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{{Short description|State in South America (1822–1889)}} | |||
{{unreferenced|article|date=November 2006}} | |||
{{Use dmy dates|date=June 2021}} | |||
{{Infobox Former Country | |||
{{Use American English|date=June 2021}} | |||
|native_name = Império do Brasil | |||
{{Infobox country | |||
|conventional_long_name = Empire of Brazil | |||
| native_name = {{native_name|pt|Império do Brasil|paren=omit}} | |||
|common_name = Brazil | |||
| conventional_long_name = Empire of Brazil | |||
|continent=South America | |||
| era = 19th century | |||
|region=Brazil | |||
| |
| empire = Brazil | ||
| year_start = 1822 | |||
|status=Empire | |||
| year_end = 1889 | |||
|year_start = 1822 | |||
| image_flag = Bandeira do Império do Brasil com nó e cores corretos.svg | |||
|year_end = 1889 | |||
| flag_type = ] (1853–1889) | |||
|date_start = October 12 | |||
| flag_alt = Flag adopted in 1870 displaying 20 stars representing the country's provinces. Another star was added in 1870. The flag consists of a green field with a golden rhombus and the lesser arms of imperial Brazil. | |||
|date_end = November 15 | |||
| image_coat = Coat of arms of the Empire of Brazil.svg | |||
|event_end = Monarchy abolished | |||
| coat_alt = <!-- | other_symbol_alt = Coat of arms consisting of a shield with a green field with a golden armillary sphere superimposed on the red and white Cross of the Order of Christ, surrounded by a blue band with 20 silver stars; the bearers are two arms of a wreath, with a coffee branch on the left and a flowering tobacco branch on the right; and above the shield is an arched golden and jeweled crown. --> | |||
|p1 = Colonial Brazil | |||
| |
| symbol = Coat of arms of Brazil | ||
| symbol_type = Coat of arms | |||
|national_motto = {{lang|pt|''Independência ou Morte!''}}<br>(] for "Independence or Death!") | |||
| other_symbol = {{center|]}} | |||
|s1 = Brazil | |||
| other_symbol_type = ] | |||
|image_flag = Flag of the Second Empire of Brazil.svg | |||
| national_motto = {{native name|pt|Independência ou Morte!}} | |||
|image_coat = Brazilimperialblason2.svg | |||
| englishmotto = Independence or Death! | |||
|image_map = Brazil states1823.png | |||
| national_anthem = '']'' <br /> <small>"Anthem of the Independence of Brazil"</small><br />] | |||
|capital = Rio de Janeiro | |||
---- | |||
|common_languages = ] | |||
{{lang|pt|]}}<br /><small>"Brazilian National Anthem"</small><br /><div style="display:inline-block;margin-top:0.4em;">]</div> | |||
|government_type = Constitutional monarchy | |||
| image_map = Brazilian Empire 1828 (orthographic projection).svg | |||
|title_leader = ] | |||
| image_map_caption = Empire of Brazil at its largest territorial extent, 1822–1828,{{dubious|date=January 2023|reason=Enormous territory was acquired along the Peru border after 1828; see talk page and sources cited. Existing map shows this as part of Empire in 1822 which is anachronous.}} including former ] province | |||
|leader1 = ] | |||
| image_map_alt = Map of South America with the Empire of Brazil highlighted in green | |||
|year_leader1=1822-1831 | |||
| capital = ] | |||
|leader2 = ] | |||
| common_languages = ] | |||
|year_leader2=1831-1840 | |||
| |
| religion = ] | ||
| ethnic_groups = {{Tree list}} | |||
|year_leader3=1840-1889 | |||
*{{nowrap|38.3% '']''}} | |||
|title_deputy = ] | |||
*38.5% ] | |||
|deputy1=] | |||
*19.7% ] | |||
|year_deputy1=1889 | |||
*3.9% ]/'']'' | |||
{{Tree list/end}} | |||
| ethnic_groups_year = 1872 | |||
| ethnic_groups_ref = <ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Verona |first1=Ana Paula |last2=Dias Júnior |first2=Claudio Santiago |year=2018 |title=Os indígenas nos Censos Demográficos brasileiros pré-1991 |url=https://rebep.emnuvens.com.br/revista/article/view/1243/pdf |journal=Revista Brasileira de Estudos de População |language=pt |volume=35 |issue=3 |doi=10.20947/s0102-3098a0058 |issn=0102-3098|doi-access=free }}</ref> | |||
| demonym = ] | |||
| government_type = ] ] ] | |||
| leader1 = ] | |||
| leader2 = ] | |||
| year_leader1 = ] | |||
| year_leader2 = ] | |||
| title_leader = ] | |||
| title_deputy = ] | |||
| deputy1 = ] | |||
| year_deputy1 = {{nowrap|1843–1844 <small>(''de facto'')</small>}} | |||
| deputy2 = {{nowrap|]}} | |||
| year_deputy2 = 1847–1848 <small>(first)</small> | |||
| deputy3 = ] | |||
| year_deputy3 = 1889 <small>(last)</small> | |||
| legislature = ] | |||
| upper_house = ] | |||
| lower_house = ] | |||
| event_pre = ] | |||
| date_pre = 7 September 1822 | |||
| event_start = Accession of ] | |||
| date_start = 12 October | |||
| event1 = ] | |||
| date_event1 = 25 March 1824 | |||
| event2 = ] | |||
| date_event2 = 7 April 1831 | |||
| event3 = {{nowrap|]}} | |||
| date_event3 = 23 July 1840 | |||
| event4 = ] | |||
| date_event4 = 13 May 1888 | |||
| event_end = ] | |||
| date_end = 15 November | |||
| stat_year1 = 1823 | |||
| stat_pop1 = 4,000,000 | |||
| stat_year2 = 1854 | |||
| stat_pop2 = 7,000,700 | |||
| stat_year3 = ] | |||
| stat_pop3 = 9,930,478 | |||
| stat_year4 = 1890 | |||
| stat_pop4 = 14,333,915 | |||
| stat_year5 = 1889 | |||
| stat_area5 = 8337218 | |||
| ref_area5 =<ref name="IBGE">{{cite web|url=http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/geociencias/areaterritorial/historico.shtm|title=Área Territorial Brasileira|website=www.ibge.gov.br|publisher=]|quote=A primeira estimativa oficial para a extensão superficial do território brasileiro data de 1889. O valor de {{cvt|8,337,218|km2}} foi obtido a partir de medições e cálculos efetuados sobre as folhas básicas da Carta do Império do Brasil, publicada em 1883. |language=pt|access-date=16 October 2016}}</ref> | |||
