minister and Inspector-General.{{r|DroSzwa95_911}}
			The ] immediately smeared Piłsudski as a "] and ]",{{r|DroSzwa95_911}}{{full citation needed|date=October 2024}}<ref> R. J. Bullen, Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann, A. B. Polonsky, Taylor & Francis, 1984, p. 138</ref>{{full citation needed|date=October 2024}} Other opponents of the Sanation government were more civil; socialists (such as ] and ]) and ] (represented by Ignacy Paderewski, ] and ]) expressed condolences. The peasant parties split in their reactions. ] voiced criticism of Piłsudski. In contrast, ] and ] were supportive, while ]'s ] expressed a toned-down criticism.{{r|DroSzwa95_911}}{{full citation needed|date=October 2024}}
	====Internal politics====
	], Warsaw, Piłsudski's official residence during his years in power]]		] coin showing Piłsudski]]
			Condolences were officially expressed by senior clergy, including ] and ], ]. The Pope called himself a "personal friend" of Piłsudski. Notable appreciation for Piłsudski was expressed by Poland's ethnic and religious minorities. ], ], Protestant, Jewish, and Islamic organizations expressed condolences, praising Piłsudski for his policies of religious tolerance.{{r|DroSzwa95_911}} His death was a shock to members of the Jewish minority amongst which he was respected for his lack of prejudice and vocal opposition to the Endecja.<ref name="Marcus2011">{{cite book|author=Joseph Marcus|title=Social and Political History of the Jews in Poland 1919–1939|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oEfDKjjX5AEC&pg=PA349|date=18 October 2011|publisher=Walter de Gruyter|isbn=978-3-11-083868-8|page=349}}</ref><ref name="Woznica2008">{{cite book|author=Aviva Woznica|title=Fire Unextinguished|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4YOMAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA37|date=11 April 2008|publisher=Xlibris Corporation|isbn=978-1-4691-0600-7|page=37}}</ref> Mainstream organizations of ethnic minorities similarly expressed their support for his policies of ethnic tolerance, though he was still criticized by Ukrainian, German, Lithuanian activists and Jewish supporters of the ].{{r|DroSzwa95_911}}
			On the international scene, Pope Pius XI held a special ceremony on 18 May in the ], a commemoration was conducted at ] ] headquarters, and dozens of messages of condolence arrived in Poland from ] across the world, including Germany's Adolf Hitler, the Soviet Union's ], Italy's ] and King ], France's ] and ], Austria's ], Japan's Emperor ], and Britain's King ].{{r|DroSzwa95_911}} In Berlin, a service for Piłsudski was ordered by Adolf Hitler. This was the only time that Hitler attended a ] as a leader of the Third Reich and probably one of the last times when he was in a church.<ref name="auto">{{Cite web|url=https://rarehistoricalphotos.com/adolf-hitler-memorial-pilsudski-1935/|title=Adolf Hitler attending memorial service of the Polish First Marshall Jozef Pilsudski in Berlin, 1935 – Rare Historical Photos|date=3 December 2013}}</ref>
			=== Funeral ===
	In internal politics, Piłsudski's coup entailed sweeping limitations on parliamentary government, as his ] regime (1926–1939) — at times employing authoritarian methods — sought to "restore public life to moral health". From 1928 the Sanation authorities were represented in the sphere of practical politics by the ] (''BBWR''). Popular support and an effective propaganda apparatus allowed Piłsudski to maintain his authoritarian powers, which could not be overruled by the president, who was appointed by Piłsudski, nor by the '']''.<ref name="Poland.gov"/> The powers of the ''Sejm'' were curtailed by ] introduced soon after the coup, on 2 August 1926.<ref name="Poland.gov"/> From 1926 to 1930, Piłsudski relied chiefly on propaganda to weaken the influence of opposition leaders.<ref name="PWN"/>
			] Street in Warsaw]]
			State funeral ceremonies for Piłsudski was held in Warsaw and ] between 15 and 18 May 1935, including official ] and funeral processions in both cities. A ] toured Poland before the remains of Piłsudski were laid to rest at ].<ref>], .</ref> A series of postcards, stamps and postmarks were also released to commemorate the event. The nation-wide ceremonies were accompanied by extensive media coverage and reflected the ] of Piłsudski. The final funeral procession in Krakow on 18 May, with an estimated 300,000 participants and official representatives from 16 foreign states, constituted the largest public funeral in Poland's history.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Kowalski |first=Waldemar |date=2017 |title=Piłsudski pośród królów - droga marszałka na Wawel |url=https://dzieje.pl/artykulyhistoryczne/pilsudski-posrod-krolow-droga-marszalka-na-wawel |access-date=7 January 2023 |website=dzieje.pl Portal Historyczny |publisher=Polish Press Agency |language=pl}}</ref> Separate funeral ceremonies were held for the burial of his brain, which Piłsudski had willed for study to ], and his heart, which was interred in his mother's grave at Vilnius's ].{{r|PolandGov}}{{sfn|Watt|1979|p=338}}
			In 1937, after a two-year display at ] in ]'s ], Piłsudski's remains were transferred to the cathedral's Crypt under the Silver Bells. The decision, made by his long-standing adversary ], then ], incited widespread protests that included calls for Sapieha's removal, setting off a series of clashes between the representatives of the Polish Catholic Church and the Polish government in what has come to be known as "konflikt wawelski" ("Wawel conflict"). Despite heavy and protracted criticism, Sapieha never allowed Piłsudski's coffin to be transferred back to St. Leonard's Crypt.<ref name="Crowds urge Poland to banish Archbishop; Pilsudski Legionnaires also Assail Catholic Church on the Removal of Marshal's Body" />{{sfn|Lerski|1996|loc=}}
	The culmination of his dictatorial and supralegal policies came in the 1930s with the imprisonment and trial of certain political opponents (the ]s) on the eve of the 1930 ], and with the 1934 establishment of a ] for political prisoners at Bereza Kartuska (today ]),<ref name="PWN"/> where some prisoners were brutally mistreated.<ref>
	{{cite web
	|last=Śleszyński
	|first=Wojciech
	|language=Polish
	|work=Białoruskie Zeszyty Historyczne nr 20
	|archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20050325004142/http://kamunikat.net.iig.pl/www/czasopisy/bzh/20/15.htm
	|archivedate=25 March 2005
	|url=http://kamunikat.net.iig.pl/www/czasopisy/bzh/20/15.htm
	|title=Aspekty prawne utworzenia obozu odosobnienia w Berezie Kartuskiej i reakcje środowisk politycznych. Wybór materiałów i dokumentów 1}} Published in Беларускі Гістарычны Зборнік no. 20 (Belarusian history journal).</ref> After the '']'''s 1930 victory, Piłsudski left most internal matters in the hands of ], while he himself concentrated on military and foreign affairs.<ref name="PWN"/> He came under considerable criticism for his treatment of political opponents, and their 1930 arrest and imprisonment was internationally condemned and damaged Poland's reputation.<ref name="Britannica"/><ref name="Biskupski" />
	], in later life]]
	Piłsudski became increasingly disillusioned with democracy in Poland.<ref name="Cohen2"/> His intemperate public utterances — he called the '']'' a "prostitute" – and his sending ninety armed officers into the ''Sejm'' building in response to an impending ], caused concern in contemporary and modern-day observers who have seen his actions as setting precedents for authoritarian responses to political challenges.<ref name="Pilsudski Bros."/><ref name="Pilsudski v. Daszynski"/><ref name="Visions of the Past Are Competing for Votes in Poland"/>
	One of Piłsudski's main goals was to transform the ] into a ]; however, he opposed the introduction of ].<ref name="PWN"/> The adoption of a new Polish constitution in April 1935, tailored by Piłsudski's supporters to his specifications — providing for a strong presidency — came too late for Piłsudski to seek that office; but the ] would serve Poland up to the outbreak of World War II and would carry its ] through to the end of the war and beyond.
	Nonetheless, Piłsudski's government depended more on his ] than on ].<ref name="PWN"/> None of his followers could claim to be his legitimate heir, and after his death the ] structure would quickly fracture, returning Poland to the pre-Piłsudski era of parliamentary political contention.<ref name="PWN"/>
	] in commemoration of the 250th anniversary of ]]]
	Piłsudski's regime began a period of national stabilization and of improvement in the situation of ], which formed about a third of the Second Republic's population.<ref name="Britannica" /><ref>], .</ref><ref name="Columbia"/><ref name="Electronicmuseum"/> Piłsudski replaced the ]' "]" with a "state-assimilation" policy: citizens were judged not by their ethnicity but by their loyalty to the state.<ref name="Snyder"/><ref name="Zim166"/> Widely recognized for his opposition to the National Democrats antisemitic policies,<ref>David Vital. Oxford University Press, 1999.</ref><ref>Stanley G. Payne, ''A History of Fascism, 1914–1945'', ], 1995, ISBN 978-0-299-14874-4, </ref><ref>Anatol Lieven, ''The Baltic Revolution: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Path to Independence'', Yale University Press, 1993, ISBN 978-0-300-06078-2, </ref><ref>Barbara Engelking-Boni, Barbara Engelking, Gunnar S. Paulsson, Emma Harris, ''Holocaust and Memory: The Experience of the Holocaust and Its Consequences: an Investigation Based on Personal Narratives'', Continuum International Publishing Group, 2001, ISBN 978-0-7185-0159-4, </ref><ref>Edward H. Flannery, ''The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-Three Centuries of Antisemitism'', Paulist Press, 2005, ISBN 978-0-8091-4324-5, </ref><ref name="Zim19"/> he extended his policy of "state-assimilation" to ].<ref name="Snyder"/><ref name="Zim166"/><ref name="National Identity and Foreign Policy"/><ref>Beryl Wein. Mesorah Publications, 1990.</ref> The years 1926–35, and Piłsudski himself, were favorably viewed by many ] whose situation improved especially under Piłsudski-appointed Prime Minister ].<ref name="Cieplinski"/><ref>], .</ref> Many Jews saw Piłsudski as their only hope for restraining antisemitic currents in Poland and for maintaining public order; he was seen as a guarantor of stability and a friend of the Jewish people, who voted for him and actively participated in his political bloc.<ref> by Timothy Snyder, Yale University Press, p. 66</ref> Piłsudski's death in 1935 brought a deterioration in the quality of life of Poland's Jews.<ref name="Zim19"/>
	During the 1930s, a combination of developments, from the ]<ref name="Snyder"/> to the ] of '']'' terrorist attacks and government pacifications, caused government relations with the national minorities to deteriorate.<ref name="Snyder"/><ref name="Davies_GP2-407"/> Unrest among national minorities was also related to foreign policy. Troubles followed repressions in largely Ukrainian-populated eastern Galicia, where nearly 1,800 persons were arrested. Tension also arose between the government and Poland's German minority, particularly in ]. The government did not yield to calls for antisemitic measures; but the Jews (8.6% of Poland's population) grew discontented for economic reasons that were connected with the depression. Overall, by the end of Piłsudski's life, his government's relations with national minorities were increasingly problematic.<ref>], p. 182.</ref>
	In the military sphere, Piłsudski, who had shown himself an accomplished military strategist in engineering the "]", has been criticized by some for subsequently concentrating on personnel management and allegedly neglecting modernization of military strategy and equipment.<ref name="PWN"/><ref name="Garlicki178"/> His experiences in the Polish-Soviet War (1919–21) may have led him to overestimate the importance of cavalry and to neglect the development of armored and air forces.<ref name="Garlicki178"/> Others, however, contend that, particularly from the late 1920s, he did support the development of these military branches.<ref name="Urb 330–337-2"/> The limitations on Poland's military modernization in this period may have been less doctrinal than financial.
	====Foreign policy====
	], 1928]]
	Under Piłsudski, Poland maintained good relations with neighboring ], Hungary and ]. Relations were strained with ], however, and were still worse with ].<ref name="Goldstein-29"/> Relations with ] and the ] varied over time, but during Piłsudski's tenure could for the most part be described as neutral.<ref name="Urb 538"/><ref name="Ilya Prizel"/><ref name="Urb 539–540"/>
	Piłsudski's ] program, designed to weaken the Russian Empire and its ], the ], by supporting nationalist independence movements of major non-Russian peoples dwelling in Russia and the Soviet Union, was coordinated from 1927 to the 1939 outbreak of World War II in Europe by the ] officer, ]. In the ], the Prometheist movement yielded few tangible results.<ref name="Char"/>
	], Piłsudski, ] and ], Polish Foreign minister, in ] on 15 June 1934, five months after the ].]]
	Piłsudski sought to maintain his country's independence in the international arena. Assisted by his protégé, ] ], he sought support for Poland in alliances with western powers such as France and the United Kingdom, and with friendly, if less powerful, neighbors such as Romania and Hungary.<ref name="Urb 539–540"/>
	A supporter of the Franco-Polish Military Alliance and the ] (part of the ]), Piłsudski was disappointed by the French and British policy of ] evident in those countries' signing of the ].<ref name="Ilya Prizel"/><ref name="JLu"/><ref name="NJ"/> Piłsudski therefore aimed also to maintain good relations with the Soviet Union and Germany; hence Poland signed ]s with both its powerful neighbors: the 1932 ], and the 1934 ].<ref name="Urb 539–540"/> The two treaties were meant to strengthen Poland's position in the eyes of its allies and neighbors.<ref name="Poland.gov"/>
	Piłsudski himself was acutely aware of the shakiness of the pacts, and commented: "Having these pacts, we are straddling two stools. This cannot last long. We have to know from which stool we will tumble first, and when that will be."<ref>], .</ref> Critics of the two non-aggression pacts have accused Piłsudski of underestimating Hitler's aggressiveness<ref>], .</ref> and of giving Germany time to rearm;<ref>].</ref><ref>], .</ref> and of allowing Stalin to eliminate opposition—primarily in Ukraine—that had been supported by Piłsudski's ] program.<ref name="A Cold War in Miniature: The Polish-Soviet Secret War for Ukraine, 1926–1939"/>
	After ] ] in January 1933, Piłsudski is rumored to have proposed to France a ] against Germany. It has been argued that Piłsudski may have been sounding out France regarding possible joint military action against Germany.<ref name="Urb 317–326-2"/> Lack of French interest may have been a reason why Poland signed the ] of January 1934.<ref name="TT_NGP"/><ref name="Urb 539–540"/><ref name="GQH"/><ref name="Encyclopædia Britannica"/> Little evidence has, however, been found in French or Polish diplomatic archives that such a proposal for preventive war was ever actually advanced.<ref name="Bel"/>
	Hitler repeatedly suggested a German-Polish alliance against the Soviet Union, but Piłsudski declined, instead seeking precious time to prepare for potential war with Germany or with the Soviet Union.<ref name="Encyclopædia Britannica"/><ref name="Hildebrand"/>
	Just before his death, Piłsudski told ] that it must be Poland's policy to maintain neutral relations with Germany and keep up the Polish alliance with France, and to improve relations with the United Kingdom.<ref name="Urb 539–540"/>
	===Death===
	], Lithuania. The huge black tombstone is inscribed: "''Matka i serce syna''"<br /> ("The mother and the heart of son") and bears evocative lines from a poem by ].]]
	By 1935, unbeknown to the public, Piłsudski had for several years been in declining health. On 12 May 1935, he died of ] at Warsaw's ]. The celebration of his life had begun spontaneously within half an hour after his death had been announced.<ref name="Pozeg5"/> It was led by military personnel — former ], members of the ], veterans of the wars of 1919–21, and his political collaborators from his time as Chief of State and, later, prime minister and the general inspector.<ref name="Pozeg9–11"/>
	The ] immediately attacked Piłsudski as a fascist and capitalist,<ref name="Pozeg9–11"/> despite the fact that fascists themselves did not see him this way.<ref> R. J. Bullen, Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann, A. B. Polonsky, Taylor & Francis, 1984, p. 138</ref> Other opponents of the ] regime, however, were more civil; socialists (such as ] and ]) and ] (represented by Ignacy Paderewski, ] and ]) expressed condolences. The peasant parties split in their reactions (] voicing criticism of Piłsudski, but ] and ] being supportive), while ]'s ] expressed a toned-down criticism.<ref name="Pozeg9–11"/>
	Condolences were expressed by Polish Catholic clergy — by ] ] — as well as by ], who called himself a "personal friend" of the Marshal.<ref name="Pozeg9–11"/> Notable appreciation for Piłsudski was expressed by Poland's ethnic and religious minorities. ], ], Protestant, ] and Islamic organizations expressed condolences, praising Piłsudski for his policies of religious tolerance.<ref name="Pozeg9–11"/> His death was a shock to members of the Jewish minority, who even years after remembered him as a ''very good man'' who ''protected Jews''.<ref name="Dov Weissberg, I remember, page 116"/><ref name="Interview with Holocaust survivor Cyla Wiener"/>
	Mainstream organizations of ethnic minorities similarly expressed their support for his policies of ethnic tolerance, though he was criticized by, in addition to the Polish communists, by the ], and by Ukrainian, German and Lithuanian extremists.<ref name="Pozeg9–11"/>
	On the international scene, Pope Pius XI held a special ceremony 18 May in the ], a commemoration was conducted at ] ] headquarters, and dozens of messages of condolence arrived in Poland from ] across the world, including Germany's Adolf Hitler, the Soviet Union's ], Italy's ] and King ], France's ] and ], Austria's ], Japan's Emperor ], and Britain's King ].<ref name="Pozeg9–11"/>
	Ceremonies, ] and an enormous funeral were held; a ] toured Poland.<ref>], .</ref> The Polish mint issued a silver 10-'']'' commemorative coin featuring the Marshal's profile. A series of postcards, stamps and postmarks was also released. After a two-year display at ] in ]'s ], Piłsudski's body was laid to rest in the Cathedral's Crypt under the Silver Bells, except for his brain, which he had willed for study to ], and his heart, which was interred in his mother's grave at ]' ], where it remains.<ref name="Poland.gov"/><ref>], p. 338.</ref> The 1937 relocation of his remains, made by his long-standing adversary ], then ], incited widespread protests that included calls for Sapieha's removal.<ref name="Crowds urge Poland to banish Archbishop; Pilsudski Legionnaires also Assail Catholic Church on the Removal of Marshal's Body"/><ref name="Historical dictionary of Poland, 966–1945"/>
	==Legacy==		==Legacy==
	{{cquote|I am not going to dictate to you what you write about my life and work. I only ask that you not make me out to be a 'whiner and sentimentalist.'|author=Piłsudski, 1908<ref name="Urb 133–141"/>}}		{{rquote|right|I am not going to dictate to you what you write about my life and work. I only ask that you not make me out to be a 'whiner and sentimentalist.'|author=Józef Piłsudski, 1908{{r|Urbank97_133–41}}|align=center}}
	On 13 May 1935, in accordance with Piłsudski's last wishes, ] was named by Poland's president and government to be ] of the ], and on 10 November 1936, he was elevated to ].<ref name="JabStaw13"/> Rydz was now one of the most powerful people in Poland, the "second man in the state after the President".<ref name="JabStaw5"/> While many saw Rydz-Śmigły as a successor to Piłsudski, he never became as influential.<ref name="JabStaw14"/>
	As the Polish government became increasingly ] and conservative, the Rydz-Śmigły faction was opposed by that of the more moderate ], who remained President.<ref name="JabStaw14"/> After 1938 Rydz-Śmigły reconciled with the President, but the ruling group remained divided into the "President's Men", mostly civilians (the "Castle Group", after the President's official residence, Warsaw's ]), and the "Marshal's Men" ("]"), professional military officers and old comrades-in-arms of Piłsudski's. After the ], some of this political division would survive within the ].
	]—one of many ] tributes throughout Poland]]
	Piłsudski had given Poland something akin to what ]'s ] had mused about: a Polish ]. As such, the Marshal had inevitably drawn both intense loyalty and intense vilification.<ref name="TT_NGP"/><ref name="Goldfarb"/><ref name="Pozeg6"/>
	In 1935, at Piłsudski's funeral, President Mościcki ] the Marshal: "He was the king of our hearts and the sovereign of our will. During a half-century of his life's travails, he captured heart after heart, soul after soul, until he had drawn the whole of Poland within the purple of his royal spirit&nbsp;... He gave Poland freedom, boundaries, power and respect."<ref name="Mość">Translation of Mościcki's speech from 1935. For Polish original online, see {{cite web
	|last=Kobos
	|first=Piotr M.
	|url=http://www.zwoje-scrolls.com/zwoje43/text02p.htm
	|title=Skazuję Was Na Wielkość: Legenda Józefa Piłsudskiego
	|work=Zwoje (The Scrolls) no. 2 (43)
	|year=1992
	|accessdate=15 January 2008
	|language=Polish
	}}</ref>
	After World War II, little of Piłsudski's thought influenced the policies of the ], a de facto ] of the ]. In particular, Poland was in no position to resume Piłsudski's effort to build an ] of Poland and some of its neighbors; and a "]" endeavor to "break up the Russian state into its main constituents and emancipate the countries that have been forcibly incorporated into that empire."<ref>Quoted in ], p. 56.</ref>
			On 13 May 1935, in accordance with Piłsudski's last wishes, ] was named by Poland's president and government to be ] of the ], and on 10 November 1936, he was elevated to ].{{sfn|Jabłonowski|Stawecki|1998|p=13}} As the Polish government became increasingly authoritarian and conservative, the Rydz-Śmigły faction was opposed by the more moderate ], who remained President.{{r|JabStaw98_14}} Although Rydz-Śmigły reconciled with the President in 1938, the ruling group remained divided into the "President's Men", mostly civilians (the "Castle Group", after the President's official residence, ]), and the "Marshal's Men" ("]"), professional military officers and Piłsudski's old comrades-in-arms.<ref name="AjnenkielDrzycimski19912">{{cite book|author1=Andrzej Ajnenkiel|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MUFFAAAAIAAJ|title=Prezydenci Polski|author2=Andrzej Drzycimski|author3=Janina Paradowska|publisher=Wydawn. Sejmowe|year=1991|page=62|isbn = 9788370590000|language=pl|quote=grupa pułkowników, zespół wywodzących się z wojska najbliższych współpracowników Marszałka, takich jak płk Sławek czy płk Prystor; ich koncepcje różniły się wyraźnie od stanowiska zajmowanego przez prezydenta.}}</ref> Some of this political division would continue in the ] after the German ] in 1939.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Dworski|first=Michał|title=Republic in Exile ͵ Political Life of Polish Emigration in United Kingdom After Second World War|url=https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=700313|journal=Toruńskie Studia Międzynarodowe|year=2018|language=en|volume=1|issue=10|pages=101–110|doi=10.12775/TSM.2017.008|issn=2391-7601|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Pra ż mowska|first=Anita|date=1 July 2013|title=The Polish Underground Resistance During the Second World War: A Study in Political Disunity During Occupation|url=https://doi.org/10.1177/0265691413490495|journal=European History Quarterly|language=en|volume=43|issue=3|pages=464–488|doi=10.1177/0265691413490495|s2cid=220737108 |issn=0265-6914}}</ref>
	For a decade after World War II, Piłsudski was either ignored or condemned by Poland's communist government, along with the entire interwar ]. This began to change, however, particularly after ] and the ] (1956), and historiography in Poland gradually moved away from a purely negative view of Piłsudski toward a more balanced and neutral assessment.<ref name="nalamach"/>
			] on Warsaw's ]—one of many ] tributes throughout Poland]]
	After the ] and the 1991 disintegration of the ], Piłsudski once again came to be publicly acknowledged as a Polish national hero.<ref name="Roshwald"/> On the sixtieth anniversary of his death, on 12 May 1995, Poland's '']'' adopted a resolution: "Józef Piłsudski will remain, in our nation's memory, the founder of its independence and the victorious leader who fended off a foreign assault that threatened the whole of Europe and its civilization. Józef Piłsudski served his country well and has entered our history forever."<ref name="Sejm1995"/>
			After World War II, little of Piłsudski's political ideology influenced the policies of the ], a ''de facto'' ] of the ].<ref>{{harvnb|Charaszkiewicz|2000|p=56}}</ref> For a decade after World War II, Piłsudski was either ignored or condemned by Poland's Communist government, along with the entire interwar ]. This began to change after ] and the ] in 1956, and historiography in Poland gradually moved away from a purely negative view of Piłsudski toward a more balanced and neutral assessment.{{r|Władyka+Żuławnik}} After the 1991 ], Piłsudski once again came to be publicly acknowledged as a Polish national hero.<ref name="Roshwald"/> On the sixtieth anniversary of his death on 12 May 1995, Poland's Sejm adopted a resolution: <blockquote>"Józef Piłsudski will remain, in our nation's memory, the founder of its independence and the victorious leader who fended off a foreign assault that threatened the whole of Europe and its civilization. Józef Piłsudski served his country well and has entered our history forever."<ref name="Sejm1995" /> </blockquote>Piłsudski continues to be viewed by most Poles as a providential figure in the country's 20th-century history.<ref name="KoppNizynska2012">{{cite book|author1=K. Kopp|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WZpmAQAAQBAJ&pg=PT121|title=Germany, Poland and Postmemorial Relations: In Search of a Livable Past|author2=J. Nizynska|date=7 May 2012|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-1-137-05205-6|pages=120–121}}</ref><ref name="ErsoyG¢rny2010">{{cite book|author1=Ahmet Ersoy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8j-Uemo6SfoC&pg=PA407|title=Modernism: The Creation of Nation-States: Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe 1770?1945: Texts and Commentaries, Volume III/1|author2=Maciej G¢rny|author3=Vangelis Kechriotis|date=1 January 2010|publisher=Central European University Press|isbn=978-963-7326-61-5|page=407}}</ref>