| area_km2 = | |||
| area_rank = | |||
| currency = ] | |||
| HDI = | |||
| HDI_year = | |||
| p1 = United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves | |||
| flag_p1 = Flag of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil, and the Algarves (1815-1825).svg | |||
| s2 = Uruguay | |||
| flag_s2 = Flag of Uruguay (1828-1830).svg | |||
| s1 = First Brazilian Republic | |||
| flag_s1 = Flag of Brazil (November 1889).svg | |||
| today = Brazil<br />] | |||
}} | }} | ||
The '''Empire of Brazil''' was a 19th-century state that broadly comprised the territories which form modern ] and ] until the latter achieved independence in 1828. The empire's government was a ] ] ] under the rule of Emperors ] and his son ]. A ] of the ], Brazil became the seat of the ] in 1808, when the Portuguese Prince regent, later King Dom ], fled from ]'s ] and ] in the Brazilian city of ]. John VI later returned to Portugal, leaving his eldest son and heir-apparent, Pedro, to rule the ] as regent. On 7 September 1822, Pedro declared the ] and, after waging a successful war against his father's kingdom, was acclaimed on 12 October as Pedro I, the first Emperor of Brazil. The new country was huge, sparsely populated, and ethnically diverse. | |||
The '''Empire of Brazil''' was a political entity that comprised present-day ] under the rule of Emperors ] and his son ]. Founded in 1822, it was replaced by a republic in 1889. | |||
Unlike most of the neighboring ]n republics, Brazil had political stability, vibrant economic growth, constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech, and respect for civil rights of its subjects, albeit with legal restrictions on women and slaves, the latter regarded as property and not citizens. The Empire's bicameral parliament was elected under comparatively democratic methods for the era, as were the provincial and local legislatures. This led to a long ideological conflict between Pedro I and a sizable parliamentary faction over the role of the monarch in the government. He also had to face other obstacles. The unsuccessful ] against the neighboring ] in 1828 led to the secession of the province of ] (later to become Uruguay). In 1826, despite his role in Brazilian independence, he became the king of Portugal; he abdicated the Portuguese throne in favor of his ]. Two years later, she was usurped by Pedro I's younger brother ]. Unable to deal with both Brazilian and Portuguese affairs, Pedro I ] on 7 April 1831 and immediately departed for Europe to ]. | |||
==Introduction== | |||
{{BrazilianHistory}} | |||
As a result of the ] occupation of ], the ], the Braganzas, went into exile in Brazil, the most important of the Portuguese colonies. What followed was a period when Brazil enjoyed self-government under the Braganza dynasty, with no reference to the authorities at ]. This naturally nurtured a distaste for the idea of returning to ''status quo ante'' upon the overthrow of ]'s influence over Portugal. Therefore, Brazil came to be independent of Portugal, albeit under the rule of a member of the Portuguese royal family. | |||
Pedro I's successor in Brazil was his five-year-old son, Pedro II. As the latter was still a minor, a weak ] was created. The power vacuum resulting from the absence of a ruling monarch as the ultimate arbiter in political disputes led to regional civil wars between local factions. Having inherited an empire on the verge of disintegration, Pedro II, once he was ], managed to bring peace and stability to the country, which eventually became an emerging international power. Brazil was victorious in three international conflicts (the ], the ], and the ]) under Pedro II's rule, and the Empire prevailed in several other international disputes and outbreaks of domestic strife. With prosperity and economic development came an influx of European immigration, including Protestants and Jews, although Brazil remained mostly Catholic. ], which had initially been widespread, was restricted by successive legislation until its ] in 1888. Brazilian visual arts, literature and theater developed during this time of progress. Although heavily influenced by European styles that ranged from ] to ], each concept was adapted to create a culture that was uniquely Brazilian. | |||
After its independence from the Portuguese on ], ], ] became a monarchy, the Brazilian Empire, which lasted until the establishment of the ] government on ], ]. Two emperors occupied the throne in that period: ], from 1822 to 1831; and ], from 1840 to 1889. Also, King ] held the title of ] as stipulated by the treaty recognizing Brazilian independence. | |||
Even though the last four decades of ] were marked by continuous internal peace and economic prosperity, he had no desire to see the monarchy survive beyond his lifetime and made no effort to maintain support for the institution. The next in line to the throne was his daughter ], but neither Pedro II nor the ruling classes considered a female monarch acceptable. Lacking any viable heir, the Empire's political leaders saw no reason to defend the monarchy. After a 58-year reign, on 15 November 1889 the Emperor was overthrown in a sudden '']'' led by a clique of military leaders whose goal was the formation of a republic headed by a dictator, forming the ]. | |||
==Brazilian independence== | |||
] | |||
===Pedro as regent=== | |||