	While some of Piłsudski's political moves remain controversial — particularly the May 1926 Coup d'état, the ]s (1931–32), the 1934 establishment of the ], and successive Polish governments' failure to formulate consistent, constructive policies toward the ]<ref>], pp. 66–67.</ref> — Piłsudski continues to be viewed by most Poles as a providential figure in the country's 20th-century history.
	] of Józef Piłsudski by ]]]		] of Józef Piłsudski by ]]]
			Several military units have been named for Piłsudski, including the ], ] ("''I Marszałek''"—"the First Marshal"),<ref name="PIBWL"/> and the Romanian ].<ref>{{cite web|title=De ce Batalionul 634 Infanterie din Piatra-Neamț se numește "Mareşal Józef Piłsudski"?|url=https://www.ziarpiatraneamt.ro/de-ce-batalionul-634-infanterie-din-piatra-neamt-se-numeste-maresal-jozef-pilsudski|language=ro|website=ziarpiatraneamt.ro|date=6 December 2021}}</ref> Also named for Piłsudski have been ], one of four-man-made ]s in ];<ref name="mound" /> the ], a New York City research center and museum on the modern ];<ref name="Institute" /> the ];<ref name="MON" /> a passenger ship, {{MS|Piłsudski}}; a gunboat, {{ORP|Komendant Piłsudski}}; and a racehorse, '']''. Many Polish cities ].<ref name="Smele2015">{{cite book|author=Jonathan D. Smele|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QwquCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA872|title=Historical Dictionary of the Russian Civil Wars, 1916-1926|date=19 November 2015|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers|isbn=978-1-4422-5281-3|page=872}}</ref> There are statues of Piłsudski in many Polish cities; Warsaw, which has three in little more than a mile between the ] Palace, Piłsudski's residence, and ].<ref name="Smele2015" /> In 2020, Piłsudski's manor house in Sulejówek opened as a museum as part of the celebrations of the one hundredth anniversary of the ].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.thefirstnews.com/article/house-and-home-pilsudskis-old-manor-opens-as-museum-14922 |title=House and home: Piłsudski's old manor opens as museum |access-date=16 August 2020}}</ref>
	Piłsudski has lent his name to several military units, including the ] and ] No. 51 ("''I Marszałek''"—"the First Marshal").<ref name="PIBWL"/>
			Piłsudski has been a character in numerous works of fiction, a trend already visible during his lifetime,<ref>{{Cite book|last=Ujma|first= Martyna|editor-last=Krywoszeja|editor-first=Igor|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=i65fzgEACAAJ|title=Polsko-ukraińskie spotkania z Klio|editor-last2=Morawiec|editor-first2=Norbert|editor-last3=Terszak|editor-first3=Rafał|last4=Historyczne)|editor-first4=Oddział |editor-last4=Częstochowa|date=2016|publisher=Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne. Oddział Częstochowa|isbn=978-83-947379-1-7|pages=61–76|language=pl|chapter=Od nadziei do rozczarowania - Józef Piłsudski w międzywojennej literaturze (na wybranych przykładach)}}</ref> including the 1922 novel ''Generał Barcz'' (General Barcz) by ].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Goss|first=Łukasz|date=2008|title="Okno na Barcza" (o powieści Juliusza Kadena-Bandrowskiego "Generał Barcz")|url=http://cejsh.icm.edu.pl/cejsh/element/bwmeta1.element.hdl_11089_10754|journal=Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica|language=en|volume=11|issn=2353-1908}}</ref> Later works in which he is featured include the 2007 novel '']'' (''Lód'') by ].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Ryrych|first=Tomasz|date=2019|title=Biały steampunk – dwa oblicza carskiej Rosji. "Lód" Jacka Dukaja i cykl opowiadań o doktorze Skórzewskim Andrzeja Pilipiuka|url=https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=819574|journal=Creatio Fantastica|language=Polish|volume=60|issue=1|pages=97–114|issn=2300-2514}}</ref> Poland's ] lists over 500 publications related to Piłsudski;<ref>{{cite web|url=https://katalogi.bn.org.pl/discovery/search?query=any,contains,Pi%C5%82sudski&tab=LibraryCatalog&search_scope=MyInstitution&vid=48OMNIS_NLOP:48OMNIS_NLOP&lang=en&offset=0|title=Piłsudski (keyword)|work=National Library Of Poland|access-date=15 January 2008}}</ref> the U.S. ], over 300.<ref name="Library of Congress Online Catalog" /> Piłsudski's life was the subject of a 2001 Polish television documentary, ''Marszałek Piłsudski'', directed by Andrzej Trzos-Rastawiecki.<ref name="Mazierska2007">{{cite book|author=Ewa Mazierska|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fEaaNtRd9T8C&pg=PA122|title=Polish Postcommunist Cinema: From Pavement Level|publisher=Peter Lang|year=2007|isbn=978-3-03910-529-8|page=122}}</ref> He was also the subject of paintings by artists such as ] (1916) and ] (leaning on his sword, 1928; and astride his horse, '']'', 1928), as well as photos and caricatures.<ref name="Milewska1998">{{cite book|author=Wacława Milewska|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5OdwAAAAIAAJ|title=Legiony Polskie 1914–1918: zarys historii militarnej i politycznej|publisher=Księg. Akademicka|year=1998|isbn=978-83-7188-228-9|page=14}}</ref><ref name="JedrzejewiczCisek1998">{{cite book|author1=Wacław Jedrzejewicz|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iBIsAQAAMAAJ|title=Kalendarium życia Józefa Piłsudskiego: 1867-1935. 1918-1926. TomII|author2=Janusz Cisek|publisher=Oficyna wydawnicza RYTM|year=1998|isbn=978-83-86678-97-6|page=337}}</ref> He has been reported to be quite fond of the latter.<ref name="Szałapak2005">{{cite book|author=]|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7f1oAAAAMAAJ|title=Legends and mysteries of Cracow: from King Krak to Piotr Skrzynecki|publisher=Muzeum Historyczne Miasta Krakowa|year=2005|isbn=9788389599070|page=193|quote=Piłsudski... bardzo lubił karykatury na swój temat.}}</ref>
	Also named for Piłsudski have been ], one of four man-made ]s in ];<ref name="mound"/> the ], a New York City research center and museum on the modern ];<ref name="Institute"/> the ];<ref name="MON"/> a passenger ship, '']''; a gunboat, '']''; and a racehorse, '']''. Virtually every Polish city has its "Piłsudski Street". (There are, by contrast, few if any streets named after Piłsudski's ] arch-rival, ], even in Dmowski's old ] political stronghold). There are statues of Piłsudski in many Polish cities; the highest density of such ] memorials is found in Warsaw, which has three in little more than a mile between the ], Piłsudski's residence, and ].
	He was the subject of paintings by renowned artists such as ] (1916) and ] (leaning on his sword, 1928; and astride his horse, '']'', 1928), as well as of numerous caricatures and photos.
	Piłsudski has been a character in numerous works of fiction, such as the 1922 novel ''Generał Barcz'' (General Barcz) by ] and the 2007 novel '']'' (''Lód'') by ]. Poland's ] lists over 500 publications related to Piłsudski;<ref>{{cite web
	|url=http://alpha.bn.org.pl/search*pol/d?SEARCH=pi%B3sudski
	|title=Piłsudski (keyword)
	|work=National Library Of Poland
	|accessdate =15 January 2008
	}}</ref> the U.S. ], over 300.<ref name="Library of Congress Online Catalog"/> Piłsudski's life was the subject of a 2001 Polish television documentary, ''Marszałek Piłsudski'', directed by Andrzej Trzos-Rastawiecki.<ref name="IMDb"/>
	Plans are being considered to turn Piłsudski's official residence, the ], which currently houses a small exhibit about him, into a full-fledged museum devoted to his memory.
	].]]
	==Ancestry==
	<center>{{ahnentafel-compact5
	|style=font-size: 90%; line-height: 100%;
	|border=1
	|boxstyle=padding-top: 0; padding-bottom: 0;
	|boxstyle_1=background-color: #fcc;
	|boxstyle_2=background-color: #fb9;
	|boxstyle_3=background-color: #ffc;
	|boxstyle_4=background-color: #bfc;
	|boxstyle_5=background-color: #9fe;
	|1= Józef Klemens Piłsudski (1867–1935)
	|2= Józef Wincenty Piłsudski (1833–1902)
	|3= Maria Billewicz (1842–1884)
	|4= Piotr Paweł Piłsudski (1794–1851)
	|5= Teodora Urszula Butler (1811–1886)
	|6= Antoni Billewicz (1815–1860)
	|7= Helena Michałowska (??? – 1846)
	|8= Kazimierz Piłsudski (1752 – ca. 1820)
	|9= Anna Billewicz (1761–1837)
	|10= Wincenty Butler (1771–1843)
	|11= Małgorzata Billewicz (??? – ca. 1861)
	|12= Kacper Billewicz (??? – ca. 1840)
	|13= Kownacka
	|14= Wojciech Michałowski
	|15= Elżbieta Butler (??? – 1894)
	|16= Kazimierz Ludwik Piłsudski
	|17= Princess Rozalia Puzyna
	|18= Walerian Billewicz
	|19= Princess Połubińska
	|20= Ignacy Butler
	|21= Elżbieta Kurszewska
	|22=
	|23=
	|24= Adam Billewicz
	|25=
	|26=
	|27=
	|28= Joachim Michałowski (1744–1831)
	|29= Ludwika Taraszkiewicz (1784–1836)
	|30= Wincenty Butler (1771–1843)
	|31= Małgorzata Billewicz (??? – ca. 1861)
	}}</center>
	==Descendants==		==Descendants==
	Both daughters of Marshal Piłsudski returned to Poland in 1990, after the fall of the Communist system. Jadwiga Piłsudska's daughter Joanna Jaraczewska returned to Poland in 1979. She married a Polish ] activist ] in a political prison in 1983. Both were very involved in the Polish struggle against communism between 1979–89.<ref>{{cite web|author=Editor: Julita Karkowska; Webmaster: Stanisław Psyk |url=http://www.dziennik.com/www/dziennik/kult/archiwum/01-06-06/pp-03-03-02.html |title="Nowy Dziennik" weekly, on-line edition, in "Droga na szczyty" by T.Lachowicz |publisher=Dziennik.com |accessdate=24 July 2011 |archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20110723095525/http://www.dziennik.com/www/dziennik/kult/archiwum/01-06-06/pp-03-03-02.html <!--Added by H3llBot--> |archivedate=23 July 2011}}</ref>		Both daughters of Marshal Piłsudski returned to Poland in 1990, after the ] and the fall of the Communist system. Jadwiga Piłsudska's daughter Joanna Jaraczewska returned to Poland in 1979. She married a Polish ] activist ] in a political prison in 1983. Both were very involved in the ] between 1979 and 1989.<ref>{{cite web |author=Lachowicz, Teofil |editor=Karkowska, Julita |title=Droga na szczyty |website=Nowy Dziennik |language=pl |url=http://www.dziennik.com/www/dziennik/kult/archiwum/01-06-06/pp-03-03-02.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110723095525/http://www.dziennik.com/www/dziennik/kult/archiwum/01-06-06/pp-03-03-02.html |archive-date=23 July 2011 |access-date=24 July 2011 }}</ref>
	==Honors==		==Honours==
			{{main|List of honours awarded to Józef Piłsudski}}
			Piłsudski was awarded numerous honours, domestic and foreign.
	===Poland===
	* ] (1921)
	* ], classes I, II, IV and V
	* ] (6 November 1930)
	* ], Class I and II
	* ] (four times)
	* Gold ] (four times, including in 1931)
	* Merit Forces Central Lithuania
	* Cross on Silesian Ribbon of Merit and valor
	* Mark officers "Parasol" (1912)
	* Badge "for faithful service" (1916)
	* ] (1920)
	* "Gold trade union" Chief Fire Brigades Union
	* Cross Kaniowski (1929)
	* Badge "Józef Piłsudski Polish Legion Commander" (1916)
	* Commemorative Badge of former prisoners from the years 1914–1921 Ideological (1928)
	===Foreign===
	* ] (Afghanistan)
	* ], Class III (Austria-Hungary)
	* Grand Cross of the ]
	* Order of Saint Alexander with sword (Bulgaria)
	* ] Class I (Brazil)
	* ]
	* ], Class I (Estonia, 1930)
	* ], class I (grades I and III) (Estonia, 1922 and 1925)
	* ], Class I
	* Grand Croix of the ], No. 25864 (continuous numbering) and the ] (France)
	* ]
	* ], Class I (Japan)
	* ] (Yugoslavia)
	* ], Class I (Latvia)
	* ], Class IV
	* Grand Cross of the ] – Portugal
	* ], class I and the ], Classes I, II and III (Romania)
	* Grand Cross of Merit (Hungary)
	* ], Class I of ], First Class (Italy)
	===Honorary doctorates===
	* ] (28 April 1920)
	* ] (11 November 1933)
	* ] (2 May 1921)
	* ] in Vilnius (September 1921)
	==See also==		==See also==
			* ]
	* ]&nbsp;– 7 June 1926
			* ]&nbsp;– 7 June 1926
	* ]
			* ]
	* ]
	* ] (''Piłsudczyk'')		* ] (''Piłsudczyk'')
	* ]
	==Notes==		==Notes==
			{{refbegin}}
	<div class="references-small">
	'''a.''' {{Note label|a|a|none}} Józef Klemens Piłsudski was commonly referred to without his middle name, as "Józef Piłsudski". A few English sources translate his first name as "Joseph", but this is not the common practice. As a young man, he belonged to underground organizations and used various pseudonyms, including "''Wiktor''", "''Mieczysław''" and "''Ziuk''" (the latter also being his family nickname). Later he was often affectionately called "''Dziadek''" ("Grandpa" or "the Old Man") and "''Marszałek''" ("the Marshal"). His ex-soldiers from the ] also referred to him as "''Komendant''" ("the Commandant").		'''a.''' {{Note label|a|a|none}} Józef Klemens Piłsudski was commonly referred to without his middle name, as "Józef Piłsudski". A few English sources translate his first name as "Joseph", but this is not the common practice. As a young man, he belonged to underground organizations and used various pseudonyms, including "''Wiktor''", "''Mieczysław''" and "''Ziuk''" (the latter also being his family nickname). Later he was often affectionately called "''Dziadek''" ("Grandpa" or "the Old Man") and "''Marszałek''" ("the Marshal"). His ex-soldiers from the ] also referred to him as "''Komendant''" ("the Commandant").
	'''b.''' {{Note label|b|b|none}}Piłsudski sometimes spoke of being a Lithuanian of Polish culture.<ref>], p. 139.</ref> The question of his ethnicity and culture is not a simple one. ], who calls him a "Polish-Lithuanian", notes that Piłsudski did not think in terms of 20th-century nationalisms and ]; he considered himself ''both'' a Pole and a Lithuanian, and his homeland was the historic ].<ref>], p. 70.</ref> Discussing his role in Lithuania, '']'' describes him as a ] Lithuanian;<ref name="Józef Klemens Pilsudski (president of Poland)—Role in Lithuania: Baltic states. Lithuanian liberation"/> however, in the introduction to his biography it simply calls him "Polish".<ref name="Józef Pilsudski"/> He is also described simply as "Polish" by the '']''<ref>{{cite web		'''b.''' {{Note label|b|b|none}} Piłsudski sometimes spoke of being a Lithuanian of Polish culture.{{sfn|Davies|1986|p=139}} For several centuries, declaring both ] was commonplace, but around the turn of the last century it became much rarer in the wake of arising modern nationalisms. ], who calls him a "Polish-Lithuanian", notes that Piłsudski did not think in terms of 20th-century nationalisms and ]; he considered himself ''both'' a Pole and a Lithuanian, and his homeland was the historic ].{{sfn|Snyder|2004|p=70}}
	|url=http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1E1-Pilsudsk.html
	|title=Joseph Piłsudski
	|work=], Sixth Edition
	|accessdate =17 December 2007
	}}</ref> and '']''.<ref name="Encarta" />
	</div>
			'''c.''' {{Note label|c|c|none}} ] from 1906 to 1909
	==Citations==
	{{reflist|20em|refs=
			{{refend}}
	<ref name="Dov Weissberg, I remember, page 116">{{cite book|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=tHjtVJssL3kC&pg=PA116 |title=Dov Weissberg, I remember, page 116 |publisher=Google Books |accessdate=24 July 2011|isbn=978-965-294-124-4|date=1 January 1998}}</ref>
			==References==
	<ref name="Interview with Holocaust survivor Cyla Wiener">{{cite web|url=http://holocaust.umd.umich.edu/wiener/section001.html |title=Interview with Holocaust survivor Cyla Wiener |publisher=Holocaust.umd.umich.edu |date=13 July 1992 |accessdate=24 July 2011}}</ref>
			{{reflist|refs=
	<ref name="A Cold War in Miniature: The Polish-Soviet Secret War for Ukraine, 1926–1939">{{cite web |url=http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=events.event_summary&event_id=169084 |title=A Cold War in Miniature: The Polish-Soviet Secret War for Ukraine, 1926–1939 |work=Woodrow Wilson Center |accessdate =15 January 2008 }}</ref>
			<ref name=HydeP01_75>{{harvnb|Hyde-Price|2001|loc=.}}</ref>
			<ref name=Alabrud99_99>{{harvnb|Alabrudzińska|1999|p=99}}.</ref>
	<ref name="AHP">], .</ref>
			<ref name=Boemeke98_314>{{harvnb|Boemeke et al.|1998 |loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Alabrudzinska99">], p. 99.</ref>
			<ref name="Bel">{{cite journal |language=pl |last=Baliszewski |first=Dariusz |author-link=Dariusz Baliszewski |url=http://www.wprost.pl/ar/?O=70406 |title=Ostatnia wojna marszałka |journal=] |issue=48/2004; 1148 |publisher=Agencja Wydawniczo-Reklamowa "Wprost" |date=28 November 2004 |access-date=24 March 2005}}</ref>
	<ref name="Aviel">], p. 36.</ref>
			<ref name=Biskupski2000>{{harvnb|Biskupski|2000|}}.</ref>
	<ref name="BFG">], .</ref>
			<ref name=EBritannica_JP>{{Britannica|460674|Józef Piłsudski}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Bel">{{cite journal |language=Polish |last=Baliszewski |first=Dariusz |authorlink=Dariusz Baliszewski |url=http://www.wprost.pl/ar/?O=70406 |title=Ostatnia wojna marszałka |journal=] |issue=48/2004; 1148 |publisher=Agencja Wydawniczo-Reklamowa "Wprost" |date=28 November 2004 |accessdate=24 March 2005}}</ref>
	<ref name="Biskupski">].</ref>		<ref name=Cienciala02>{{harvnb|Cienciala|2002|}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Cieplinski02>{{cite web |last=Cieplinski |first=Feigue |year=2002 |title=Poles and Jews: The Quest For Self-Determination 1919–1934 |website=Binghamton University History Department |url=http://www.binghamton.edu/history/resources/bjoh/PolesAndJews.htm |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20020918204723/http://www.binghamton.edu/history/resources/bjoh/PolesAndJews.htm |archive-date=18 September 2002 }}</ref>
	<ref name="Britannica">{{cite web|url=http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-28214/Poland|title=Poland: The Second Republic|work=]|accessdate =15 January 2008}}</ref>
			<ref name=Paulsson03_37>{{harvnb|Paulsson|2003|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Char">], pp. 56–87.</ref>
			<ref name=Snyder07_66>{{harvnb|Snyder|2007|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Cienciala">{{cite web |last=Cienciala |first=Anna M. |authorlink=Anna M. Cienciala |url=http://web.ku.edu/~eceurope/hist557/lect11.htm |title=The Rebirth of Poland (lecture notes) |year=2002, rev. 2007 |accessdate =2 June 2006 }}</ref>
			<ref name=CohenS80_101>{{harvnb|Cohen|1980|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Cieplinski">{{cite web |last=Cieplinski |first=Feigue |url=http://www.binghamton.edu/history/resources/bjoh/PolesAndJews.htm |title=Poles and Jews: The Quest For Self-Determination 1919–1934 |year=2002 |work=History Department at Binghamton University |accessdate =2 June 2006 | archiveurl = http://web.archive.org/web/20020918204723/http://www.binghamton.edu/history/resources/bjoh/PolesAndJews.htm| archivedate = 18 September 2002}}</ref>
	<ref name="Cisek">], .</ref>		<ref name=CohenY89_65>{{harvnb|Cohen|1989|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Cohen">], .</ref>		<ref name=Cisek02_1401>{{harvnb|Cisek|2002|loc=}}.</ref>
			<ref name="Głos05">{{cite journal |last=Frątczak |first=Sławomir Z. |year=2005 |title=Cud nad Wisłą |journal=] |issue=32 |language=pl |url=http://glos.com.pl/Archiwum_nowe/Rok%202005/032/strona/Cud.html |access-date=26 June 2009 |archive-date=10 May 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170510063137/http://glos.com.pl/Archiwum_nowe/Rok%202005/032/strona/Cud.html |url-status=dead }}</ref>
	<ref name="Cohen2">], .</ref>
	<ref name="Columbia">{{cite web |url=http://encyclopedia2.tfd.com/Poland |title=Poland |accessdate=29 December 2007 |work=]}}</ref>		<ref name=Stachura04_79>{{harvnb|Stachura|2004|loc=}}.</ref>
			<ref name=ColuEncyclPoland>{{cite encyclopedia |url=http://encyclopedia2.tfd.com/Poland |title=Poland |access-date=29 December 2007 |encyclopedia=]}}</ref>
	<ref name="Crowds urge Poland to banish Archbishop; Pilsudski Legionnaires also Assail Catholic Church on the Removal of Marshal's Body">{{cite news|title=Crowds urge Poland to banish Archbishop; Pilsudski Legionnaires also Assail Catholic Church on the Removal of Marshal's Body|url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F10A1EFF395C177788DDAF0A94DE405B878FF1D3|work=New York Times|date=26 June 1937|accessdate=14 December 2009 | first=Wireless | last=To}}</ref>
			<ref name="Crowds urge Poland to banish Archbishop; Pilsudski Legionnaires also Assail Catholic Church on the Removal of Marshal's Body">{{cite news|title=Crowds urge Poland to banish Archbishop; Pilsudski Legionnaires also Assail Catholic Church on the Removal of Marshal's Body|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1937/06/26/archives/crowds-urge-poland-to-banish-archbishop-pilsudski-legionnaires-also.html|work=The New York Times|date=26 June 1937|access-date=14 December 2009 | first=Wireless | last=To}}</ref>
	<ref name="Davies40">], .</ref>
	<ref name="Davies_E">], .</ref>		<ref name=Lerski96_439>{{harvnb|Lerski|1996|loc=.}}</ref>
	<ref name="Davies_GP2-399">], ).</ref>		<ref name=BidJef98_186>{{harvnb|Bideleux|Jeffries|1998|loc=.}}</ref>
	<ref name="Davies_GP2-407">], .</ref>		<ref name=Davies05_40>{{harvnb|Davies|2005|loc=.}}</ref>
			<ref name=Davies03_00>{{harvnb|Davies|2003|}}</ref>
			<ref name=Davies03_95ff>{{harvnb|Davies|2003|loc=pp. 95ff.}}</ref>
			<ref name=Figes96_699>{{harvnb|Figes|1996|p=699}}. "Within weeks of Brusilov's appointment, 14,000 officers had joined the army to fight the Poles, thousands of civilians had volunteered for war-work, and well over 100,000 deserters had returned to the Red Army on the Western Front".</ref>
	<ref name="Davies_WERS">].</ref>
			<ref name=ICRAP>{{cite web |title=Bronisław Piotr Piłsudski – Calendar of events |website=ICRAP |url=http://panda.bg.univ.gda.pl/ICRAP/en/BPcv-eng.html |access-date=2 March 2018 |archive-date=21 September 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210921205628/http://panda.bg.univ.gda.pl/ICRAP/en/BPcv-eng.html |url-status=dead }}</ref>
	<ref name="Davies_WERS-99-103pl">], pp. 99–103.</ref>
			<ref name=Erickson01_95>{{harvnb|Erickson|2001|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Davies_WERS229">], p. 229.</ref>
			<ref name="GQH">], . The author gives a source: {{harvnb|Watt|1979|}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Davies_WERS_197">], p. 197.</ref>
			<ref name=Garlicki195_178>{{harvnb|Garlicki|1995|p=178}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Electronicmuseum">{{cite web |url=http://www.electronicmuseum.ca/Poland-WW2/ethnic_minorities_occupation/emo_intro.html |title=Poland's ethnic minorities and the Nazi-Soviet occupation of Poland |accessdate=29 December 2007 |work=Poland's Holocaust|last=Piotrowski|first=Tadeusz|authorlink=Tadeusz Piotrowski (sociologist)}}</ref>
			<ref name=Garlicki195_63>{{harvnb|Garlicki|1995|p=63}}.</ref>
			<!-- Not in use
	<ref name="Encarta">{{cite encyclopedia|url=http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761558833/Pilsudski.html|title=Józef Piłsudski|work=]|publisher=Microsoft|accessdate =30 May 2006|archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/5kws8hjhT|archivedate=31 October 2009|deadurl=yes}}</ref>
			<ref name="Goldfarb">], .</ref>
			Not in use-->
	<ref name="Encyclopædia Britannica">{{cite web |first=Kazimierz Maciej |last=Smogorzewski |title=Józef Piłsudski |work=] |url=http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-5721|accessdate =3 June 2006}}</ref>		<ref name="Institute">{{cite web |url=http://www.pilsudski.org/English/Institute/Welcome.htm |title=Józef Piłsudski Institute of America Welcome Page |work=Józef Piłsudski Institute of America |access-date=26 May 2006 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060615113226/http://pilsudski.org/English/Institute/Welcome.htm |archive-date=15 June 2006 }}</ref>
			<ref name=Lukacs01_30>{{harvnb|Lukacs|2001|p=30}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Eric">], </ref>
			<ref name="Roos+Rothschild">{{harvnb|Roos|1966|p=14}}; {{harvnb|Rothschild|1990|p=45}}.</ref>
	<ref name="GQH">], . The author gives a source: ].</ref>
	<ref name="Garlicki178">], p. 178.</ref>		<ref name=Rothschild90_45>{{harvnb|Rothschild|1990|p=45}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Garlicki63">], p. 63.</ref>		<ref name=JabStaw98_14>{{harvnb|Jabłonowski|Stawecki|1998|p=14}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Goldfarb">], .</ref>		<ref name=Kenez99_37>{{harvnb|Kenez|1999|loc=}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Lawrynowicz>{{cite web |last=Lawrynowicz |first=Witold |title=Battle of Warsaw 1920 |website=Polish Militaria Collector's Association in memory of Andrzej Zaremba |url=http://www.hetmanusa.org/engarticle1.html |access-date=5 November 2006 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120118065334/http://www.hetmanusa.org/engarticle1.html |archive-date=18 January 2012 }}</ref>
	<ref name="Goldstein-29">], .</ref>
			<ref name=Lenin1920>See Lenin's speech on 22 September 1920 at the 9th Conference of the Russian Communist Party. English translation in {{harvnb|Pipes|1993|pp=181–182}} and excerpts in {{harvnb|Cienciala|2002|}}. The speech was first published in {{Cite journal |last1=Artizov |first1=Andrey |last2=Usov |first2=R.A. |year=1992 |title="Я прошу записывать меньше: это не должно попадать в печать&nbsp;...": Выступления В.И.Ленина на IX конференции РКП(б) 22 сентября 1920 г. |journal=Istoricheskii Arkhiv |volume=1 |issue=1 |issn=0869-6322 |language=ru }}</ref>
	<ref name="HD">], .</ref>
			<ref name="Library of Congress Online Catalog">{{cite web |url=http://catalog.loc.gov |title=Library of Congress Online Catalog |access-date =20 December 2007 }}</ref>
	<ref name="HD2">], .</ref>
			<ref name=McM03_208>{{harvnb|MacMillan|2003|p=208}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Hildebrand">], .</ref>
			<ref name=McM03_209>{{harvnb|MacMillan|2003|p=209}}.</ref>
			<ref name=McM03_210>{{harvnb|MacMillan|2003|p=210}}.</ref>
			<ref name=McM03_211>{{harvnb|MacMillan|2003|p=211}}.</ref>
			<ref name=McM03_211-214>{{harvnb|MacMillan|2003|pp=211, 214}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Historical dictionary of Poland, 966–1945">{{cite book|title=Historical dictionary of Poland, 966–1945|url=http://books.google.com/?id=QTUTqE2difgC&pg=PA525|year=1996|author=Jerzy Jan Lerski, Piotr Wróbel, Richard J. Kozicki|publisher=]|isbn=978-0-313-26007-0|page=525}}</ref>
			<ref name=McM03_213-4>{{harvnb|MacMillan|2003|pp=213–214}}.</ref>
	<ref name="IMDb">{{cite web |url=http://imdb.com/title/tt0498138/ |title="Marszalek Pilsudski" (2001, mini) |work=] |accessdate =30 May 2006 }}</ref>		<ref name="MON">{{cite web |url=http://www.menis.gov.pl/menis_en/higher_education/f_wawa.php |title=Józef Piłsudski Academy of Physical Education in Warsaw |work=Polish Ministry of Education and Science |archive-date=23 September 2005 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050923063522/http://www.menis.gov.pl/menis_en/higher_education/f_wawa.php |access-date =30 May 2006 }}</ref>
	<ref name="Ilya Prizel">], .</ref>		<ref name=Jordan02_23>{{harvnb|Jordan|2002|loc=}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Kipp93_95>{{harvnb|Kipp|1993|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Institute">{{cite web |url=http://www.pilsudski.org/English/Institute/Welcome.htm |title=Józef Piłsudski Institute of America Welcome Page |work=Józef Piłsudski Institute of America |accessdate =26 May 2006 }}</ref>
	<ref name="JLu">], .</ref>		<ref name=Hehn05_76>{{harvnb|Hehn|2005|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="JR45">], .</ref>		<ref name=Davidson04_25>{{harvnb|Davidson|2004|loc=}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Prizel98_61>{{harvnb|Prizel|1998|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="JabStaw13">], p. 13.</ref>
			<ref name=Prizel98_71>{{harvnb|Prizel|1998|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="JabStaw14">], p. 14.</ref>
			<ref name=Wein90_292>{{harvnb|Wein|1990|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="JabStaw5">], p. 5.</ref>
			<ref name="LönnrothEt94_230">{{harvnb|Lönnroth et al.|1994|loc= }}.</ref>
	<ref name="Jedrz13">], p. 13.</ref>
			<ref name="PIBWL">{{cite web |url=http://derela.republika.pl/marszal.htm |title=Polish Armoured Train Nr. 51 ("I Marszałek") |work=PIBWL (Prywatny Instytut Badawczy Wojsk Lądowych) |access-date=30 May 2006 |archive-date=7 May 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180507193450/http://derela.republika.pl/marszal.htm |url-status=dead }}</ref>
	<ref name="Józef Klemens Pilsudski (president of Poland)—Role in Lithuania: Baltic states. Lithuanian liberation">{{cite web |url=http://www.britannica.com/eb/topic-460674/Jozef-Klemens-Pilsudski |title=Józef Klemens Pilsudski (president of Poland)—Role in Lithuania: Baltic states. Lithuanian liberation |work=] |accessdate =17 December 2007 }}</ref>
			<ref name=PWN>{{cite web |last=Chojnowski |first=Andrzej |title=Piłsudski Józef Klemens |website=] |language=pl |url=http://encyklopedia.pwn.pl/haslo.php?id=3957301 |access-date=15 January 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080503141011/http://encyklopedia.pwn.pl/haslo.php?id=3957301 |archive-date=3 May 2008 |url-status=dead }}</ref>
	<ref name="Józef Pilsudski">{{cite web |url=http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9060041/Jozef-Pilsudski |title=Józef Pilsudski |work=] |accessdate =17 December 2007 }}<br />{{cite web |url=http://concise.britannica.com/ebc/article-9375283/J%C3%B3zef-Pilsudski |title=Pilsudski, Józef |work=Britannica Concise Encyclopedia |accessdate =17 December 2007 }}</ref>
			<ref name=POleksa04>{{harvnb|Pidlutskyi|2004|}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Kenez">], .</ref>
			<ref name=Times7Apr1930>{{cite magazine |date=7 April 1930 |title=Pilsudski Bros. |magazine=Time |url-access=subscription |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,787573,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100717043739/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,787573,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=17 July 2010 }}</ref>
	<ref name="Lawrynowicz">{{cite web |last=Lawrynowicz |first=Witold |title=Battle of Warsaw 1920 |url=http://www.hetmanusa.org/engarticle1.html |accessdate =5 November 2006 |work=Polish Militaria Collector's Association in memory of Andrzej Zaremba }}</ref>
			<ref name=Times11Nov1929>{{cite magazine |date=11 November 1929 |title=Pilsudski v. Daszynski |magazine=Time |url-access=subscription |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,737985,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090815041117/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,737985,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=15 August 2009 }}</ref>
			<ref name=LandauDunlop30_30>{{cite book |last1=Landau |first1=Rom |last2=Dunlop |first2=Geoffrey |year=1930 |title=Pilsudski, Hero of Poland |publisher=] |pages=30–32 }}</ref>
	<ref name="LeninSpeach">See Lenin's speech, English translation quoted from ], pp. 181–182, with some stylistic modification in paragraph 3, line 3, by ]. This document was first published in a Russian historical periodical, {{Cite news |periodical=Istoricheskii Arkhiv|volume=1|issue=1|location=Moscow|year=1992}}, and is cited through lecture notes by Cienciala 2002.</ref>
			<ref name=Pobog-Ma90_7>{{harvnb|Pobóg-Malinowski|1990|p=7}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Library of Congress Online Catalog">{{cite web |url=http://catalog.loc.gov |title=Library of Congress Online Catalog |accessdate =20 December 2007 }}</ref>
			<ref name=PolandGov>{{cite web |title=History – Józef Piłsudski (1867–1935) |website=Poland.gov |url=http://poland.gov.pl/Jozef,Pilsudski,(1867-1935),1972.html |access-date=23 April 2006 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060213175243/http://poland.gov.pl/Jozef,Pilsudski,(1867-1935),1972.html |archive-date=13 February 2006 }}</ref>
	<ref name="MM-208">], p. 208.</ref>
			<ref name=HistNet_01>{{cite web |last=Szymczak |first=Robert |title=Polish-Soviet War: Battle of Warsaw |website=TheHistoryNet |access-date=10 October 2007 |url=http://www.historynet.com/wars_conflicts/20_21_century/3038436.html?featured=y&c=y |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071007194853/http://www.historynet.com/wars_conflicts/20_21_century/3038436.html?featured=y&c=y |archive-date= 7 October 2007 }}</ref>
	<ref name="MM-209">], p. 209.</ref>
	<ref name="MM-210">], p. 210.</ref>		<ref name=DroSzwa95_911>{{harvnb|Drozdowski|Szwankowska|1995|pp=9–11}}.</ref>
	<ref name="MM-211 and 214">], pp. 211 and 214.</ref>		<ref name="Roshwald">], .</ref>
			<ref name="Sejm1995">Translation of ''Oświadczenie Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 12 maja 1995 r. w sprawie uczczenia 60 rocznicy śmierci Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego.'' (] z dnia 24 maja 1995 r.). For Polish original online, see here .</ref>
	<ref name="MM-211">], p. 211.</ref>
			<ref name=Snyder04_144>{{harvnb|Snyder|2004|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="MM-213–214">], pp. 213–214.</ref>
			<ref name=Suleja04_202>{{harvnb|Suleja|2004|p=202}}.</ref>
	<ref name="MON">{{cite web |url=http://www.menis.gov.pl/menis_en/higher_education/f_wawa.php |title=Józef Piłsudski Academy of Physical Education in Warsaw |work=Polish Ministry of Education and Science |archivedate=23 September 2005 |archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20050923063522/http://www.menis.gov.pl/menis_en/higher_education/f_wawa.php |accessdate =30 May 2006 }}</ref>
			<ref name=Suleja04_265>{{harvnb|Suleja|2004|p=265}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Suleja04_300>{{harvnb|Suleja|2004|p=300}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Suleja04_343>{{harvnb|Suleja|2004|p=343}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Szczep>{{cite web |last=Szczepański |first=Janusz |title=Kontrowersje Wokół Bitwy Warszawskiej 1920 Roku (Controversies surrounding the Battle of Warsaw in 1920) |work=] online |language=pl |url=http://www.mowiawieki.pl/artykul.html?id_artykul=404 |access-date =15 January 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071202074444/http://www.mowiawieki.pl/artykul.html?id_artykul=404 |archive-date=2 December 2007 }}</ref>
	<ref name="NJ">], .</ref>
			<ref name="TT_NGP">], .</ref>
	<ref name="National Identity and Foreign Policy">{{cite book|last=Prizel|first=Ilya|year=1998|title=National Identity and Foreign Policy|publisher=Cambridge University Press|url=http://books.google.com/?id=fE2quB852jcC&pg=PA61|isbn=0-511-00631-4}}</ref>
			<ref name=VersaillesTreaty1919_87-93>{{cite web |title=The Versailles Treaty 28 June 1919: Part III |website=The Avalon Project |at=articles 87–93 |access-date=15 January 2008 |url=http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/imt/partiii.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080214175104/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/imt/partiii.htm |archive-date=14 February 2008 }}</ref>
	<ref name="Nobel">], .</ref>
			<ref name=Grant99_114>{{harvnb|Grant|1999|loc=.}}</ref>
	<ref name="PIBWL">{{cite web |url=http://derela.republika.pl/marszal.htm |title=Polish Armoured Train Nr. 51 ("I Marszałek") |work=PIBWL (Prywatny Instytut Badawczy Wojsk Lądowych) |accessdate =30 May 2006 }}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_50>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, p. 50.}}</ref>
	<ref name="PWN">{{cite web |last=Chojnowski|first=Andrzej|url=http://encyklopedia.pwn.pl/haslo.php?id=3957301|language=Polish|title=Piłsudski Józef Klemens|work=]|accessdate=15 January 2008|publisher=PWN}}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_71>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, p. 71.}}</ref>
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			<ref name=Urbank97_93>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, p. 93.}}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_131>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, p. 131.}}</ref>
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			<ref name=Urbank97_291>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, p. 291.}}</ref>
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			<ref name=Urbank97_515>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, p. 515.}}</ref>
	<ref name="Pidl">].</ref>		<ref name=Urbank97_13-5>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, pp. 13–15.}}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_62-6>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, pp. 62–66.}}</ref>
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	<ref name="Pilsudski Bros.">{{cite news |date=7 April 1930 |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,787573,00.html |title=Pilsudski Bros. |work=Time |accessdate =15 January 2008 }}</ref>
			<ref name="Urbank97_113–6">{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, pp. 113–116.}}</ref>
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			<ref name="Urbank97_499–501">{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, pp. 499–501.}}</ref>
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			<ref name="Urbank97_528–9">{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, pp. 528–539.}}</ref>
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			<ref name="Urbank97_539–40">{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, pp. 539–540.}}</ref>
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	<ref name="Pilsudski v. Daszynski">{{cite news |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,737985,00.html |date=11 November 1929 |title=Pilsudski v. Daszynski |work=Time |accessdate =15 January 2008 }}</ref>
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			<ref name=Urbank97_346-441_357-8>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 1, pp. 346–441 }}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_2_90>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 2, p. 90.}}</ref>
	<ref name="Pilsudski, Hero of Poland">{{cite book |last=Landau |first=Rom |title=Pilsudski, Hero of Poland |publisher=] |year=1930 |pages=30– 32 |edition=1|coauthors=Geoffrey Dunlop}}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_2_83>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 2, p. 83.}}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_2_45>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 2, p. 45.}}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_2_92>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 2, p. 92.}}</ref>
	<ref name="Plach">], p. 14.</ref>		<ref name=Urbank97_2_330-7>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 2, pp. 330–337.}}</ref>
			<ref name=Urbank97_2_317-26>{{harvnb|Urbankowski|1997|loc=vol. 2, pp. 317–326.}}</ref>
			<ref name=NYT12091993_Perlez>{{cite news |last=Perlez |first=Jane |author-link=Jane Perlez |date=12 September 1993 |title=Visions of the Past Are Competing for Votes in Poland |work=The New York Times |access-date =15 January 2008 |url=https://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9F0CEFD61430F931A2575AC0A965958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=1 }}</ref>
	<ref name="Pobog-Malinowski07">], p. 7.</ref>
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	<ref name="PolPrzem">{{cite web|url=http://www.polityka.pl/polityka/index.jsp?place=Lead30&news_cat_id=1409&news_id=193189&layout=16&forum_id=6303&fpage=Threads&page=text|title=Przemówienie do I kompanii kadrowej, Kraków, Oleandry, 3 sierpnia 1914|date=26 September 2006|work=]|language=Polish|accessdate =15 January 2008}}</ref>
			|via=kamunikat / Belarusian history journal |url=http://kamunikat.net.iig.pl/www/czasopisy/bzh/20/15.htm |language=pl |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050325004142/http://kamunikat.net.iig.pl/www/czasopisy/bzh/20/15.htm |archive-date=25 March 2005 |url-status=dead}}</ref>
			<ref name=Zamo87_330>{{harvnb|Zamoyski|1987|p=330}}.</ref>
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			<ref name=Zamo87_332>{{harvnb|Zamoyski|1987|p=332}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Zamo87_333>{{harvnb|Zamoyski|1987|p=333}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Zimm04_166>{{harvnb|Zimmerman|2004|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Polish-Soviet War: Battle of Warsaw">{{cite web |last=Szymczak |first=Robert |url=http://www.historynet.com/wars_conflicts/20_21_century/3038436.html?featured=y&c=y |title=Polish-Soviet War: Battle of Warsaw |work=TheHistoryNet |accessdate =10 October 2007 }}</ref>
			<ref name=Vital99_788>{{harvnb|Vital|1999|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Pozeg5">], p. 5.</ref>
			<ref name=Payne95_141>{{harvnb|Payne|1995|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Pozeg6">], p. 6.</ref>
			<ref name=Lieven94_163>{{harvnb|Lieven|1994|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Pozeg9–11">], pp. 9–11.</ref>
			<ref name=Engelking01_75>{{harvnb|Engelking|2001|loc=}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Roos">], p. 14.</ref>
	<ref name="Roshwald">], .</ref>		<ref name=Flannery05_200>{{harvnb|Flannery|2005|loc=}}.</ref>
			<ref name=Zimm03_19>{{harvnb|Zimmerman|2003|p=19}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Sanford">], .</ref>
			<ref name="mound">{{cite web |url=http://www.wsp.krakow.pl/geo/krakow/kopiec_p.html |title=Kopiec Józefa Piłsudskiego |work=Pedagogical University of Kraków |language=pl |access-date=18 September 2007 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070707232437/http://www.wsp.krakow.pl/geo/krakow/kopiec_p.html |archive-date=7 July 2007 }}</ref>
	<ref name="Sejm1995">Translation of ''Oświadczenie Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 12 maja 1995 r. w sprawie uczczenia 60 rocznicy śmierci Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego.'' (] z dnia 24 maja 1995 r.). For Polish original online, see here .</ref>
			<ref name="Władyka+Żuławnik">{{harvnb|Władyka|2005|pp=285–311}}; {{harvnb|Żuławnik, Małgorzata & Mariusz|2005}}.</ref>
	<ref name="Snyder">], .</ref>
	<ref name="Suleja202">], p. 202.</ref>
	<ref name="Suleja265">], p. 265.</ref>
	<ref name="Suleja300">], p. 300.</ref>
	<ref name="Suleja343">], p. 343.</ref>
	<ref name="Szczep">{{cite web |last=Szczepański |first=Janusz |url=http://www.mowiawieki.pl/artykul.html?id_artykul=404 |title=Kontrowersje Wokół Bitwy Warszawskiej 1920 Roku (Controversies surrounding the Battle of Warsaw in 1920) |work=] online |language=Polish |accessdate =15 January 2008 |archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20071202074444/http://www.mowiawieki.pl/artykul.html?id_artykul=404 <!--Added by H3llBot--> |archivedate=2 December 2007 }}</ref>
	<ref name="TT_NGP">], .</ref>
	<ref name="The Versailles Treaty 28 June 1919: Part III">See articles 87–93, {{cite web|url=http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/imt/partiii.htm|title=The Versailles Treaty 28 June 1919: Part III|year=2008|work=The Avalon Project|accessdate =15 January 2008}}</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 109–111">], vol. 1, pp. 109–111.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 113–116">], vol. 1, pp. 113–116.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 117–118">], vol. 1, pp. 117–18.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 121–122">], vol. 1, pp. 121–122.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 13-15">], vol. 1, pp. 13–15.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 131">], vol. 1, p. 131.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 133–141">], vol. 1, pp. 133–141.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 168">], vol. 1, p. 168.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 170–171 and 180–182">], vol. 1, pp. 170–171 and 180–182.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 171–172">], vol. 1, pp. 171–172.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 174–175">], vol. 1, pp. 174–175.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 178–179">], vol. 1, pp. 178–179.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 251–252">], vol. 1, pp. 251–252.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 253">], vol. 1, p. 253.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 256 and 277–278">], vol. 1, p. 256 and pp. 277–278.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 281">], vol. 1, p. 281.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 291">], vol. 1, p. 291.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 317–326-2">], vol. 2, pp. 317–326.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 330–337-2">], vol. 2, pp. 330–337.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 341–346 and 357–358">], vol. 1, pp. 341–346 and 357–358.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 341–346">], vol. 1, pp. 341–46.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 346–441">], vol. 1, pp. 346–441 and 357–358.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 45–2">], vol. 2, p. 45.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 484">], vol. 1, p. 484.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 485">], vol. 1, p. 485.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 487-488">], vol. 1, pp. 487–488.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 488">], vol. 1, p. 488.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 489">], vol. 1, p. 489.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 489–490">], vol. 1, pp. 489–490.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 490">], vol. 1, p. 490.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 490–491">], vol. 1, pp. 490–491.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 499–501">], vol. 1, pp. 499–501.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 50">], vol. 1, p. 50.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 502">], vol. 1, p. 502.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 515">], vol. 1, 515.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 528–529">], vol. 1, pp. 528–529.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 538">], p. 538.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 539–540">], vol. 1, pp. 539–540.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 62–66">], vol. 1, pp. 62–66.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 68–69">], vol. 1, pp. 68–69.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 71">], vol. 1 p. 71.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 74–77">], vol. 1, pp. 74–77.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 83–2">], vol. 2, p. 83.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 88">], vol. 1, p. 88.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 90–2">], vol. 2, p. 90.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 92–2">], vol. 2, p. 92.</ref>
	<ref name="Urb 93">], vol. 1, p. 93.</ref>
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	<ref name="Zamoyski-330">], p. 330.</ref>
	<ref name="Zamoyski-332">], p. 332.</ref>
	<ref name="Zamoyski-333">], p. 333.</ref>
	<ref name="Zim166">Joshua D. Zimmerman, ''Poles, Jews, and the Politics of Nationality: The Bund and the Polish Socialist Party in Late Tsarist Russia, 1892–1914'', ], 2004, ISBN 978-0-299-19464-2 </ref>
	<ref name="Zim19">Joshua D. Zimmerman, ''Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath'', Rutgers University Press, 2003, ISBN 978-0-8135-3158-8, </ref>
	<ref name="mound">{{cite web |url=http://www.wsp.krakow.pl/geo/krakow/kopiec_p.html |title=Kopiec Józefa Piłsudskiego |work=Pedagogical University of Kraków |language=Polish |accessdate =18 September 2007 }}</ref>
	<ref name="nalamach">], pp. 285–311; ].</ref>
	}}		}}
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	|isbn=978-0-521-52242-7		|isbn=978-0-521-52242-7
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refKenez1999> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Kenez		|last=Kenez
	|first=Peter		|first=Peter
	|authorlink=Peter Kenez		|author-link=Peter Kenez
	|title=A History of the Soviet Union from the Beginning to the End
	|year=1999		|year=1999
			|title=A History of the Soviet Union from the Beginning to the End
	|publisher=Cambridge University Press		|publisher=Cambridge University Press
	|location=Cambridge
	|isbn=978-0-521-31198-4		|isbn=978-0-521-31198-4
			|url=https://archive.org/details/historyofsovietu00kene
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refKershaw2001> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=Kershaw
	|first=Ian		|last=Kershaw |first=Ian |author-link=Ian Kershaw
	|authorlink=Ian Kershaw
	|title=Hitler, 1936–1945: Nemesis
	|year=2001		|year=2001
			|title=Hitler, 1936–1945: Nemesis
	|publisher=W. W. Norton
	|location=New York		|location=New York
			|publisher=W.W. Norton
	|isbn=978-0-393-32252-1		|isbn=978-0-393-32252-1
			}}
	|url=http://books.google.com/?id=B5fJYMxufVcC
	}}</cite>		* {{cite book
			|editor-last=Kipp |editor-first=Jacob
	* <cite id=refKipp1993> {{cite book
	|last=Kipp
	|first=Jacob (ed.)
	|title=Central European Security Concerns: Bridge, Buffer, Or Barrier?
	|year=1993		|year=1993
			|title=Central European Security Concerns: Bridge, Buffer, Or Barrier?
			|location=Portland OR
	|publisher=F. Cass		|publisher=F. Cass
	|location=London; Portland, Ore.
	|isbn=978-0-7146-4545-2		|isbn=978-0-7146-4545-2
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refLerski1996> {{cite book		* {{cite book
			|last=Kowner |first=Rotem |author-link=Rotem Kowner
			|year=2006
			|title=Historical Dictionary of the Russo-Japanese War
			|publisher=The Scarecrow Press
			|isbn=0-8108-4927-5
			}}
			* {{cite book
	|last=Lerski		|last=Lerski
	|first=Jerzy Jan		|first=Jerzy Jan
	|authorlink=Jerzy Jan Lerski		|author-link=Jerzy Jan Lerski
			|others=Editing and emendations by Piotr Wróbel and Richard J. Kozicki
	|title=Historical Dictionary of Poland, 966–1945		|title=Historical Dictionary of Poland, 966–1945
	|year=1996		|year=1996
	|publisher=Greenwood Press		|publisher=Greenwood Press
	|location=Westport, Conn.		|location=Westport, CN
	|isbn=978-0-313-26007-0		|isbn=978-0-313-26007-0
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refLeslie1983> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Leslie		|last=Leslie |first=R. F.
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	|title=The History of Poland Since 1863
	|year=1983		|year=1983
			|title=The History of Poland Since 1863
	|publisher=Cambridge University Press		|publisher=Cambridge University Press
	|location=Cambridge
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	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refLieven1994> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Lieven		|last=Lieven |first=Anatol |author-link=Anatol Lieven
			|year=1994
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	|title=The Baltic Revolution: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Path to Independence		|title=The Baltic Revolution: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Path to Independence
			|location=New Haven
	|publisher=Yale University Press		|publisher=Yale University Press
	|isbn=978-0-300-06078-2		|isbn=978-0-300-06078-2
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last1=Lönnroth |first1=Erik |author-link=Erik Lönnroth
			|last2=Björk |first2=Ragnar
			|last3=Molin |first3=Karl
	|year=1994		|year=1994
	|location=New Haven
	}}</cite>
	* <cite id=refLonnroth1994> {{cite book
	|last=Lönnroth
	|first=Erik
	|authorlink=Erik Lönnroth
	|coauthors=Björk, Ragnar; Molin, Karl
	|title=Conceptions of National History: Proceedings of Nobel Symposium 78		|title=Conceptions of National History: Proceedings of Nobel Symposium 78
			|location=Berlin; New York
	|year=1994
	|publisher=Walter de Gruyter		|publisher=Walter de Gruyter
	|location=Berlin; New York
	|isbn=978-3-11-013504-6		|isbn=978-3-11-013504-6
			|ref=CITEREFLönnroth et al.1994
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refLukacs2001> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=Lukacs		|last=Lukacs
	|first=John		|first=John
	|authorlink=John Lukacs		|author-link=John Lukacs
			|year=2001
	|title=The Last European War: September 1939 – December 1941		|title=The Last European War: September 1939 – December 1941
	|year=2001
	|publisher=Yale University Press		|publisher=Yale University Press
	|location=New Haven
	|edition=Pbk.
	|isbn=978-0-300-08915-8		|isbn=978-0-300-08915-8
			|url=https://archive.org/details/lasteuropeanwar00john
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refMacMillan2003> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=MacMillan		|last=MacMillan