After João VI returned to Portugal in 1821, his heir-apparent ] became regent of the Kingdom of Brazil, with an informal understanding — known as the ] that he was to take the crown if Brazil came to be independent. He meant to rule frugally and started by cutting his own salary, centralizing scattered government offices, and selling off most of the royal horses and mules. He issued decrees that eliminated the royal salt tax, to spur the output of hides and dried beef; he forbade arbitrary seizure of private property, required a judge's ] for arrests of freemen, and banned secret ], ], and other indignities. He also sent elected deputies to the Portuguese Assembly (''Cortes''). However, ] continued to be bought and sold and disciplined with force, despite his assertion that their blood was the same color as his own blood. | |||
==History== | |||
] | |||
{{Main|History of the Empire of Brazil}} | |||
===Independence and early years=== | |||
In September 1821, the Portuguese Assembly, with only a portion of the Brazilian delegates present, voted to abolish the Kingdom of Brazil and the royal agencies in ], thus subordinating all provinces of Brazil directly to Lisbon. Accordingly, troops were sent to Brazil, and all Brazilian units were placed under Portuguese command. This marked the beginning of the small-scaled ]. | |||
{{Main|Independence of Brazil}} | |||
] | |||
The territory which would come to be known as Brazil was claimed by Portugal on 22 April 1500, when the navigator ] landed on its coast.{{sfn|Viana|1994|pp=42–44}} Permanent settlement followed in 1532, and for the next 300 years the Portuguese slowly expanded westwards until they had reached nearly all of the borders of modern Brazil.{{sfn|Viana|1994|pp=59, 65, 66, 78, 175, 181, 197, 213, 300}} In 1808, the army of French Emperor ] invaded Portugal, forcing the Portuguese royal family—the ], a branch of the thousand-year-old ]—into exile. They ] in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro, which became the unofficial seat of the ].{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=43–44}} | |||
In January 1822, tension between Portuguese troops and the Luso-Brazilians (Brazilians of Portuguese ancestry) turned violent when Pedro, who had been ordered by the Assembly to return to Lisbon, refused to comply and vowed to stay. He had been moved by petitions from Brazilian towns, and by the argument that his departure and the dismantling of the central government would trigger separatist movements. | |||
In 1815, the Portuguese crown prince Dom John (later Dom ]), acting as regent, created the ], which raised the status of Brazil from colony to kingdom. He ascended the Portuguese throne the following year, after the death of his mother, ]. He returned to Portugal in April 1821, leaving behind his son and heir, ], to rule Brazil as his regent.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=72}}{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=396}} The Portuguese government immediately moved to revoke the political autonomy that Brazil had been granted since 1808.{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=75, 81–82}}{{sfn|Viana|1994|pp=399, 403}} The threat of losing their limited control over local affairs ignited widespread opposition among Brazilians. ], along with other Brazilian leaders, convinced Pedro to declare Brazil's independence from Portugal on 7 September 1822.{{sfn|Viana|1994|pp=408–408}}{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=96}} On 12 October, the prince was acclaimed Pedro I, first Emperor of the newly created Empire of Brazil, a constitutional monarchy.{{sfn|Viana|1994|pp=417–418}}{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=101–102}} The declaration of independence was opposed throughout Brazil by armed military units loyal to Portugal. The ensuing war of independence was fought across the country, with battles in the northern, northeastern, and southern regions. The last Portuguese soldiers to surrender did so in March 1824,{{sfn|Viana|1994|pp=420–422}}{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=104–106}} and independence ] by Portugal in August 1825.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=128}} | |||
Pedro formed a new government headed by ] of ]. This former royal official and professor of science at ] was crucial to the subsequent direction of events and is regarded as one of the formative figures of Brazilian ], indeed, as the "Patriarch of Independence". | |||
Pedro I encountered a number of crises during his ]. A secessionist rebellion in the ] in early 1825 and the subsequent attempt by the ] (later ]) to annex Cisplatina led the Empire into the ]: "a long, inglorious, and ultimately futile war in the south".{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=131}} In March 1826, John VI died and Pedro ;I inherited the Portuguese crown, briefly becoming King Pedro IV of Portugal before abdicating in favor of his eldest daughter, Maria II.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=142}} The situation worsened in 1828 when the war in the south ended with Brazil's loss of Cisplatina, which would become the independent republic of ].{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=151}} During the same year in Lisbon, Maria II's throne was usurped by Prince Miguel, Pedro I's younger brother.{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=148–149}} | |||
The atmosphere was so charged that Dom Pedro sought assurances of asylum on a ] ship in case he lost the looming confrontation; he also sent his family to safety out of the city. | |||