	|first=Margaret		|first=Margaret
	|authorlink=Margaret MacMillan		|author-link=Margaret MacMillan
	|title=Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World		|title=Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World
	|year=2003		|year=2003
Line 1,200:		Line 941:
	|location=New York		|location=New York
	|isbn=978-0-375-76052-5		|isbn=978-0-375-76052-5
	}}</cite>		}}
			* ], ''Conrad under Familial Eyes'', Cambridge University Press, 1984, {{ISBN|0-521-25082-X}}.
	* <cite id=refMatuszak2006> {{cite journal
			* ], ''Joseph Conrad: A Life'', Rochester, New York, Camden House, 2007, {{ISBN|978-1-57113-347-2}}.
	|last=Matuszak
			* {{cite book
	|first=Tomasz
	|title=Epilog Legionów
	|journal=Historia Rzeczpospolitej: Zwycięstwa oręża polskiego
	|issue=16/20–"Historia bitew: Bitwa pod Kostiuchnówką"
	|date=17 June 2006
	|language=Polish
	|url=http://www.rzeczpospolita.pl/dodatki/bitwy_060617/bitwy_a_7.html
	|publisher=Rzeczpospolita, Mówią Wieki, Muzeum Wojska Polskiego
	}}</cite>
	* <cite id=refPaulsson2003> {{cite book
	|last=Paulsson		|last=Paulsson
	|first=Gunnar S.		|first=Gunnar S.
	|authorlink=Gunnar S. Paulsson		|author-link=Gunnar S. Paulsson
	|title=Secret City: The Hidden Jews of Warsaw, 1940–1945
	|year=2003		|year=2003
			|title=Secret City: The Hidden Jews of Warsaw, 1940–1945
	|publisher=Yale University Press
	|location=New Haven		|location=New Haven
			|publisher=Yale University Press
	|isbn=978-0-300-09546-3		|isbn=978-0-300-09546-3
			|url=https://archive.org/details/secretcityhidden00paul
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refPidlutskyi2004> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
			|last=Payne
			|first=Stanley G.
			|author-link=Stanley G. Payne
			|year=1995
			|title=A History of Fascism, 1914–1945
			|publisher=]
			|isbn=978-0-299-14874-4
			|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780299148744
			}}
			* {{cite book
	|last=Pidlutskyi		|last=Pidlutskyi
	|first=Oleksa		|first=Oleksa
	|chapter=Józef Piłsudski: The Chief who Created Himself a State
	|title=Postati XX stolittia (Figures of the 20th century)
	|year=2004		|year=2004
			|chapter=Józef Piłsudski: The Chief who Created Himself a State
			|title=Postati XX stolittia |trans-title=Figures of the 20th century
			|location=Kyiv
	|publisher=Triada-A		|publisher=Triada-A
	|location=Kiev
	|isbn=978-966-8290-01-5		|isbn=978-966-8290-01-5
			}} (Reprinted in '']'', 5, 3–9 February 2001,
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
			* {{cite book
	}}</cite> (Reprinted in '']'' ''(The Mirror Weekly)'', Kiev, 3–9 February February 2001, and .)
			|last=Piłsudski |first=Józef
	* <cite id=refPilsudski1989> {{Cite book
	|last=Piłsudski
	|first=Józef
	|editor=Urbankowski, Bohdan		|editor=Urbankowski, Bohdan
	|title=Myśli, mowy i rozkazy
	|year=1989		|year=1989
			|title=Myśli, mowy i rozkazy
	|publisher=Kwadryga
	|location=Warsaw		|location=Warsaw
			|publisher=Kwadryga
	|language=Polish
			|language=pl
	|isbn=978-83-85082-01-9		|isbn=978-83-85082-01-9
			}}
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}</cite>		* {{cite book
	* <cite id=refPipes1993> {{cite book
	|last=Pipes		|last=Pipes
	|first=Richard		|first=Richard
	|authorlink=Richard Pipes		|author-link=Richard Pipes
	|title=Russia under the Bolshevik Regime
	|year=1993		|year=1993
			|title=Russia under the Bolshevik Regime
			|location=New York
	|publisher=Knopf		|publisher=Knopf
	|location=New York
	|isbn=978-0-394-50242-7		|isbn=978-0-394-50242-7
			|url=https://archive.org/details/russiaunderbolsh00rich
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refPlach2006> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=Plach		|last=Plach
	|first=Eva		|first=Eva
Line 1,261:		Line 1,002:
	|year=2006		|year=2006
	|publisher=Ohio University Press		|publisher=Ohio University Press
	|location=Athens, Ohio		|location=Athens
	|isbn=978-0-8214-1695-2		|isbn=978-0-8214-1695-2
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refPobog-Malinowski1990> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Pobóg-Malinowski		|last=Pobóg-Malinowski |first=Władysław |author-link=Władysław Pobóg-Malinowski
	|first=Władysław
	|authorlink=Władysław Pobóg-Malinowski
	|title=Najnowsza historia polityczna Polski 1864–1945
	|language=Polish
	|year=1990		|year=1990
			|title=Najnowsza historia polityczna Polski 1864–1945
	|publisher=Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza
	|location=Warsaw		|location=Warsaw
			|publisher=Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza
	|isbn=978-83-03-03163-1		|isbn=978-83-03-03163-1
			|language=pl
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refPrizel1998> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Prizel		|last=Prizel |first=Ilya
	|first=Ilya
	|title=National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine
	|year=1998		|year=1998
			|title=National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine
	|publisher=Cambridge University Press		|publisher=Cambridge University Press
	|location=Cambridge; New York
	|isbn=978-0-521-57697-0		|isbn=978-0-521-57697-0
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refQuester2000> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Quester		|last=Quester
	|first=George H.		|first=George H.
Line 1,293:		Line 1,029:
	|location=New Brunswick		|location=New Brunswick
	|isbn=978-0-7658-0022-0		|isbn=978-0-7658-0022-0
			|ref=refQuester2000
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refRoos1966> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=Roos
	|first=Hans		|last=Rąkowski |first=Grzegorz
			|year=2005
	|title=A History of Modern Poland, from the Foundation of the State in the First World War to the Present Day
			|title=Wołyń: przewodnik krajoznawczo-historyczny po Ukrainie Zachodniej
			|publisher=Rewasz
			|isbn=83-89188-32-5
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Roos |first=Hans
	|year=1966		|year=1966
			|others=Translated by J.R. Foster from the German ''Geschichte der polnischen Nation, 1916–1960''.
			|title=A History of Modern Poland, from the Foundation of the State in the First World War to the Present Day
			|url=https://archive.org/details/historyofmodernp00roos |url-access=registration |location=New York
	|publisher=Knopf		|publisher=Knopf
	|location=New York
	|edition=1st American		|edition=1st American
	|oclc=396836		|oclc=396836
			}}
	}}</cite> (Translated by J.R. Foster from the German ''Geschichte der polnischen Nation, 1916–1960''.)
	* <cite id=refRoshwald2001> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Roshwald		|last=Roshwald |first=Aviel |author-link=Aviel Roshwald
	|first=Aviel
	|authorlink=Aviel Roshwald
	|title=Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires: Central Europe, the Middle East and Russia, 1914–1923
	|year=2001		|year=2001
			|title=Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires: Central Europe, the Middle East and Russia, 1914–1923
	|publisher=Routledge
	|location=London; New York		|location=London; New York
			|publisher=Routledge
	|isbn=978-0-415-24229-5		|isbn=978-0-415-24229-5
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refRoshwald2002> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Roshwald		|last=Roshwald
	|first=Aviel		|first=Aviel
	|coauthors=Stites, Richard		|author2=Stites, Richard
	|title=European Culture in the Great War: The Arts, Entertainment and Propaganda, 1914–1918		|title=European Culture in the Great War: The Arts, Entertainment and Propaganda, 1914–1918
	|year=2002		|year=2002
	|publisher=Cambridge University Press		|publisher=Cambridge University Press
	|location=Cambridge, U.K.; New York		|location=Cambridge; New York
	|isbn=978-0-521-01324-6		|isbn=978-0-521-01324-6
			|ref=refRoshwald2002
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refRoszkowski1992> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=Roszkowski
	|first=Wojciech		|last=Roszkowski |first=Wojciech |author-link=Wojciech Roszkowski
	|authorlink=Wojciech Roszkowski
	|title=Historia Polski 1914–1991
	|year=1992		|year=1992
			|title=Historia Polski 1914–1991
	|language=Polish
	|publisher=Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN
	|location=Warsaw		|location=Warsaw
			|publisher=Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN
	|isbn=978-83-01-11014-7		|isbn=978-83-01-11014-7
			|language=pl
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refRothschild1990> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Rothschild		|last=Rothschild
	|first=Joseph		|first=Joseph
	|title=East Central Europe Between the Two World Wars
	|year=1990		|year=1990
			|title=East Central Europe Between the Two World Wars
	|publisher=University of Washington Press
	|location=Seattle		|location=Seattle
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	|isbn=978-0-295-95357-1		|isbn=978-0-295-95357-1
			|url=https://archive.org/details/eastcentraleurop09jose
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refSanford2002> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=Sanford
			|last=Sanford |first=George |author-link=George Sanford (scholar)
	|first=George
	|authorlink=George Sanford (scholar)
	|title=Democratic Government in Poland: Constitutional Politics Since 1989
	|year=2002		|year=2002
			|title=Democratic Government in Poland: Constitutional Politics Since 1989
	|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan
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			|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan
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	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refSnyder2004> {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Snyder		|last=Schuker
	|first=Timothy		|first=Stephen
			|chapter=The End of Versailles
	|authorlink=Timothy Snyder
			|pages=38–56
	|title=The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999
			|title=The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered A.J.P. Taylor and the Historians'
			|editor=Gordon Martel
			|location=London
			|publisher= Routledge
			|isbn=0415163250
			|year=1999
			|edition=2nd
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Snyder |first=Timothy |author-link=Timothy Snyder
	|year=2004		|year=2004
			|title=The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999
	|publisher=Yale University Press		|publisher=Yale University Press
	|location=New Haven, Conn.; London
	|isbn=978-0-300-10586-5		|isbn=978-0-300-10586-5
	|url=http://books.google.com/?id=xSpEynLxJ1MC		|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xSpEynLxJ1MC
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refStachura2004> {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Stachura		|last=Snyder |first=Timothy
			|year=2007
	|first=Peter D.
			|title=Sketches from a Secret Warr: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine
	|title=Poland, 1918–1945: An Interpretive and Documentary History of the Second Republic
			|publisher=Yale University Press
			|isbn=978-030012599-3
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Stachura |first=Peter D.
	|year=2004		|year=2004
			|title=Poland, 1918–1945: An Interpretive and Documentary History of the Second Republic
	|publisher=Routledge		|publisher=Routledge
	|location=London; New York
	|isbn=978-0-415-34358-9		|isbn=978-0-415-34358-9
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refSuleja2004> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Suleja		|last=Suleja |first=Włodzimierz
	|first=Włodzimierz
	|title=Józef Piłsudski
	|year=2004		|year=2004
			|title=Józef Piłsudski
	|publisher=Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich
	|location=Wrocław		|location=Wrocław
			|publisher=Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich
	|language=Polish
			|language=pl
	|isbn=978-83-04-04706-8		|isbn=978-83-04-04706-8
			}}
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}</cite>		* {{cite book
	* <cite id=refTorbus1999> {{cite book
	|last=Torbus		|last=Torbus
	|first=Tomasz		|first=Tomasz
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	|location=Munich		|location=Munich
	|isbn=978-3-88618-088-2		|isbn=978-3-88618-088-2
			|ref=refTorbus1999
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refUrbankowski1997> {{Cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Urbankowski		|last=Urbankowski |first=Bohdan |author-link=Bohdan Urbankowski
	|first=Bohdan
	|authorlink=Bohdan Urbankowski
	|title=Józef Piłsudski: Marzyciel i strateg (Józef Piłsudski: Dreamer and Strategist)
	|volume=1–2
	|year=1997		|year=1997
			|title=Józef Piłsudski: Marzyciel i strateg |trans-title=Józef Piłsudski: Dreamer and Strategist
	|publisher=Wydawnictwo ALFA
			|volume=1–2
	|location=Warsaw		|location=Warsaw
			|publisher=Wydawnictwo ALFA
	|language=Polish
			|language=pl
	|isbn=978-83-7001-914-3
			|isbn=978-83-7001-914-3 <!--refUrbankowski1997-->
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refWatt1979> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=Watt
			|last=Young
	|first=Richard M.
			|first=Robert
	|title=Bitter Glory
			|year=1996
			|title=France and the Origins of the Second World War
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			|language=en
			|isbn=0312161867
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Vital
			|first=David
			|year=1999
			|title=A People Apart: The Jews in Europe, 1789–1939
			|publisher=Oxford University Press
			|isbn=978-0-19-821980-4
			|url=https://archive.org/details/peopleapartjewsi00vita
			}}
			* {{cite journal
			|last=Wandycz |first=Piotr S. |author-link=Piotr S. Wandycz
			|year=1990
			|title=Poland's Place in Europe in the Concepts of Piłsudski and Dmowski
			|journal=East European Politics & Societies
			|volume=4 |issue=3
			|pages=451–468
			|doi=10.1177/0888325490004003004 |s2cid=144503092
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Wandycz
			|first=Piotr Stefan
			|year=1988
			|title=The Twilight of French Eastern Alliances, 1926–1936: French-Czechoslovak-Polish Relations from Locarno to the Remilitarization of the Rhineland
			|location=Princeton
			|publisher=Princeton University Press
			|language=en
			|isbn=9780691635255
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Watt |first=Richard M.
	|year=1979		|year=1979
			|title=Bitter Glory
	|publisher=Simon and Schuster
	|location=New York		|location=New York
			|publisher=Simon and Schuster
	|isbn=978-0-671-22625-1		|isbn=978-0-671-22625-1
	}}</cite>		}}
	* <cite id=refWladyka2005> {{cite book		* {{cite book
	|last=Władyka		|last=Wein|first=Berel
			|year=1990
	|first=Władysław
			|title=Triumph of Survival: The Story of the Jews in the Modern Era 1650–1990.
	|editor=Jabłonowski, Marek; Kossewska, Elżbieta (eds.)
			|publisher=Shaar / Mesorah
	|chapter=Z Drugą Rzeczpospolitą na plecach. Postać Józefa Piłsudskiego w prasie i propagandzie PRL do 1980 roku
			|isbn=0-89906-498-1-
	|title=Piłsudski na łamach i w opiniach prasy polskiej 1918–1989 (Piłsudski as Seen in the Polish Press, 1918–1989)
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Władyka |first=Władysław
	|year=2005		|year=2005
			|title=Z Drugą Rzeczpospolitą na plecach. Postać Józefa Piłsudskiego w prasie i propagandzie PRL do 1980 roku
	|publisher=Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA–JR and Warsaw University
			}} In {{harvnb|Jabłonowski|Kossewska|2005|}}.
	|location=Warsaw
	|language=Polish
			* {{cite book
	|isbn=978-83-89964-44-1
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}</cite>
	* <cite id=refZamoyski1987> {{cite book
	|last=Zamoyski		|last=Zamoyski
	|first=Adam		|first=Adam
	|authorlink=Adam Zamoyski		|author-link=Adam Zamoyski
	|title=The Polish Way
	|year=1987		|year=1987
			|title=The Polish Way
	|publisher=John Murray
	|location=London		|location=London
			|publisher=John Murray
	|isbn=978-0-531-15069-6		|isbn=978-0-531-15069-6
			|url=https://archive.org/details/polishwaythousa00zamo
	}}</cite>
			}}
	* <cite id=refZulawnik2005> {{cite book
			* {{cite book
	|last=Żuławnik
	|first=Małgorzata		|last=Zimmerman |first=Joshua D.
			|year=2003
	|coauthors=Żuławnik Mariusz
			|title=Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath
	|editor=Jabłonowski, Marek; Kossewska, Elżbieta (eds.)
			|publisher=Rutgers University Press
	|chapter=Powrót na łamy. Józef Piłsudski w prasie oficjalnej i podziemnej 1980–1989 (Return to the Newspapers: Józef Piłsudski in the Official and Underground Press, 1980–1989)
			|isbn=978-0-8135-3158-8
	|title=Piłsudski na łamach i w opiniach prasy polskiej 1918–1989 (Piłsudski as Seen in the Polish Press, 1918–1989)
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Zimmerman |first=Joshua D.
			|year=2004
			|title=Poles, Jews, and the Politics of Nationality: The Bund and the Polish Socialist Party in Late Tsarist Russia, 1892–1914
			|publisher=]
			|isbn=978-0-299-19464-2
			}}
			* {{cite book
			|last=Żuławnik |first=Małgorzata |author2=Żuławnik, Mariusz
	|year=2005		|year=2005
			|title=Powrót na łamy. Józef Piłsudski w prasie oficjalnej i podziemnej 1980–1989
	|publisher=Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA–JR and Warsaw University
			|trans-title=Return to the Newspapers: Józef Piłsudski in the Official and Underground Press, 1980–1989
	|location=Warsaw
			|ref=CITEREFŻuławnik, Małgorzata & Mariusz2005
	|language=Polish
			}} In {{harvnb|Jabłonowski|Kossewska|2005|}}.
	|isbn=978-83-89964-44-1
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
			{{refend}}
	}}</cite>
	{{Refend}}
	==Further reading==		==Further reading==
	:''This is only a small selection. See also National Library in Warsaw .''		:''This is only a small selection. See also National Library in Warsaw {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210411184337/http://www.ekologia.neostrada.pl/hwjpl.html |date=11 April 2021 }}.''
	{{Refbegin|colwidth=30em}}		{{refbegin|colwidth=30em}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Czubiński		|editor-last=Czubiński
	|first=Antoni (ed.)		|editor-first=Antoni
	|title=Józef Piłsudski i jego legenda (Józef Piłsudski and His Legend)		|title=Józef Piłsudski i jego legenda
			|trans-title=Józef Piłsudski and His Legend
	|year=1988		|year=1988
	|publisher=Państowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN		|publisher=Państowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN
	|location=Warsaw		|location=Warsaw
	|isbn=978-83-01-07819-5		|isbn=978-83-01-07819-5
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Davies		|last=Davies
	|first=Norman		|first=Norman
	|authorlink=Norman Davies		|author-link=Norman Davies
	|title=Heart of Europe, The Past in Poland's Present		|title=Heart of Europe, The Past in Poland's Present
	|year=2001		|year=2001
Line 1,478:		Line 1,274:
	|location=Oxford; New York		|location=Oxford; New York
	|isbn=978-0-19-280126-5		|isbn=978-0-19-280126-5
	|origyear=1984		|orig-year=1984
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Dziewanowski		|last=Dziewanowski
	|first=Marian Kamil		|first=Marian Kamil
	|authorlink=Marian Kamil Dziewanowski		|author-link=Marian Kamil Dziewanowski
	|title=Joseph Pilsudski: A European Federalist, 1918–1922		|title=Joseph Pilsudski: A European Federalist, 1918–1922
	|year=1969		|year=1969
Line 1,490:		Line 1,286:
	|isbn=978-0-8179-1791-3		|isbn=978-0-8179-1791-3
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Garlicki		|last=Garlicki
	|first=Andrzej		|first=Andrzej
Line 1,498:		Line 1,294:
	|publisher=Polska Akademia Nauk		|publisher=Polska Akademia Nauk
	|location=Wrocław		|location=Wrocław
	|isbn=
	|pages=311–324		|pages=311–324
	|language=Polish		|language=pl
	}}		}}
	* {{cite journal		*{{cite journal
	|last=Hauser		|last=Hauser
	|first=Przemysław		|first=Przemysław
	|coauthors=Dorosz, Janina (transl.)		|others=Dorosz, Janina (transl.)
	|title=Józef Piłsudski's Views on the Territorial Shape of the Polish State and His Endeavours to Put them into Effect, 1918–1921		|title=Józef Piłsudski's Views on the Territorial Shape of the Polish State and His Endeavours to Put them into Effect, 1918–1921
	|journal=Polish Western Affairs		|journal=Polish Western Affairs
Line 1,515:		Line 1,310:
	|issn=0032-3039		|issn=0032-3039
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Jędrzejewicz		|last=Jędrzejewicz
	|first=Wacław		|first=Wacław
	|authorlink=Wacław Jędrzejewicz		|author-link=Wacław Jędrzejewicz
	|title=Józef Piłsudski 1867–1935		|title=Józef Piłsudski 1867–1935
	|year=1989		|year=1989
Line 1,524:		Line 1,319:
	|location=Wrocław		|location=Wrocław
	|isbn=978-83-88736-25-4		|isbn=978-83-88736-25-4
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Piłsudska		|last=Piłsudska
	|first=Aleksandra		|first=Aleksandra
	|authorlink=Aleksandra Piłsudska		|author-link=Aleksandra Piłsudska
	|title=Pilsudski: A Biography by His Wife		|title=Pilsudski: A Biography by His Wife
	|year=1941		|year=1941
Line 1,536:		Line 1,330:
	|oclc=65700731		|oclc=65700731
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Piłsudski		|last=Piłsudski
	|first=Józef		|first=Józef
	|coauthors=Gillie, Darsie Rutherford		|author2=Gillie, Darsie Rutherford
	|title=Joseph Pilsudski, the Memories of a Polish Revolutionary and Soldier		|title=Joseph Pilsudski, the Memories of a Polish Revolutionary and soldier
	|year=1931		|year=1931
	|publisher=Faber & Faber		|publisher=Faber & Faber
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Piłsudski		|last=Piłsudski
	|first=Józef		|first=Józef
Line 1,551:		Line 1,345:
	|publisher=Józef Piłsudski Institute of America		|publisher=Józef Piłsudski Institute of America
	|location=New York		|location=New York
	|isbn=B0006EIT3A		|asin=B0006EIT3A
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Reddaway		|last=Reddaway
	|first=William Fiddian		|first=William Fiddian
Line 1,563:		Line 1,356:
	|oclc=1704492		|oclc=1704492
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Rothschild		|last=Rothschild
	|first=Joseph		|first=Joseph
	|title=Pilsudski's Coup d'Etat		|title=Pilsudski's Coup d'État
	|year=1967		|year=1967
	|publisher=Columbia University Press		|publisher=Columbia University Press
Line 1,572:		Line 1,365:
	|isbn=978-0-231-02984-1		|isbn=978-0-231-02984-1
	}}		}}
	* {{cite journal		*{{cite journal
	|last=Wandycz		|last=Wandycz
	|first=Piotr S.		|first=Piotr S.
	|authorlink=Piotr S. Wandycz
	|title=Polish Federalism 1919–1920 and its Historical Antecedents		|title=Polish Federalism 1919–1920 and its Historical Antecedents
	|journal=East European Quarterly		|journal=East European Quarterly
Line 1,585:		Line 1,377:
	|issn=0012-8449		|issn=0012-8449
	}}		}}
	* {{cite book		*{{cite book
	|last=Wójcik		|last=Wójcik
	|first=Włodzimierz		|first=Włodzimierz
Line 1,593:		Line 1,385:
	|location=Warsaw		|location=Warsaw
	|isbn=978-83-216-0533-3		|isbn=978-83-216-0533-3
	|isbn-status=May be invalid&nbsp;– please double check
	}}		}}
			* Zimmerman, Joshua D. ''Jozef Pilsudski: Founding Father of Modern Poland'' (Harvard University Press, 2022)
	{{Refend}}
			{{refend}}
	==External links==		==External links==
	{{wikiquote}}		{{Wikiquote}}
	{{commons|Józef Piłsudski}}		{{Commons|Józef Piłsudski}}
	* {{pl icon}}		* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150817212035/http://www.jpilsudski.org/ |date=17 August 2015 }} {{in lang|pl}}
	* Dole, Patryk, {{en icon}}		* {{in lang|en|pl}}
			* &nbsp;– Book by Józef Piłsudski {{in lang|pl}}
	* {{en icon}}/{{pl icon}}
	* &nbsp;– Book by Józef Piłsudski {{pl icon}}		* &nbsp;– Recording of short speech by Piłsudski from 1924 {{in lang|pl}}
			* {{PM20|FID=pe/013635}}
	* &nbsp;– Recording of short speech by Piłsudski from 1924 {{pl icon}}
			{{Navboxes
			|title=Offices
			|list1=
	{{s-start}}		{{s-start}}
	{{s-off}}		{{s-off}}
	{{succession box|title=]|before=None (Independence regained)<br /><small>(eventually ])</small>|after=]<br /><small>President of the Republic</small>|years=18 November 1918 – 9 December 1922}}		{{s-bef|before=None (Independence regained)<br /><small>(eventually ])</small>}}
	{{succession box|title=]|before=]|after=]|years=16 May 1926 – 12 May 1935}}		{{s-ttl|title=]|years=18 November 1918&nbsp;– 9 December 1922}}
			{{s-aft|after=]<br /><small>President of the Republic</small>}}
	{{succession box|title=]<br /><small>(did not take office)</small>|before=]|after=]|years=elected 31 May 1926}}
			{{s-bef|before=]}}
	{{succession box|title=]|before=]|after=]|years=2 October 1926 – 27 June 1928}}
	{{succession box|title=]|before=]|after=]|years=15 August – 4 December 1930}}		{{s-ttl|title=]|years=16 May 1926&nbsp;– 12 May 1935}}
			{{s-aft|after=]}}
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			{{s-ttl|title=]<br /><small>(did not take office)</small>|years=elected 31 May 1926}}
			{{s-aft|after=]}}
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			{{s-ttl|title=]|years=2 October 1926&nbsp;– 27 June 1928}}
			{{s-aft|after=]}}
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			{{s-ttl|title=]|years=15 August – 4 December 1930}}
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	{{s-mil|}}		{{s-mil|}}
			{{s-bef|before=none}}
	{{succession box|title=Commandant of the ]|before=none|after=]|years=1914–1916}}
	{{succession box|title=]|before=]|after=]|years=17 December 1922 – 9 June 1923}}		{{s-ttl|title=Commandant of the ]|years=1914–1916}}
			{{s-aft|after=]}}
	{{succession box|title=]|before=none|after=]|years=27 August 1926 – 12 May 1935}}
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	{{end}}
			{{s-ttl|title=]|years=17 December 1922&nbsp;– 9 June 1923}}
			{{s-aft|after=]}}
			{{s-bef|before=none}}
			{{s-ttl|title=]|years=27 August 1926&nbsp;– 12 May 1935}}
			{{s-aft|after=]}}
			{{s-end}}
			}}
	{{Marshals of Poland}}		{{Marshals of Poland}}
	{{Presidents of Poland}}		{{Presidents of Poland}}
	{{Prime Ministers of Poland}}		{{Prime Ministers of Poland}}
	{{General Inspectors of the Polish Armed Forces}}		{{General Inspectors of the Polish Armed Forces}}
	{{Featured article}}		{{authority control}}
	{{Authority control|VIAF=46782964}}
	{{Persondata
	|NAME=Piłsudski, Józef Klemens
	|ALTERNATIVE NAMES=
	|SHORT DESCRIPTION=Polish revolutionary, statesman, independence fighter, Field Marshal, first Chief of State and leader of the Second Polish Republic, and leader of its armed forces
	|DATE OF BIRTH=5 December 1867
	|PLACE OF BIRTH=Zulovo, Russian Empire (now ], Lithuania)
	|DATE OF DEATH=12 May 1935
	|PLACE OF DEATH=], Poland
	}}
	{{DEFAULTSORT:Pilsudski, Jozef Klemens}}		{{DEFAULTSORT:Pilsudski, Jozef Klemens}}
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Latest revision as of 18:51, 28 December 2024