Other difficulties arose when the Empire's parliament, the General Assembly, opened in 1826. Pedro I, along with a significant percentage of the legislature, argued for an independent judiciary, a popularly elected legislature and a government which would be led by the emperor who held broad executive powers and prerogatives.{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=18–19}} Others in parliament argued for a similar structure, only with a less influential role for the monarch and the legislative branch being dominant in policy and governance.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=19}} The struggle over whether the government would be dominated by the emperor or by the parliament was carried over into debates from 1826 to 1831 on the establishment of the governmental and political structure.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=131}} Unable to deal with the problems in both Brazil and Portugal simultaneously, the Emperor abdicated on behalf of his son, ], on 7 April 1831 and immediately sailed for Europe to ].{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=159}} | |||
===Turmoil in the provinces=== | |||
After Pedro's decision to defy the ''Côrtes'', the "lead feet," as the Brazilians called the Portuguese troops, rioted before concentrating on ], which was soon surrounded by thousands of armed Brazilians. Dom Pedro then "dismissed" the Portuguese commanding general and ordered him to remove his soldiers across the bay to ], where they would await transport to Portugal. In the following days, the Portuguese commander delayed embarkation, hoping that expected reinforcements would arrive. However, the reinforcements that arrived off Rio de Janeiro on ], ], were not allowed to land. Instead, they were given supplies for the voyage back to Portugal. This round had been won without bloodshed. | |||
===Anarchy=== | |||
Blood had been shed in Recife in the Province of ], when the Portuguese garrison there had been forced to depart in November 1821. In mid-February 1822, Brazilians in ] revolted against the Portuguese forces there, but were driven into the countryside, where they began guerrilla operations, signaling that the struggle in the north would not be without loss of life and property. | |||
{{Main|Regency period (Empire of Brazil)}} | |||
], seat of the Brazilian Imperial government, in 1840|alt=Photograph showing the Imperial Palace in Rio de Janeiro with carriages and mounted honor guard in the square fronting the palace]] | |||
Following the hasty departure of Pedro I, Brazil was left with a five-year-old boy as head of state. With no precedent to follow, the Empire was faced with the prospect of a period of more than twelve years without a strong executive, as, under the constitution, Pedro II would not attain his majority and begin exercising authority as Emperor until 2 December 1843.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=160}} A regency was elected to rule the country in the interim. Because the Regency held few of the powers exercised by an emperor and was completely subordinated to the General Assembly, it could not fill the vacuum at the apex of Brazil's government.{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=161–163}} | |||
To secure ] and São Paulo, where there were no Portuguese troops but where there were doubts about independence, Dom Pedro engaged in some royal populism. Towns in Minas Gerais had expressed their loyalty at the time of Pedro's vow to remain, save for the junta in ], the provincial capital. Pedro realized that unless Minas Gerais were solidly with him, he would be unable to broaden his authority to other provinces. With only a few companions and no ceremony or pomp, Pedro plunged into Minas Gerais on horseback in late March 1822, receiving enthusiastic welcomes and allegiances everywhere. | |||
The hamstrung Regency proved unable to resolve disputes and rivalries between national and local political factions. Believing that granting provincial and local governments greater autonomy would quell the growing dissent, the General Assembly passed a constitutional amendment in 1834, called the ''Ato Adicional'' (]). Instead of ending the chaos, these new powers only fed local ambitions and rivalries. Violence erupted throughout the country.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=61}} Local parties competed with renewed ferocity to dominate provincial and municipal governments, as whichever party dominated the provinces would also gain control over the electoral and political system. Those parties which lost elections rebelled and tried to assume power by force, resulting in several rebellions.{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=179–180}} | |||
===Defender of Brazil=== | |||
Back in Rio de Janeiro on ], he was proclaimed the "Perpetual Defender of Brazil" by the São Paulo legislative assembly and shortly thereafter called a Constituent Assembly (''Assembléia Constituinte'') for the next year. To deepen his base of support, he joined the Freemasons, who, led by ], were pressing for parliamentary government and independence. More confident, in early August he called on the Brazilian deputies in Lisbon to return, decreed that Portuguese forces in Brazil should be treated as enemies. He had already decreed that no decree from the Government of Lisbon would be carried out by officers in Brazil without his consent. | |||