Polish statesman (1867–1935) "Pilsudski" redirects here. For other uses, see Pilsudski (disambiguation).

MarshalJózef Piłsudski
Piłsudski c. 1920s
Chief of State of Poland
In office 22 November 1918 – 14 December 1922
Prime Minister	See list Jędrzej Moraczewski Ignacy Jan Paderewski Leopold Skulski Władysław Grabski Wincenty Witos Antoni Ponikowski Artur Śliwiński Julian Nowak
Preceded by	Regency Council
Succeeded by	Gabriel Narutowicz (as President)
Prime Minister of Poland
In office 2 October 1926 – 27 June 1928
President	Ignacy Mościcki
Deputy	Kazimierz Bartel
Preceded by	Kazimierz Bartel
Succeeded by	Kazimierz Bartel
Personal details
Born	Józef Klemens Piłsudski (1867-12-05)5 December 1867 Zułów, Vilna Governorate, Russian Empire (now Lithuania)
Died	12 May 1935(1935-05-12) (aged 67) Warsaw, Poland
Political party	Independent
Other political affiliations	Polish Socialist Party (1893–1918)
Spouses	Maria Koplewska ​ ​(m. 1899; died 1921)​ Aleksandra Szczerbińska ​ ​(m. 1921)​
Children	Wanda Jadwiga
Signature
Military service
Allegiance	Austria-Hungary Second Polish Republic
Branch/service	Polish Legions Polish Army
Years of service	1914–1923 1926–1935
Rank	Marshal of Poland
Battles/wars	Revolution in the Kingdom of Poland (1905–1907) World War I Polish–Ukrainian War Polish–Lithuanian War Polish–Soviet War
Józef Piłsudski's voice Recorded on 5 September 1924

Józef Klemens Piłsudski (Polish: [ˈjuzɛf ˈklɛmɛns piwˈsutskʲi] ; 5 December 1867 – 12 May 1935) was a Polish statesman who served as the Chief of State (1918–1922) and first Marshal of Poland (from 1920). In the aftermath of World War I, he became an increasingly dominant figure in Polish politics and exerted significant influence on shaping the country's foreign policy. Piłsudski is viewed as a father of the Second Polish Republic, which was re-established in 1918, 123 years after the final partition of Poland in 1795, and was considered de facto leader (1926–1935) of the Second Republic as the Minister of Military Affairs.

Seeing himself as a descendant of the culture and traditions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Piłsudski believed in a multi-ethnic Poland—"a home of nations" including indigenous ethnic and religious minorities. Early in his political career, Piłsudski became a leader of the Polish Socialist Party. Believing Poland's independence would be won militarily, he formed the Polish Legions. In 1914, he predicted a new major war would defeat the Russian Empire and the Central Powers. After World War I began in 1914, Piłsudski's Legions fought alongside Austria-Hungary against Russia. In 1917, with Russia faring poorly in the war, he withdrew his support for the Central Powers, and was imprisoned in Magdeburg by the Germans.

Piłsudski was Poland's Chief of State from November 1918, when Poland regained its independence, until 1922. From 1919 to 1921 he commanded Polish forces in six wars that re-defined the country's borders. On the verge of defeat in the Polish–Soviet War in August 1920, his forces repelled the invading Soviet Russians at the Battle of Warsaw. In 1923, with a government dominated by his opponents, in particular the National Democrats, Piłsudski retired from active politics. Three years later he returned to power in the May Coup and became the strongman of the Sanation government. He focused on military and foreign affairs until his death in 1935, developing a cult of personality that has survived into the 21st century.

Although some aspects of Piłsudski's administration, such as imprisoning his political opponents at Bereza Kartuska, are controversial, he remains one of the most influential figures in Polish 20th-century history and is widely regarded as a founder of modern Poland.

Early life

Piłsudski was born 5 December 1867 to the noble Piłsudski family at their manor of Zułów near the village of Zułów (now Zalavas in Lithuania). At his birth, the village was part of the Russian Empire and had been so since 1795. Before that, it was in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, an integral part of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth from 1569 to 1795. After World War I, the village was part of the Vilnius Region that was contested between Lithuania and Poland throughout the interwar period. From 1922 until 1939, the village was in the Second Polish Republic. During World War II, the village suffered Soviet and German occupations. The estate was part of the dowry brought by his mother, Maria, a member of the wealthy Billewicz family. The Piłsudski family, although pauperized, cherished Polish patriotic traditions, and are characterized either as Polish or as Polonized Lithuanians. Józef was the second son born to the family.

Józef was not an especially diligent student when he attended the Russian Gymnasium in Vilnius. Along with his brothers Bronisław, Adam and Jan, Józef was introduced by his mother Maria to Polish history and literature, which were suppressed by the Imperial authorities. His father, also named Józef, fought in the January 1863 Uprising against Russian rule. The family resented the government's Russification policies. Young Józef profoundly disliked having to attend Russian Orthodox Church services and left school with an aversion for the Russian Tsar, its empire, and its culture.

In 1885 Piłsudski started medical studies at Kharkov University where he became involved with Narodnaya Volya, part of the Russian Narodniks revolutionary movement. In 1886, he was suspended for participating in student demonstrations. He was rejected by the University of Dorpat, whose authorities had been informed of his political affiliation. On 22 March 1887, he was arrested by Tsarist authorities on a charge of plotting with Vilnius socialists to assassinate Tsar Alexander III; Piłsudski's main connection to the plot was the involvement of his brother Bronisław. Józef was sentenced to five years' exile in Siberia, first at Kirensk on the Lena River, then at Tunka.

Siberian exile

While being transported in a prisoners' convoy to Siberia, Piłsudski was held for several weeks at a prison in Irkutsk. During his stay, another inmate insulted a guard and refused to apologize; Piłsudski and other political prisoners were beaten by the guards for their defiance and Piłsudski lost two teeth. He took part in a subsequent hunger strike until the authorities reinstated political prisoners' privileges that had been suspended after the incident. For his involvement, he was sentenced in 1888 to six months' imprisonment. He had to spend the first night of his incarceration in 40-degree-below-zero Siberian cold; this led to an illness that nearly killed him and health problems that would plague him throughout life.

During his exile, Piłsudski met many Sybiraks, groups of people who have resettled to Siberia. He was allowed to work in an occupation of his choosing and tutored local children in mathematics and foreign languages (he knew French, German and Lithuanian in addition to Russian and his native Polish; he would later learn English). Local officials decided that, as a Polish noble, he was not entitled to the 10-ruble pension received by others.

Polish Socialist Party

In 1892 Piłsudski returned from exile and settled in Adomavas Manor near Teneniai. In 1893, he joined the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), and helped organize their Lithuanian branch. Initially, he sided with the Socialists' more radical wing, but despite the socialist movement's ostensible internationalism, he remained a Polish nationalist. In 1894, as its chief editor, he published an underground socialist newspaper called Robotnik (The Worker); he would also be one of its chief writers and a typesetter. In 1895, he became a PPS leader, promoting the position that doctrinal issues were of minor importance and socialist ideology should be merged with nationalist ideology because this combination offered the greatest chance of restoring Polish independence.

On 15 July 1899, while an underground organizer, Piłsudski married a fellow socialist organizer, Maria Juszkiewiczowa, née Koplewska. According to his biographer Wacław Jędrzejewicz, the marriage was less romantic than pragmatic. Robotnik's printing press was housed in their apartment first in Vilnius, then in Łódź. A pretext of regular family life made them less suspect. Also, Russian law protected a wife from prosecution for the illegal activities of her husband. The marriage deteriorated when, several years later, Piłsudski began an affair with a younger socialist, Aleksandra Szczerbińska. Maria died in 1921; in October that year, Piłsudski married Aleksandra. By then, the couple had two daughters, Wanda and Jadwiga.

In February 1900 Piłsudski was imprisoned at the Warsaw Citadel when Russian authorities found Robotnik's underground printing press in Łódź. He feigned mental illness in May 1901 and escaped from a mental hospital at Saint Petersburg with the help of a Polish physician, Władysław Mazurkiewicz, and others. He fled to Galicia, then part of Austria-Hungary, and thence to Leytonstone in London, staying with Leon Wasilewski and his family.

Armed resistance

In the early 1900s, almost all parties in Russian Poland and Lithuania took a conciliatory position toward the Russian Empire and aimed at negotiating within it a limited autonomy for Poland. Piłsudski's PPS was the only political force prepared to fight the Empire for Polish independence and to resort to violence to achieve that goal.

On the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in the summer of 1904, Piłsudski traveled to Tokyo, Japan, where he tried unsuccessfully to obtain that country's assistance for an uprising in Poland. He offered to supply Japan with intelligence to support its war with Russia, and proposed the creation of a Polish Legion from Poles, conscripted into the Russian Army, who had been captured by Japan. He also suggested a "Promethean" project directed at breaking up the Russian Empire, a goal that he later continued to pursue. Meeting with Yamagata Aritomo, he suggested that starting a guerrilla war in Poland would distract Russia and asked for Japan to supply him with weapons. Although the Japanese diplomat Hayashi Tadasu supported the plan, the Japanese government, including Yamagata, was more skeptical. Piłsudski's arch-rival, Roman Dmowski, travelled to Japan and argued against Piłsudski's plan, discouraging the Japanese government from supporting a Polish revolution because he thought it was doomed to fail. The Japanese offered Piłsudski much less than he hoped; he received Japan's help in purchasing weapons and ammunition for the PPS and their combat organisation, and the Japanese declined the Legion proposal.

In the fall of 1904, Piłsudski formed a paramilitary unit (the Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party, or bojówki) aiming to create an armed resistance movement against the Russian authorities. The PPS organized demonstrations, mainly in Warsaw. On 28 October 1904, Russian Cossack cavalry attacked a demonstration, and in reprisal, during a demonstration on 13 November, Piłsudski's paramilitary opened fire on Russian police and military. Initially concentrating their attention on spies and informers, in March 1905, the paramilitary began using bombs to assassinate selected Russian police officers.

Russian Revolution of 1905

During the Russian Revolution of 1905, Piłsudski played a leading role in events in Congress Poland. In early 1905 he ordered the PPS to launch a general strike there; it involved some 400,000 workers and lasted two months until it was broken by the Russian authorities. In June 1905, Piłsudski sent paramilitary aid to an uprising in Łódź, later called June Days. In Łódź, armed clashes broke out between Piłsudski's paramilitaries and gunmen loyal to Dmowski and his National Democrats. On 22 December 1905, Piłsudski called for all Polish workers to rise up; the call went largely unheeded.

Piłsudski instructed the PPS to boycott the elections to the First Duma. The decision, and his resolve to try to win Polish independence through revolution, caused tensions within the PPS, and in November 1906, the party fractured over Piłsudski's leadership. His faction came to be called the "Old Faction" or "Revolutionary Faction" ("Starzy" or "Frakcja Rewolucyjna"), while their opponents were known as the "Young Faction", "Moderate Faction" or "Left" ("Młodzi", "Frakcja Umiarkowana", "Lewica"). The "Young" sympathized with the Social Democrats of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, and believed priority should be given to co-operation with Russian revolutionaries in toppling the Russian Empire and creating a socialist utopia to facilitate negotiations for independence. Piłsudski and his supporters in the Revolutionary Faction continued to plot a revolution against Tsarist Russia to secure Polish independence. By 1909, his faction was the majority in the PPS, and Piłsudski remained an important PPS leader until the outbreak of the First World War.

Prelude to World War I

Piłsudski anticipated a coming European war and the need to organize the leadership of a future Polish army. He wanted to secure Poland's independence from the three empires that partitioned Poland out of political existence in the late 18th century. In 1906 Piłsudski, with the connivance of the Austrian authorities, founded a military school in Kraków for the training of paramilitary units. In 1906 alone, the 800-strong paramilitaries, operating in five-man teams in Congress Poland, killed 336 Russian officials; in subsequent years, the number of their casualties declined, and the paramilitaries' numbers increased to some 2,000 in 1908. The paramilitaries also held up Russian currency transports that were leaving Polish territories. On the night of 26/27 September 1908, they robbed a Russian mail train that was carrying tax revenues from Warsaw to Saint Petersburg. Piłsudski, who took part in this Bezdany raid near Vilnius, used the funds so obtained to finance his secret military organization. The funds totaled 200,812 rubles which was a fortune for the time and equaled the paramilitaries' entire income for the two preceding years.

In 1908, Piłsudski transformed his paramilitary units into a "Union of Active Struggle" (Związek Walki Czynnej, or ZWC), headed by three of his associates, Władysław Sikorski, Marian Kukiel and Kazimierz Sosnkowski. The ZWC's main purpose was to train officers and noncommissioned officers for a future Polish Army. In 1910, two legal paramilitary organizations were created in the Austrian zone of Poland, one in Lwów (now Lviv, Ukraine), and one in Kraków, to conduct training in military science. With the permission of the Austrian officials, Piłsudski founded a series of "sporting clubs", then the Riflemen's Association, as cover for the training of a Polish military force. In 1912, Piłsudski (using the pseudonym "Mieczysław") became commander-in-chief of a Riflemen's Association (Związek Strzelecki). By 1914, they had increased to 12,000 men. In 1914, while giving a lecture in Paris, Piłsudski declared, "Only the sword now carries any weight in the balance for the destiny of a nation", arguing that Polish independence can only be achieved through military struggle against the partitioning powers.

World War I

Main article: History of Poland during World War I

At a meeting in Paris in 1914, Piłsudski presciently declared that for Poland to regain independence in the impending war, Russia must be beaten by the Central Powers (the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires) and the latter powers must in turn be beaten by France, Britain, and the United States.

At the outbreak of war, on 3 August in Kraków Piłsudski formed a small cadre military unit called the First Cadre Company from members of the Riflemen's Association and Polish Rifle Squads. That same day, a cavalry unit under Władysław Belina-Prażmowski was sent to reconnoitre across the Russian border before the official declaration of war between Austria-Hungary and Russia on 6 August 1914.

Piłsudski's strategy was to send his forces north across the border into Russian Poland into an area the Russian Army had evacuated in the hope of breaking through to Warsaw and sparking a nationwide revolution. Using his limited forces in those early days, he backed his orders with the sanction of a fictitious "National Government in Warsaw", and he bent and stretched Austrian orders to the utmost, taking initiatives, moving forward, and establishing Polish institutions in liberated towns, whereas the Austrians saw his forces as good only for scouting or for supporting main Austrian formations. On 12 August 1914 Piłsudski's forces took the town of Kielce, in Kielce Governorate, but Piłsudski found the residents less supportive than he had expected.

On 27 August 1914 Piłsudski established the Polish Legions, formed within the Austro-Hungarian Army, and took personal command of their First Brigade, which he would lead into several victorious battles. He also secretly informed the British government in the fall of 1914 that his Legions would never fight against France or Britain, only Russia.

Piłsudski decreed that Legions' personnel were to be addressed by the French Revolution-inspired "Citizen" (Obywatel), and he was referred to as "the Commandant" ("Komendant"). Piłsudski enjoyed extreme respect and loyalty from his men, which would remain for years to come. The Polish Legions fought against Russia, at the side of the Central Powers, until 1917.

In August 1914 Piłsudski had set up the Polish Military Organisation (Polska Organizacja Wojskowa), which served as a precursor of the Polish intelligence agency and was designed to perform espionage and sabotage missions.

In mid-1916, after the Battle of Kostiuchnówka, in which the Polish Legions delayed a Russian offensive at a cost of over 2,000 casualties, Piłsudski demanded that the Central Powers issue a guarantee of independence for Poland. He supported that demand with his own proffered resignation and that of many of the Legions' officers. On 5 November 1916 the Central Powers proclaimed the independence of Poland, hoping to increase the number of Polish troops that could be sent to the Eastern Front against Russia, thereby relieving German forces to bolster the Western Front.

Piłsudski agreed to serve in the Regency Kingdom of Poland, created by the Central Powers, and acted as minister of war in the newly formed Polish Regency government; as such, he was responsible for the Polnische Wehrmacht. After the Russian Revolution in early 1917, and in view of the worsening situation of the Central Powers, Piłsudski took an increasingly uncompromising stance by insisting that his men no longer be treated as "German colonial troops" and be only used to fight Russia. Anticipating the Central Powers' defeat in the war, he did not wish to be allied with the losing side.

In the aftermath of the July 1917 "oath crisis", when Piłsudski forbade Polish soldiers to swear loyalty to Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany, he was arrested and imprisoned at Magdeburg. The Polish units were disbanded and the men were incorporated into the Austro-Hungarian Army, while the Polish Military Organization began attacking German targets. Piłsudski's arrest greatly enhanced his reputation among Poles, many of whom began to see him as a leader willing to take on all the partitioning powers.

On 8 November 1918, three days before the Armistice, Piłsudski and his colleague, Colonel Kazimierz Sosnkowski, were released by the Germans from Magdeburg and soon placed on a train bound for the Polish capital, Warsaw – the collapsing Germans hoping that Piłsudski would create a force friendly to them.