The politicians who had risen to power during the 1830s had by then become familiar with the difficulties and pitfalls of power. According to historian Roderick J. Barman, by 1840, "they had lost all faith in their ability to rule the country on their own. They accepted Pedro II as an authority figure whose presence was indispensable for the country's survival."{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=317}} Some of these politicians (who would form the ] in the 1840s) believed that a neutral figure was required—one who could stand above political factions and petty interests to address discontent and moderate disputes.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=64}} They envisioned an emperor who was more dependent on the legislature than the constitutional monarch envisioned by Pedro I, yet with greater powers than had been advocated at the beginning of the Regency by their rivals (who later formed the ]).{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=58}} The liberals, however, contrived to pass an initiative to lower Pedro II's age of majority from eighteen to fourteen. The Emperor was declared fit to rule in July 1840.{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=68–73}} | |||
===São Paulo and Ipiranga=== | |||
Seeking to duplicate his triumph in Minas Gerais, Prince Pedro rode to ] in August to assure himself of support there. It was on that trip that he began a disastrous affair with ] that would later weaken his government. By that time, relations between Portugal and Brazil were so bad that Prince Pedro had already issued two manifestos, the "Letter to the Peoples of Brazil" and the "Letter to the Friendly Nations", that read like a declaration of independence. Returning from an excursion to Santos, Pedro received messages from his wife and from Andrada e Silva that the ''Côrtes'' had declared his government traitorous and were dispatching more troops. Pedro then had to choose between returning to Portugal in disgrace, or breaking the last ties with Portugal. In a famous scene by the ] on ], ], Prince Pedro, hiding his horse, tore the Portuguese blue and white insignia from his uniform, drew his sword, and swore in the presence of his guard of honour: "By my blood, by my honor, and by God: I will make Brazil free." Then he cried "It is time! Independence or Death! We are separated from Portugal". Those words constituted Brazil´s Proclamation of Independence. The "Independence or Death" cry would become the motto of the Brazilian emancipation. | |||
===Consolidation=== | |||
On ] ], Dom Pedro was acclaimed as the first Emperor of Brazil. He was crowned on ] ]. | |||
], capital of ] (Brazilian ]), two years after the end of the ]|alt=Photograph of various residential and commercial buildings along a waterfront]] | |||
To achieve their goals, the liberals allied themselves with a group of high-ranking palace servants and notable politicians: the "Courtier Faction". The courtiers were part of the Emperor's inner circle and had established influence over him,{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=49}} which enabled the appointment of successive liberal-courtier cabinets. Their dominance, however, was short-lived. By 1846, Pedro II had matured physically and mentally. No longer an insecure 14-year-old swayed by gossip, suggestions of secret plots, and other manipulative tactics,{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=109}} the young emperor's weaknesses faded and his strength of character came to the fore.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=109}} He successfully engineered the end of the courtiers' influence by removing them from his inner circle without causing any public disruption.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=114}} He also dismissed the liberals, who had proved ineffective while in office, and called on the conservatives to form a government in 1848.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=123}} | |||
] | |||
The abilities of the Emperor and the newly appointed conservative cabinet were tested by three crises between 1848 and 1852.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=122}} The first crisis was a confrontation over the illegal importation of slaves. Importing slaves had been banned in 1826 as part of a treaty with Britain.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=123}} Trafficking continued unabated, however, and the British government's passage of the ] of 1845 authorized British warships to board Brazilian ships and seize anyone who was found to be involved in the slave trade.{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=122–123}} While Brazil grappled with this problem, the ], a conflict between local political factions within ] province (and one in which liberal and courtier supporters were involved), erupted on 6 November 1848, but was suppressed by March 1849. It was the last rebellion to occur during the monarchy, and its end marked the beginning of forty years of internal peace in Brazil. The ] was ] on 4 September 1850 giving the government broad authority to combat the illegal slave trade. With this new tool Brazil moved to eliminate the importation of slaves, and by 1852 this first crisis was over, with Britain accepting that the trade had been suppressed.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=124}} | |||
==The reign of Pedro I, 1822-31== | |||
] | |||
The third crisis was a conflict with the ] over ascendancy in territories adjacent to the ] and free navigation of that waterway.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=125}} Since the 1830s, Argentine dictator ] had supported rebellions within ] and Brazil. The Empire was unable to address the threat posed by Rosas until 1850,{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=125}} when an alliance was forged between Brazil, Uruguay and disaffected Argentines,{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=125}} leading to the ] and the subsequent overthrow of the Argentine ruler in February 1852.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=126}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|pp=102–103}} The Empire's successful navigation of these crises considerably enhanced the nation's stability and prestige, and Brazil emerged as a hemispheric power.{{sfn|Levine|1999|pp=63–64}} Internationally, Europeans came to see the country as embodying familiar liberal ideals, such as ] and constitutional respect for civil liberties. Its representative parliamentary monarchy also stood in stark contrast to the mix of dictatorships and instability endemic in the other nations of South America during this period.<ref>See: | |||
===Military consolidation=== | |||
* {{harvnb|Bethell|1993|p=76}}; | |||
To consolidate his claim, Pedro — now Emperor Pedro I of Brazil — hired Admiral ], one of Britain's most successful naval commanders in the Napoleonic Wars and recently commander of the Chilean naval forces against ]. He also hired a number of Admiral Cochrane's officers, and the French General ], who had fought in Colombia. These men were to lead the fight to drive the Portuguese out of Bahia, Maranhão, and Pará, and to force those areas to replace Lisbon's rule with that of Rio de Janeiro. Money from customs at Rio de Janeiro's port and local donations outfitted the army and the nine-vessel fleet. The use of foreign mercenaries brought needed military skills. The much-feared Cochrane secured ] with a single warship, despite the Portuguese military's attempt to disrupt the economy and society with a scorched-earth campaign and with promises of freedom for the slaves. By mid-1823 the contending forces numbered between 10,000 and 20,000 Portuguese, some of whom were veterans of the ], versus 12,000 to 14,000 Brazilians, mostly in militia units from the Northeast. | |||
* {{harvnb|Graham|1994|p=71}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Skidmore|1999|p=48}}.</ref> | |||
===Growth=== | |||
Brazilian independence is popularly believed to have come without bloodshed. In fact, although both sides avoided massive set battles, they did engage in guerrilla tactics, demonstrations, and countermoves. There is little information on casualties, but the fighting provided a female martyr in Mother Joana Angélica, who was bayoneted to death by Portuguese troops invading her convent in ]; and an example of female grit in Maria Quitéria de Jesus, who, masquerading as a man, joined the imperial army and achieved distinction in several battles. | |||
] province (Brazilian northeast), {{circa|1859}}|alt=An old photograph showing a shiny black locomotive having a cab with open sides and a large, funnel-shaped smokestack]] | |||
] | |||
At the beginning of the 1850s, Brazil was enjoying internal stability and economic prosperity.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=159}} The nation's infrastructure was being developed, with progress in the construction of railroads, the ] and ] lines uniting Brazil into a cohesive national entity.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=159}} After five years in office, the successful conservative cabinet was dismissed and in September 1853, ], head of the Conservative Party, was charged with forming a new cabinet.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=343}} Emperor Pedro II wanted to advance an ambitious plan, which became known as "the Conciliation",{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=182}} aimed at strengthening the parliament's role in settling the country's political disputes.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=343}}{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=162}} | |||
===International recognition=== | |||
The ] and Portugal eventually recognized Brazilian independence by signing a treaty on ], ]. Until then, the Brazilians feared that Portugal would resume its attack. Portuguese retribution, however, came in a financial form. Secret codicils of the treaty with Portugal required that Brazil assume payment of 1.4 million pounds sterling owed to Britain and indemnify ] and other Portuguese for losses totaling 600,000 pounds sterling. Brazil also renounced future annexation of Portuguese African colonies, and in a side treaty with Britain promised to end the slave trade. Neither of these measures pleased the slave-holding planters. | |||
Paraná invited several liberals to join the conservative ranks and went so far as to name some as ministers. The new cabinet, although highly successful, was plagued from the start by strong opposition from ultraconservative members of the Conservative Party who repudiated the new liberal recruits. They believed that the cabinet had become a ] infested with converted liberals who did not genuinely share the party's ideals and were primarily interested in gaining public offices.<ref>See: | |||
===An imposed constitution=== | |||
* {{harvnb|Barman|1999|p=166}}; | |||
Organizing the new government quickly brought the differences between the emperor and his leading subjects to the fore. In 1824, Pedro closed the Constituent Assembly that he had convened because he believed that body was endangering liberty. As assembly members, his advisers, José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva and Dom Pedro's brothers, had written a draft constitution that would have limited the monarch by making him equal to the legislature and judiciary, similar to the president of the ]. They wanted the emperor to push the draft through without discussion, which Pedro refused to do. Troops surrounded the assembly as he ordered it dissolved. | |||