Rebuilding Poland

Head of state

On 11 November 1918, Piłsudski was appointed Commander-in-Chief of Polish forces by the Regency Council and was entrusted with creating a national government for the newly independent country. Later that day, which would become Poland's Independence Day, he proclaimed an independent Polish state. That week, Piłsudski negotiated the evacuation of the German garrison from Warsaw and of other German troops from Ober Ost. Over 55,000 Germans peacefully departed Poland, leaving their weapons to the Poles. In the coming months, over 400,000 in total departed over Polish territories.

On 14 November 1918, Piłsudski was asked to supervise provisionally the running of the country. On 22 November he officially received, from the new government of Jędrzej Moraczewski, the title of Provisional Chief of State (Tymczasowy Naczelnik Państwa) of renascent Poland. Various Polish military organizations and provisional governments (the Regency Council in Warsaw; Ignacy Daszyński's government in Lublin; and the Polish Liquidation Committee in Kraków) supported Piłsudski. He established a coalition government that was predominantly socialist and introduced many reforms long proclaimed as necessary by the Polish Socialist Party, such as the eight-hour day, free school education and women's suffrage, to avoid major unrest. As head of state, Piłsudski believed he must remain separated from partisan politics.

The day after his arrival in Warsaw, he met with old colleagues from his time working with the underground resistance, who addressed him socialist-style as "Comrade" (Towarzysz) and asked for his support for their revolutionary policies. He refused it and supposedly answered:

"Comrades, I took the red tram of socialism to the stop called Independence, and that's where I got off. You may keep on to the final stop if you wish, but from now on let's address each other as 'Mister' !"

However, the authenticity of this quote is disputed. Piłsudski declined to support any party and did not form any political organization of his own; instead, he advocated creating a coalition government.

First policies

Piłsudski set about organizing a Polish army out of Polish veterans of the German, Russian, and Austrian armies. Much of former Russian Poland had been destroyed in the war, and systematic looting by the Germans had reduced the region's wealth by at least 10%. A British diplomat who visited Warsaw in January 1919 reported: "I have nowhere seen anything like the evidence of extreme poverty and wretchedness that meet one's eye at almost every turn." In addition, the country had to unify the disparate systems of law, economics, and administration in the former German, Austrian, and Russian sectors of Poland. There were nine legal systems, five currencies, and 66 types of rail systems (with 165 models of locomotives), each needing to be consolidated.

Biographer Wacław Jędrzejewicz described Piłsudski as very deliberate in his decision-making: Piłsudski collected all available pertinent information, then took his time weighing it before arriving at a final decision. He held long working hours, and maintained a simple lifestyle, eating plain meals alone at an inexpensive restaurant. Though he was popular with much of the Polish public, his reputation as a loner (the result of many years' underground work) and as a man who distrusted almost everyone led to strained relations with other Polish politicians.

Piłsudski and the first Polish government were distrusted in the West because he had co-operated with the Central Powers from 1914 to 1917 and because the governments of Daszyński and Moraczewski were primarily socialist. It was not until January 1919, when pianist and composer Ignacy Jan Paderewski became Prime Minister of Poland and foreign minister of a new government, that Poland was recognized in the West. Two separate governments were claiming to be Poland's legitimate government: Piłsudski's in Warsaw and Dmowski's in Paris. To ensure that Poland had a single government and to avert civil war, Paderewski met with Dmowski and Piłsudski and persuaded them to join forces, with Piłsudski acting as Provisional Chief of State and Commander-in-Chief, while Dmowski and Paderewski represented Poland at the Paris Peace Conference. Articles 87–93 of the Treaty of Versailles and the Little Treaty of Versailles, signed on 28 June 1919, formally established Poland as an independent and sovereign state in the international arena.

Piłsudski often clashed with Dmowski for viewing the Poles as the dominant nationality in renascent Poland, and attempting to send the Blue Army to Poland through Danzig, Germany (now Gdańsk, Poland). On 5 January 1919, some of Dmowski's supporters (Marian Januszajtis-Żegota and Eustachy Sapieha) attempted a coup against Piłsudski but failed. On 20 February 1919, Polish parliament (the Sejm) confirmed his office when it passed the Little Constitution of 1919, although Piłsudski proclaimed his intention to eventually relinquish his powers to the parliament. "Provisional" was struck from his title, and Piłsudski held the office of the Chief of State until 9 December 1922, after Gabriel Narutowicz was elected as the first president of Poland.

Piłsudski's major foreign policy initiative was a proposed federation (to be called "Międzymorze" (Polish for "Between-Seas"), and known from the Latin as Intermarium, stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. In addition to Poland and Lithuania, it was to consist of Ukraine, Belarus, Latvia and Estonia, somewhat in emulation of the pre-partition Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Piłsudski's plan met with opposition from most of the prospective member states, which refused to relinquish their independence, as well as the Allied powers, who thought it to be too bold a change to the existing balance-of-power structure. According to historian George Sanford, it was around 1920 that Piłsudski came to realize the infeasibility of that version of his Intermarium project. Instead of a Central and Eastern European alliance, there soon appeared a series of border conflicts, including the Polish–Ukrainian War (1918–19), the Polish–Lithuanian War (1919–1920, culminating in Żeligowski's Mutiny), Polish–Czechoslovak border conflicts (beginning in 1918), and most notably the Polish–Soviet War (1919–21). Winston Churchill commented, "The war of giants has ended; the wars of the pygmies have begun."

Polish–Soviet War

Main article: Polish–Soviet War

In the aftermath of World War I, there was unrest on all Polish borders. Regarding Poland's future frontiers, Piłsudski said: "All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente—on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany." The situation was different in the east, of which Piłsudski said that "there are doors that open and close, and it depends on who forces them open and how far." In the east, Polish forces clashed with Ukrainian forces in the Polish–Ukrainian War, and Piłsudski's first orders as Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, on 12 November 1918, were to provide support for the Polish struggle in Lviv.

Piłsudski was aware that the Bolsheviks would not ally with an independent Poland and predicted that war with them was inevitable. He viewed their advance west as a major problem, but he also considered the Bolsheviks less dangerous for Poland than their White opponents. The "White Russians", representatives of the old Russian Empire, were willing to accept limited independence for Poland, probably within borders similar to those of the former Congress Poland. They objected to Polish control of Ukraine, which was crucial for Piłsudski's Intermarium project. This contrasted with the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed the partitions of Poland null and void. Piłsudski speculated that Poland would be better off with the Bolsheviks, alienated from the Western powers, than with a restored Russian Empire. By ignoring the strong pressures from the Entente Cordiale to join the attack on Lenin's struggling Bolshevik government, Piłsudski probably saved it in the summer and the fall of 1919.

After the Soviet westward offensive of 1918–1919, and a series of escalating battles that resulted in the Poles advancing eastward, on 21 April 1920, Marshal Piłsudski (as his rank had been since March 1920) signed a military alliance called the Treaty of Warsaw with Ukrainian leader Symon Petliura. The treaty allowed both countries to conduct joint operations against Soviet Russia. The goal of the Polish-Ukrainian Treaty was to establish an independent Ukraine and independent Poland in alliance, resembling that once existing within Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Polish and Ukrainian Armies under Piłsudski's command launched a successful offensive against the Russian forces in Ukraine and on 7 May 1920, with remarkably little fighting, they captured Kiev.

The Bolshevik leadership framed the Polish actions as an invasion, successfully generating popular support for their cause at home. The Soviets then launched a counter-offensive from Belarus, and counterattacked in Ukraine, advancing into Poland in a drive toward Germany to encourage the Communist Party of Germany in their struggles for power. The Soviets announced their plans to invade Western Europe; Soviet Communist theoretician Nikolai Bukharin, writing in Pravda, hoped for the resources to carry the campaign beyond Warsaw "straight to London and Paris". Soviet commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky's order of the day for 2 July 1920 read: "To the West! Over the corpse of White Poland lies the road to worldwide conflagration. March upon Vilnius, Minsk, Warsaw!" and "onward to Berlin over the corpse of Poland!"

On 1 July 1920, in view of the rapidly advancing Soviet offensive, Poland's parliament, the Sejm, formed a Council for Defense of the Nation, chaired by Piłsudski, to provide expeditious decision-making as a temporary supplanting of the fractious Sejm. The National Democrats contended that the string of Bolshevik victories had been Piłsudski's fault and demanded that he resign; some even accused him of treason. On 19 July they failed to carry a vote of no-confidence in the council and this led to Dmowski's withdrawal from the council. On 12 August, Piłsudski tendered his resignation to Prime Minister Wincenty Witos, offering to be the scapegoat if the military solution failed, but Witos refused to accept his resignation. The Entente pressured Poland to surrender and enter into negotiations with the Bolsheviks. Piłsudski, however, was a staunch advocate of continuing the fight.

"Miracle at the Vistula"

Piłsudski's plan called for Polish forces to withdraw across the Vistula River and to defend the bridgeheads at Warsaw and on the Wieprz River while some 25% of the available divisions concentrated to the south for a counteroffensive. Afterwards, two armies under General Józef Haller, facing Soviet frontal attack on Warsaw from the east, were to hold their entrenched positions while an army under General Władysław Sikorski was to strike north from outside Warsaw, cutting off Soviet forces that sought to envelop the Polish capital from that direction. The most important role of the plan was assigned to a relatively small, approximately 20,000-man, newly assembled "Reserve Army" (also known as the "Strike Group", "Grupa Uderzeniowa"), comprising the most determined, battle-hardened Polish units that were commanded by Piłsudski. Their task was to spearhead a lightning northward offensive, from the Vistula-Wieprz triangle south of Warsaw, through a weak spot that had been identified by Polish intelligence between the Soviet Western and Southwestern Fronts. That offensive would separate the Soviet Western Front from its reserves and disorganize its movements. Eventually, the gap between Sikorski's army and the "Strike Group" would close near the East Prussian border, bringing about the destruction of the encircled Soviet forces.

Piłsudski's plan was criticized as "amateurish" by high-ranking army officers and military experts, quick to point out Piłsudski's lack of formal military education. However, the desperate situation of the Polish forces persuaded other commanders to support it. When a copy of the plan was acquired by the Soviets, Western Front commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky thought it was a ruse and disregarded it. Days later, the Soviets were defeated in the Battle of Warsaw, halting the Soviet advance in one of the worst defeats for the Red Army. Stanisław Stroński, a National Democrat Sejm deputy, coined the phrase "Miracle at the Vistula" (Cud nad Wisłą) to express his disapproval of Piłsudski's "Ukrainian adventure". Stroński's phrase was adopted as praise for Piłsudski by some patriotically- or piously minded Poles, who were unaware of Stroński's ironic intent.

While Piłsudski had a major role in crafting the war strategy, he was aided by others, notably Tadeusz Rozwadowski. Later, some supporters of Piłsudski would seek to portray him as the sole author of the Polish strategy, while his opponents would try to minimize his role. On the other hand, in the West, the role of General Maxime Weygand of the French Military Mission to Poland was, for a time, exaggerated.

In February 1921, Piłsudski visited Paris, where, in negotiations with French President Alexandre Millerand, he laid the foundations for the Franco-Polish alliance, which would be signed later that year. The Treaty of Riga, ending the Polish-Soviet War in March 1921, partitioned Belarus and Ukraine between Poland and Russia. Piłsudski called the treaty an "act of cowardice". The treaty and his secret approval of General Lucjan Żeligowski's capture of Vilnius from the Lithuanians marked an end to this incarnation of Piłsudski's federalist Intermarium plan. After Vilnius was occupied by the Central Lithuanian Army, Piłsudski said that he "could not help but regard them as brothers". In parliament, Piłsudski once said: "I cannot not reach out to Kaunas. .. I cannot disregard those brothers who consider the day of our triumph a day of shock and mourning." On 25 September 1921, when Piłsudski visited Lwów (now Lviv) for the opening of the first Eastern Trade Fair (Targi Wschodnie), he was the target of an unsuccessful assassination attempt by Stepan Fedak, acting on behalf of Ukrainian-independence organizations, including the Ukrainian Military Organization.

Retirement and coup

The Polish Constitution of March 1921 severely limited the powers of the presidency intentionally, to prevent Piłsudski from waging war. This caused Piłsudski to decline to run for the office. In the run-up to the first presidential election, a parliamentary election was held, in which Piłsudski endorsed two lists: the National-State Union, and the State Unity in the Kresy, neither of which secured any seats in the Sejm. On 9 December 1922, the Polish National Assembly elected Gabriel Narutowicz of Polish People's Party "Wyzwolenie"; his election, opposed by the right-wing parties, caused public unrest. On 14 December at the Belweder Palace, Piłsudski officially transferred his powers as Chief of State to his friend Narutowicz; the Naczelnik was replaced by the President.

Two days later, on 16 December 1922, Narutowicz was shot dead by a right-wing painter and art critic, Eligiusz Niewiadomski, who had originally wanted to kill Piłsudski but had changed his target, influenced by National Democrat anti-Narutowicz propaganda. For Piłsudski, that was a major shock; he started to doubt that Poland could function as a democracy and supported a government led by a strong leader. He became Chief of the General Staff and, together with Minister of Military Affairs Władysław Sikorski, quelled the unrest by instituting a state of emergency.

Stanisław Wojciechowski of Polish People's Party "Piast" (PSL Piast), another of Piłsudski's old colleagues, was elected the new president, and Wincenty Witos, also of PSL Piast, became prime minister. The new government, an alliance among the centrist PSL Piast, the right-wing Popular National Union and Christian Democrat parties, contained right-wing enemies of Piłsudski. He held them responsible for Narutowicz's death and declared that it was impossible to work with them. On 30 May 1923, Piłsudski resigned as Chief of the General Staff.

Piłsudski criticized General Stanisław Szeptycki's proposal that the military should be supervised by civilians as an attempt to politicize the army, and on 28 June, he resigned his last political appointment. The same day, the Sejm's left-wing deputies voted for a resolution, thanking him for his work. Piłsudski went into retirement in Sulejówek, outside Warsaw, at his country manor, "Milusin", presented to him by his former soldiers. There, he wrote a series of political and military memoirs, including Rok 1920 (The Year 1920).

Meanwhile, Poland's economy was a shambles. Hyperinflation fueled public unrest, and the government was unable to find a quick solution to the mounting unemployment and economic crisis. Piłsudski's allies and supporters repeatedly asked him to return to politics, and he began to create a new power base, centred on former members of the Polish Legions, the Polish Military Organization and some left-wing and intelligentsia parties. In 1925, after several governments had resigned in short order and the political scene was becoming increasingly chaotic, Piłsudski became more and more critical of the government and eventually issued statements demanding the resignation of the Witos cabinet. When the Chjeno-Piast coalition, which Piłsudski had strongly criticized, formed a new government, on 12–14 May 1926, Piłsudski returned to power in the May Coup, supported by the Polish Socialist Party, Liberation, the Peasant Party, and the Communist Party of Poland. Piłsudski had hoped for a bloodless coup but the government had refused to surrender; 215 soldiers and 164 civilians had been killed, and over 900 persons had been wounded.

In government

On 31 May 1926, the Sejm elected Piłsudski president of the Republic, but Piłsudski refused the office due to the presidency's limited powers. Another of his old friends, Ignacy Mościcki, was elected in his stead. Mościcki then appointed Piłsudski as Minister of Military Affairs (defence minister), a post he held for the rest of his life through eleven successive governments, two of which he headed from 1926 to 1928 and for a brief period in 1930. He also served as General Inspector of the Armed Forces and Chairman of the War Council.

Piłsudski had no plans for major reforms; he quickly distanced himself from the most radical of his left-wing supporters and declared that his coup was to be a "revolution without revolutionary consequences". His goals were to stabilize the country, reduce the influence of political parties (which he blamed for corruption and inefficiency) and strengthen the army. His role in the Polish government over the subsequent years has been called a dictatorship or a "quasi-dictatorship".

Internal politics

Piłsudski's coup entailed sweeping limitations on parliamentary government, as his Sanation government (1926–1939), at times employing authoritarian methods, sought to curb perceived corruption and incompetence of the parliament rule, and in Piłsudski's words, restore "moral health" to public life (hence the name of his faction, "Sanation", which could be understood as "moral purification"). From 1928, the Sanation government was represented by the Non-partisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR). Popular support and an effective propaganda apparatus allowed Piłsudski to maintain his authoritarian powers, which could not be overruled either by the president, who was appointed by Piłsudski, or by the Sejm. The powers of the Sejm were curtailed by constitutional amendments that were introduced soon after the coup, on 2 August 1926. From 1926 to 1930, Piłsudski relied chiefly on propaganda to weaken the influence of opposition leaders.

The culmination of his dictatorial and supralegal policies came in the 1930s, with the imprisonment and trial of political opponents (the Brest trials) on the eve of the 1930 Polish legislative election and with the 1934 establishment of the Bereza Kartuska Detention Camp for political prisoners in present-day Biaroza, where some prisoners were brutally mistreated. After the BBWR's 1930 victory, Piłsudski allowed most internal matters to be decided by his colonels while he concentrated on military and foreign affairs. His treatment of political opponents and their 1930 arrest and imprisonment was internationally condemned and the events damaged Poland's reputation.

Piłsudski became increasingly disillusioned with democracy in Poland. His intemperate public utterances (he called the Sejm a "prostitute") and his sending of 90 armed officers into the Sejm building in response to an impending vote of no-confidence caused concern in contemporary and modern observers who have seen his actions as setting precedents for authoritarian responses to political challenges. He sought to transform the parliamentary system into a presidential system; however, he opposed the introduction of totalitarianism. The adoption of a new Polish constitution in April 1935 was tailored by Piłsudski's supporters to his specifications, providing for a strong presidency; but the April Constitution served Poland until World War II, and carried its Government in Exile until the end of the war and beyond. Piłsudski's government depended more on his charismatic authority than on rational-legal authority. None of his followers could claim to be his legitimate heir, and after his death the Sanation structure would quickly fracture, returning Poland to the pre-Piłsudski era of parliamentary political contention.

Piłsudski's government began a period of national stabilization and of improvement in the situation of ethnic minorities, which formed about a third of the Second Republic's population. Piłsudski replaced the National Democrats' "ethnic-assimilation" with a "state-assimilation" policy: citizens were judged not by their ethnicity but by their loyalty to the state. Widely recognized for his opposition to the National Democrats' anti-Semitic policies, he extended his policy of "state-assimilation" to Polish Jews. The years 1926 to 1935 and Piłsudski himself were favorably viewed by many Polish Jews whose situation improved especially under Piłsudski-appointed Prime Minister Kazimierz Bartel. Many Jews saw Piłsudski as their only hope for restraining antisemitic currents in Poland and for maintaining public order; he was seen as a guarantor of stability and a friend of the Jewish people, who voted for him and actively participated in his political bloc. Piłsudski's death in 1935 brought a deterioration in the quality of life of Poland's Jews.

During the 1930s, a combination of developments, from the Great Depression to the vicious spiral of OUN terrorist attacks and government pacifications, caused government relations with the national minorities to deteriorate. Unrest among national minorities was also related to foreign policy. Troubles followed repressions in the largely-Ukrainian eastern Galicia, where nearly 1,800 persons were arrested. Tension also arose between the government and Poland's German minority, particularly in Upper Silesia. The government did not yield to calls for antisemitic measures, but the Jews (8.6% of Poland's population) grew discontented for economic reasons that were connected with the Depression. By the end of Piłsudski's life, his government's relations with national minorities were increasingly problematic.

In the military sphere, Piłsudski was praised for his plan at the Battle of Warsaw in 1920, but was criticized for subsequently concentrating on personnel management and neglecting modernization of military strategy and equipment. According to his detractors, his experiences in World War I and the Polish-Soviet War led him to over-estimate the importance of cavalry, and to neglect the development of armor and air forces. His supporters, on the other hand, contend that, particularly from the late 1920s, he supported the development of these military branches. Modern historians concluded that the limitations on Poland's military modernization in this period was less doctrinal than financial.

Foreign policy

Piłsudski sought to maintain his country's independence in the international arena. Assisted by his protégé, Foreign Minister Józef Beck, he sought support for Poland in alliances with western powers, such as France and Britain, and with friendly neighbors such as Romania and Hungary. A supporter of the Franco-Polish Military Alliance and the Polish–Romanian alliance, part of the Little Entente, Piłsudski was disappointed by the policy of appeasement pursued by the French and British governments, evident in their signing of the Locarno Treaties. The Locarno treaties were intended by the British government to ensure a peaceful handover of the territories claimed by Germany such as the Sudetenland, the Polish Corridor, and the Free City of Danzig (modern Gdańsk, Poland) by improving Franco-German relations to such extent that France would dissolve its alliances in eastern Europe. Piłsudski aimed to maintain good relations with the Soviet Union and Germany, and relations with Germany and the Soviet Union during Piłsudski's tenure could, for the most part, be described as neutral. Under Piłsudski, Poland maintained good relations with neighboring Romania, Hungary and Latvia, but were strained with Czechoslovakia, and worse with Lithuania.