* {{harvnb|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=188}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Nabuco|1975|pp=167–169}}.</ref> Despite this mistrust, Paraná showed resilience in fending off threats and overcoming obstacles and setbacks.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=166}}{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|p=162}} However, in September 1856, at the height of his career, he died unexpectedly, although the cabinet survived him until May 1857.{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|p=313}} | |||
The Conservative Party had split down the middle: on one side were the ultraconservatives, and on the other, the moderate conservatives who supported the Conciliation.{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|pp=346, 370, 373, 376}} The ultraconservatives were led by ], ], and ]—all former ministers in the 1848–1853 cabinet. These elder statesmen had taken control of the Conservative Party after Paraná's death.{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|p=346}} In the years following 1857, none of the cabinets survived long. They quickly collapsed due to the lack of a majority in the Chamber of Deputies. | |||
Pedro then produced a constitution modeled on that of Portugal (1822) and ] (1814). It specified indirect elections and created the usual three branches of government but also added a fourth, the "moderating power", to be held by the emperor. | |||
The remaining members of the Liberal Party, which had languished since its fall in 1848 and the disastrous ''Praieira'' rebellion in 1849, took advantage of what seemed to be the Conservative Party's impending implosion to return to national politics with renewed strength. They delivered a powerful blow to the government when they managed to win several seats in the Chamber of Deputies in 1860.{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|pp=364–365}} When many moderate conservatives defected to unite with liberals to form a new political party, the ],{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|p=378}} the conservatives' hold on power became unsustainable due to the lack of a workable governing majority in the parliament. They resigned, and in May 1862 Pedro II named a progressive cabinet.{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|pp=374–376}} The period since 1853 had been one of peace and prosperity for Brazil: "The political system functioned smoothly. Civil liberties were maintained. A start had been made on the introduction into Brazil of railroad, telegraph and steamship lines. The country was no longer troubled by the disputes and conflicts that had racked it during its first thirty years."{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=192}} | |||
The moderating power would give the emperor authority to name senators and judges and to break deadlocks by summoning and dissolving Parliaments and cabinets. He also had treaty-making and treaty-ratifying power. The Imperial Parliament, known as General Assembly, was to be made up of an indirectly elected Chamber of Deputies, and of an appointed Senate. The Emperor would appoint ] from a list of three candidates, also chosen by indirect ballot. | |||
===Paraguayan War=== | |||
Pedro's Constitution was more liberal than the Assembly's draft in its religious toleration and definition of individual and property rights, but less so in its concentration of power in the emperor. It was signed into Law on ] ] and the first General Assembly to be elected under its provisions assembled on May 1826. | |||
{{Main|Paraguayan War}} | |||
], 1866|alt=An old photograph showing a group of field artillery pieces and caissons with a line of soldiers in the background]] | |||
] | |||
This period of calm came to an end in 1863, when the British consul in Rio de Janeiro nearly sparked a war by issuing an abusive ultimatum to Brazil in response to two minor incidents ({{crossreference|see ]}}).<ref>See: | |||
===The Confederation of the Equator=== | |||
* {{harvnb|Calmon|1975|p=678}}; | |||
The constitution was more acceptable in the flourishing, coffee-driven Southeastern provinces than in the Northeastern sugar and cotton areas, where low export prices and the high cost of imported slaves were blamed on the coffee-oriented government. In mid-1824, with Pernambuco and Ceará leading, five Northeastern provinces declared independence as the Confederation of the Equator, but by year's end the short-lived separation had been crushed by the ] ]. With the Northeast pacified, violence now imperiled the South. | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|pp=103–145}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=207}}.</ref> The Brazilian government refused to yield, and the consul issued orders for British warships to capture Brazilian merchant vessels as ].<ref>See: | |||
* {{harvnb|Calmon|1975|pp=678–681}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|p=104}} | |||
* {{harvnb|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=208}}.</ref> Brazil prepared itself for the imminent conflict,{{sfn|Calmon|1975|p=680}}{{sfn|Doratioto|2002|pp=98, 203}} and coastal defenses were given permission to fire upon any British warship that tried to capture Brazilian merchant ships.{{sfn|Calmon|1975|p=684}} The Brazilian government then severed diplomatic ties with Britain in June 1863.<ref>See: | |||
* {{harvnb|Calmon|1975|p=691}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|p=105}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=211}}.</ref> | |||
As war with the British Empire loomed, Brazil had to turn its attention to its southern frontiers. Another civil war had begun in Uruguay which pitted its political parties against one another.<ref>See: | |||
===The Argentina-Brazil War=== | |||
* {{harvnb|Barman|1999|p=197}}; | |||