A recurring fear of Piłsudski was that France would reach an agreement with Germany at the expense of Poland. In 1929, the French agreed to pull out of the Rhineland in 1930, five years earlier than the Treaty of Versailles specified. The same year, the French announced plans for the Maginot Line along the border with Germany, and construction of the Maginot line began in 1930. The Maginot line was a tacit French admission that Germany would be rearming beyond the limits set by the Treaty of Versailles in the near-future and that France intended to pursue a defensive strategy. At the time Poland signed the alliance with France in 1921, the French were occupying the Rhineland and Polish plans for a possible war with Reich were based on the assumption of a French offensive into the north German plain from their bases in the Rhineland. The French pullout from the Rhineland and a shift to a defensive strategy as epitomized by the Maginot line completely upset the entire basis of Polish foreign and defense policy.

In June 1932, just before the Lausanne Conference opened, Piłsudski heard reports that the new German chancellor Franz von Papen was about to make an offer for a Franco-German alliance to the French Premier Édouard Herriot which would be at the expense of Poland. In response, Piłsudski sent the destroyer ORP Wicher into the harbour of Danzig. Though the issue was ostensibly about access rights for the Polish Navy in Danzig, the real purpose of sending Wircher was as a way to warn Herriot not to disadvantage Poland in a deal with Papen. The ensuring Danzig crisis sent the desired message to the French and improved the Polish Navy's access rights to Danzig.

Poland signed the Soviet-Polish Non-Aggression Pact in 1932. Critics of the pact state that it allowed Stalin to eliminate his socialist opponents, primarily in Ukraine. The pacts were supported by advocates of Piłsudski's Promethean programme. After Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany in January 1933, Piłsudski is rumored to have proposed to France a preventive war against Germany. Lack of French enthusiasm may have been a reason for Poland signing the German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact in 1934. Little evidence has, however, been found in French or Polish diplomatic archives that such a proposal for preventive war was ever actually advanced. Critics of Poland's pact with Germany accused Piłsudski of underestimating Hitler's aggressiveness, and giving Germany time to re-arm. Hitler repeatedly suggested a German-Polish alliance against the Soviet Union, but Piłsudski declined, instead seeking precious time to prepare for a potential war with either Germany or the Soviet Union. Just before his death, Piłsudski told Józef Beck that it must be Poland's policy to maintain neutral relations with Germany, keep up the Polish alliance with France and improve relations with the United Kingdom. The two non-aggression pacts were intended to strengthen Poland's position in the eyes of its allies and neighbors. Piłsudski was probably aware of the weakness of the pacts, stating: "Having these pacts, we are straddling two stools. This cannot last long. We have to know from which stool we will tumble first, and when that will be".

Economic policy

Despite coming from a socialist background and initially implementing socialist reforms, Piłsudski's government followed the conservative free-market economic tradition of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth throughout its existence. Poland had one of the lowest taxation rates in Europe, with 9.3% of taxes as a distribution of national income. Piłsudski's government was also heavily dependent on foreign investments and economies, with 45.4% of Polish equity capital controlled by foreign corporations. After the Great Depression, the Polish economy crumbled and failed to recover until Ignacy Mościcki's government introduced economic reforms with more government interventions with an increase in tax revenues and public spending after Piłsudski's death. These interventionist policies saw Poland's economy recover from the recession until the USSR and the German invasion of Poland in 1939.

Religious views

Piłsudski's religious views are a matter of debate. He was baptised Roman Catholic on 15 December 1867 in the church of Powiewiórka (then Sventsiany deanery). His godparents were Joseph and Constance Martsinkovsky Ragalskaya. On 15 July 1899, at the village of Paproć Duża, near Łomża, he married Maria Juskiewicz, a divorcée. As the Catholic Church did not recognise divorces, she and Piłsudski had converted to Protestantism. Pilsudski later returned to the Catholic Church to marry Aleksandra Szczerbińska. Piłsudski and Aleksandra could not get married as Piłsudski's wife Maria refused to divorce him. It was only after Maria's death in 1921 that they were married, on 25 October that year.

Death

By 1935, unbeknown to the public, Piłsudski had for several years been in declining health. On 12 May 1935, he died of liver cancer at Warsaw's Belweder Palace. The celebration of his life began spontaneously within half an hour of the announcement of his death. It was led by military personnel – former Legionnaires, members of the Polish Military Organization, veterans of the wars of 1919–21 – and by his political collaborators from his service as Chief of State, and later, Prime Minister and Inspector-General.

The Communist Party of Poland immediately smeared Piłsudski as a "fascist and capitalist", Other opponents of the Sanation government were more civil; socialists (such as Ignacy Daszyński and Tomasz Arciszewski) and Christian Democrats (represented by Ignacy Paderewski, Stanisław Wojciechowski and Władysław Grabski) expressed condolences. The peasant parties split in their reactions. Wincenty Witos voiced criticism of Piłsudski. In contrast, Maciej Rataj and Stanisław Thugutt were supportive, while Roman Dmowski's National Democrats expressed a toned-down criticism.

Condolences were officially expressed by senior clergy, including Pope Pius XI and August Cardinal Hlond, Primate of Poland. The Pope called himself a "personal friend" of Piłsudski. Notable appreciation for Piłsudski was expressed by Poland's ethnic and religious minorities. Eastern Orthodox, Greek Orthodox, Protestant, Jewish, and Islamic organizations expressed condolences, praising Piłsudski for his policies of religious tolerance. His death was a shock to members of the Jewish minority amongst which he was respected for his lack of prejudice and vocal opposition to the Endecja. Mainstream organizations of ethnic minorities similarly expressed their support for his policies of ethnic tolerance, though he was still criticized by Ukrainian, German, Lithuanian activists and Jewish supporters of the General Jewish Labour Bund in Poland. On the international scene, Pope Pius XI held a special ceremony on 18 May in the Holy See, a commemoration was conducted at League of Nations Geneva headquarters, and dozens of messages of condolence arrived in Poland from heads of state across the world, including Germany's Adolf Hitler, the Soviet Union's Joseph Stalin, Italy's Benito Mussolini and King Victor Emmanuel III, France's Albert Lebrun and Pierre-Étienne Flandin, Austria's Wilhelm Miklas, Japan's Emperor Hirohito, and Britain's King George V. In Berlin, a service for Piłsudski was ordered by Adolf Hitler. This was the only time that Hitler attended a Holy Mass as a leader of the Third Reich and probably one of the last times when he was in a church.

Funeral

State funeral ceremonies for Piłsudski was held in Warsaw and Kraków between 15 and 18 May 1935, including official masses and funeral processions in both cities. A funeral train toured Poland before the remains of Piłsudski were laid to rest at Wawel. A series of postcards, stamps and postmarks were also released to commemorate the event. The nation-wide ceremonies were accompanied by extensive media coverage and reflected the personality cult of Piłsudski. The final funeral procession in Krakow on 18 May, with an estimated 300,000 participants and official representatives from 16 foreign states, constituted the largest public funeral in Poland's history. Separate funeral ceremonies were held for the burial of his brain, which Piłsudski had willed for study to Stefan Batory University, and his heart, which was interred in his mother's grave at Vilnius's Rasos Cemetery.

In 1937, after a two-year display at St. Leonard's Crypt in Kraków's Wawel Cathedral, Piłsudski's remains were transferred to the cathedral's Crypt under the Silver Bells. The decision, made by his long-standing adversary Adam Sapieha, then Archbishop of Krakow, incited widespread protests that included calls for Sapieha's removal, setting off a series of clashes between the representatives of the Polish Catholic Church and the Polish government in what has come to be known as "konflikt wawelski" ("Wawel conflict"). Despite heavy and protracted criticism, Sapieha never allowed Piłsudski's coffin to be transferred back to St. Leonard's Crypt.

Legacy

I am not going to dictate to you what you write about my life and work. I only ask that you not make me out to be a 'whiner and sentimentalist.'

— Józef Piłsudski, 1908

On 13 May 1935, in accordance with Piłsudski's last wishes, Edward Rydz-Śmigły was named by Poland's president and government to be Inspector General of the Polish Armed Forces, and on 10 November 1936, he was elevated to Marshal of Poland. As the Polish government became increasingly authoritarian and conservative, the Rydz-Śmigły faction was opposed by the more moderate Ignacy Mościcki, who remained President. Although Rydz-Śmigły reconciled with the President in 1938, the ruling group remained divided into the "President's Men", mostly civilians (the "Castle Group", after the President's official residence, Warsaw's Royal Castle), and the "Marshal's Men" ("Piłsudski's colonels"), professional military officers and Piłsudski's old comrades-in-arms. Some of this political division would continue in the Polish government-in-exile after the German invasion of Poland in 1939.

After World War II, little of Piłsudski's political ideology influenced the policies of the Polish People's Republic, a de facto satellite of the Soviet Union. For a decade after World War II, Piłsudski was either ignored or condemned by Poland's Communist government, along with the entire interwar Second Polish Republic. This began to change after de-Stalinization and the Polish October in 1956, and historiography in Poland gradually moved away from a purely negative view of Piłsudski toward a more balanced and neutral assessment. After the 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union, Piłsudski once again came to be publicly acknowledged as a Polish national hero. On the sixtieth anniversary of his death on 12 May 1995, Poland's Sejm adopted a resolution:

"Józef Piłsudski will remain, in our nation's memory, the founder of its independence and the victorious leader who fended off a foreign assault that threatened the whole of Europe and its civilization. Józef Piłsudski served his country well and has entered our history forever."

Piłsudski continues to be viewed by most Poles as a providential figure in the country's 20th-century history.

Several military units have been named for Piłsudski, including the 1st Legions Infantry Division, armoured train No. 51 ("I Marszałek"—"the First Marshal"), and the Romanian 634th Infantry Battalion. Also named for Piłsudski have been Piłsudski's Mound, one of four-man-made mounds in Kraków; the Józef Piłsudski Institute of America, a New York City research center and museum on the modern history of Poland; the Józef Piłsudski University of Physical Education in Warsaw; a passenger ship, MS Piłsudski; a gunboat, ORP Komendant Piłsudski; and a racehorse, Pilsudski. Many Polish cities have their own "Piłsudski Street". There are statues of Piłsudski in many Polish cities; Warsaw, which has three in little more than a mile between the Belweder Palace, Piłsudski's residence, and Piłsudski Square. In 2020, Piłsudski's manor house in Sulejówek opened as a museum as part of the celebrations of the one hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Warsaw.

Piłsudski has been a character in numerous works of fiction, a trend already visible during his lifetime, including the 1922 novel Generał Barcz (General Barcz) by Juliusz Kaden-Bandrowski. Later works in which he is featured include the 2007 novel Ice (Lód) by Jacek Dukaj. Poland's National Library lists over 500 publications related to Piłsudski; the U.S. Library of Congress, over 300. Piłsudski's life was the subject of a 2001 Polish television documentary, Marszałek Piłsudski, directed by Andrzej Trzos-Rastawiecki. He was also the subject of paintings by artists such as Jacek Malczewski (1916) and Wojciech Kossak (leaning on his sword, 1928; and astride his horse, Kasztanka, 1928), as well as photos and caricatures. He has been reported to be quite fond of the latter.

Descendants

Both daughters of Marshal Piłsudski returned to Poland in 1990, after the Revolutions of 1989 and the fall of the Communist system. Jadwiga Piłsudska's daughter Joanna Jaraczewska returned to Poland in 1979. She married a Polish Solidarity activist Janusz Onyszkiewicz in a political prison in 1983. Both were very involved in the Solidarity movement between 1979 and 1989.

Honours

Main article: List of honours awarded to Józef Piłsudski

Piłsudski was awarded numerous honours, domestic and foreign.

See also

• Józef Piłsudski's cult of personality
• List of people on the cover of Time Magazine: 1920s – 7 June 1926
• List of Poles
• Piłsudskiite (Piłsudczyk)

Notes

a. Józef Klemens Piłsudski was commonly referred to without his middle name, as "Józef Piłsudski". A few English sources translate his first name as "Joseph", but this is not the common practice. As a young man, he belonged to underground organizations and used various pseudonyms, including "Wiktor", "Mieczysław" and "Ziuk" (the latter also being his family nickname). Later he was often affectionately called "Dziadek" ("Grandpa" or "the Old Man") and "Marszałek" ("the Marshal"). His ex-soldiers from the Legions also referred to him as "Komendant" ("the Commandant").

b. Piłsudski sometimes spoke of being a Lithuanian of Polish culture. For several centuries, declaring both Lithuanian and Polish identity was commonplace, but around the turn of the last century it became much rarer in the wake of arising modern nationalisms. Timothy Snyder, who calls him a "Polish-Lithuanian", notes that Piłsudski did not think in terms of 20th-century nationalisms and ethnicities; he considered himself both a Pole and a Lithuanian, and his homeland was the historic Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.

c. Polish Socialist Party – Revolutionary Faction from 1906 to 1909

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Further reading

This is only a small selection. See also National Library in Warsaw lists Archived 11 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine.

• Czubiński, Antoni, ed. (1988). Józef Piłsudski i jego legenda [Józef Piłsudski and His Legend]. Warsaw: Państowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. ISBN 978-83-01-07819-5.
• Davies, Norman (2001) . Heart of Europe, The Past in Poland's Present. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280126-5.
• Dziewanowski, Marian Kamil (1969). Joseph Pilsudski: A European Federalist, 1918–1922. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8179-1791-3.
• Garlicki, Andrzej (1981). "Piłsudski, Józef Klemens". Polish Biographical Dictionary (Polski Słownik Biograficzny) vol. XXVI (in Polish). Wrocław: Polska Akademia Nauk. pp. 311–324.
• Hauser, Przemysław (1992). "Józef Piłsudski's Views on the Territorial Shape of the Polish State and His Endeavours to Put them into Effect, 1918–1921". Polish Western Affairs (2). Dorosz, Janina (transl.). Poznań: Komisja Naukowa Zachodniej Agencji Prasowej: 235–249. ISSN 0032-3039.
• Jędrzejewicz, Wacław (1989). Józef Piłsudski 1867–1935. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo LTW. ISBN 978-83-88736-25-4.
• Piłsudska, Aleksandra (1941). Pilsudski: A Biography by His Wife. New York: Dodd, Mead. OCLC 65700731.
• Piłsudski, Józef; Gillie, Darsie Rutherford (1931). Joseph Pilsudski, the Memories of a Polish Revolutionary and soldier. Faber & Faber.
• Piłsudski, Józef (1972). Year 1920 and its Climax: Battle of Warsaw during the Polish-Soviet War, 1919–1920, with the Addition of Soviet Marshal Tukhachevski's March beyond the Vistula. New York: Józef Piłsudski Institute of America. ASIN B0006EIT3A.
• Reddaway, William Fiddian (1939). Marshal Pilsudski. London: Routledge. OCLC 1704492.
• Rothschild, Joseph (1967). Pilsudski's Coup d'État. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-02984-1.
• Wandycz, Piotr S. (1970). "Polish Federalism 1919–1920 and its Historical Antecedents". East European Quarterly. 4 (1). Boulder, Colorado: 25–39. ISSN 0012-8449.
• Wójcik, Włodzimierz (1987). Legenda Piłsudskiego w Polskiej literaturze międzywojennej (Piłsudski's Legend in Polish Interwar Literature). Warsaw: Śląsk. ISBN 978-83-216-0533-3.
• Zimmerman, Joshua D. Jozef Pilsudski: Founding Father of Modern Poland (Harvard University Press, 2022) online review

External links

• A site dedicated to Józef Piłsudski and the prewar Poland Archived 17 August 2015 at the Wayback Machine (in Polish)
• Józef Piłsudski Institute of America (in English and Polish)
• Bibuła – Book by Józef Piłsudski (in Polish)
• Historical media – Recording of short speech by Piłsudski from 1924 (in Polish)
• Newspaper clippings about Józef Piłsudski in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

Offices

Political offices Preceded byNone (Independence regained) (eventually Regency Council) Chief of State of the Republic of Poland 18 November 1918 – 9 December 1922 Succeeded byGabriel Narutowicz President of the Republic Preceded byJuliusz Tarnawa-Malczewski Minister of Military Affairs 16 May 1926 – 12 May 1935 Succeeded byTadeusz Kasprzycki Preceded byStanisław Wojciechowski President-elect of the Republic of Poland (did not take office) elected 31 May 1926 Succeeded byIgnacy Mościcki Preceded byKazimierz Bartel Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland 2 October 1926 – 27 June 1928 Succeeded byKazimierz Bartel Preceded byWalery Sławek Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland 15 August – 4 December 1930 Succeeded byWalery Sławek Military offices Preceded bynone Commandant of the Brigade I of the Polish Legions 1914–1916 Succeeded byMarian Żegota-Januszajtis Preceded byWładysław Sikorski Chief of the General Staff of the Polish Army 17 December 1922 – 9 June 1923 Succeeded byStanisław Haller Preceded bynone General Inspector of the Armed Forces 27 August 1926 – 12 May 1935 Succeeded byEdward Rydz-Śmigły

v t e Marshals of Poland
	Józef Piłsudski Ferdinand Foch Edward Rydz-Śmigły Michał Rola-Żymierski Konstanty Rokossowski Marian Spychalski

v t e Heads of state of Poland
Kingdom of Poland (1917–1918)	Provisional Council Regency Council
Republic of Poland (1918–1939)	Józef Piłsudski Gabriel Narutowicz Maciej Rataj* Stanisław Wojciechowski Maciej Rataj* Ignacy Mościcki
Polish government-in-exile (1939–1990)	Władysław Raczkiewicz August Zaleski Stanisław Ostrowski Edward Raczyński Kazimierz Sabbat Ryszard Kaczorowski
Polish People's Republic (1944–1989)	Bolesław Bierut Franciszek Trąbalski* Władysław Kowalski* Bolesław Bierut Aleksander Zawadzki Edward Ochab Marian Spychalski Józef Cyrankiewicz Henryk Jabłoński Wojciech Jaruzelski
Republic of Poland (1990–present)	Wojciech Jaruzelski Lech Wałęsa Aleksander Kwaśniewski Lech Kaczyński Bronisław Komorowski* Bogdan Borusewicz* Grzegorz Schetyna* Bronisław Komorowski Andrzej Duda
*Acting

v t e Prime ministers of Poland
Duchy of Warsaw (1807–1813)	Małachowski Gutakowski Poniatowski* Potocki
Kingdom of Poland (1917–1918)	Kucharzewski Ponikowski Kanty Steczkowski Świeżyński Wróblewski
Republic of Poland (1918–1939)	Daszyński Moraczewski Paderewski Skulski Grabski Witos Ponikowski Śliwiński Nowak Sikorski Witos Grabski Skrzyński Witos Bartel Piłsudski Bartel Świtalski Bartel Sławek Piłsudski Sławek Prystor Jędrzejewicz Kozłowski Sławek Zyndram-Kościałkowski Składkowski
Polish government-in-exile (1939–1990)	Sikorski Mikołajczyk Arciszewski Bór-Komorowski Tomaszewski Odzierzyński Hryniewski Mackiewicz Hanke Pająk Zawisza Muchniewski Urbański Sabbat Szczepanik
Polish People's Republic (1944–1989)	Osóbka-Morawski Cyrankiewicz Bierut Cyrankiewicz Jaroszewicz Babiuch Pińkowski Jaruzelski Messner Rakowski Kiszczak Mazowiecki
Republic of Poland (1990–present)	Mazowiecki Bielecki Olszewski Pawlak Suchocka Pawlak Oleksy Cimoszewicz Buzek Miller Belka Marcinkiewicz Kaczyński Tusk Kopacz Szydło Morawiecki Tusk
*Acting

v t e General Inspectors of the Armed Forces of Poland
Józef Piłsudski Edward Rydz-Śmigły Władysław Sikorski Kazimierz Sosnkowski Tadeusz Bór-Komorowski Władysław Anders Michał Karaszewicz-Tokarzewski Stefan Dembiński Stanisław Kopański Zygmunt Bohusz-Szyszko Bronisław Duch

Categories:

• Józef Piłsudski
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• 1935 deaths
• Burials at Wawel Cathedral
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• Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party members
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• Deaths from liver cancer in Poland
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