In 1825, war flared again over Buenos Aires' determination to annex the Cisplatine Province (present-day ], on the East bank of the ]). The empire could little afford the troops, some of whom were recruited in ] and ], or the sixty warships needed to blockade the ]. A loan from London bankers was expended by 1826, and Pedro had to call the General Assembly to finance the war. The blockade raised objections from the United States and Britain, and defeats on land in 1827 made it necessary to negotiate an end to the US$30 million ]. The war, at least, left Uruguay independent instead of an Argentine province. In June 1828, harsh discipline and xenophobia provoked a mutiny of mercenary troops in Rio de Janeiro; the Irish were shipped home and the Germans sent to the South. The army was reduced to 15,000 members, and the anti-slavery Pedro, now without military muscle, faced a Parliament controlled by slave-owners and their allies. | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|p=108}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=219}}.</ref> The internal conflict led to the murder of Brazilians and the looting of their Uruguayan properties.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=220}} Brazil's progressive cabinet decided to intervene and dispatched an army, which invaded Uruguay in December 1864, beginning the brief ].<ref>See: | |||
* {{harvnb|Barman|1999|p=198}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|p=109}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Lira 1977, Vol 1|pp=224–225}}.</ref> The dictator of nearby Paraguay, ], took advantage of the Uruguayan situation in late 1864 by attempting to establish his nation as a regional power. In November of that year, he ordered a Brazilian civilian steamship seized, triggering the ], and then invaded Brazil.{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=109}}{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=227}} | |||
What had appeared at the outset to be a brief and straightforward military intervention led to a full-scale war in South America's southeast. However, the possibility of a two-front conflict (with Britain and Paraguay) faded when, in September 1865, the British government sent an envoy who publicly apologized for the crisis between the empires.{{sfn|Calmon|1975|p=748}}{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=237}} The Paraguayan invasion in 1864 led to a conflict far longer than expected, and faith in the progressive cabinet's ability to prosecute the war vanished.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=222}} Also, from its inception, the Progressive League was plagued by internal conflict between factions formed by former moderate conservatives and by former liberals.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=222}}{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|p=592}} | |||
] | |||
The cabinet resigned and the Emperor named the aging Viscount of Itaboraí to head a new cabinet in July 1868, marking the return of the conservatives to power.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=223}} This impelled both progressive wings to set aside their differences, leading them to rechristen their party as the Liberal Party. A third, smaller and radical progressive wing would declare itself republican in 1870—an ominous signal for the monarchy.{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|p=666}} Nonetheless, the "ministry formed by the viscount of Itaboraí was a far abler body than the cabinet it replaced"{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=223}} and the conflict with Paraguay ended in March 1870 with total victory for Brazil and its allies.{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=229–230}} More than 50,000 Brazilian soldiers had died,{{sfn|Doratioto|2002|p=461}} and war costs were eleven times the government's annual budget.{{sfn|Doratioto|2002|p=462}} However, the country was so prosperous that the government was able to retire the war debt in only ten years.{{sfn|Calmon|2002|p=201}}{{sfn|Munro|1942|p=276}} The conflict was also a stimulus to national production and economic growth.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=243}} | |||
===The slavery question=== | |||
{{clear}} | |||
As coffee exports rose steadily, so did the numbers of imported slaves; in Rio de Janeiro alone, they soared from 26,254 in 1825 to 43,555 in 1828. In 1822, about 30%, or one million, of Brazil's population consisted of African-born or -descended slaves. ] was so pervasive that beggars had slaves, and naval volunteers took theirs aboard ship. | |||
===Apogee=== | |||
Pedro had written that slavery was a "cancer that is gnawing away at Brazil" and that no one had the right to enslave another. He wanted to abolish slavery, but his own liberal constitution gave the law-making authority to the slavocrat-controlled Parliament. In Brazil, liberal principles and political formulas were given special meaning. The language of social contract, ], supremacy of law, universal rights, division of powers, and representative government was stripped of its revolutionary content and applied only to a select, privileged white minority. | |||
], 1876|alt=Photograph showing a group of people dressed in white, who have gathered in front of a tile-roofed farm building and observe another large group which has formed a large circle surrounding five men straddling large drums, a woman and two other men]] | |||
The diplomatic victory over the British Empire and the military victory over Uruguay in 1865, followed by the successful conclusion of the war with Paraguay in 1870, marked the beginning of the "]" of the Brazilian Empire.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 2|p=9}} The Brazilian economy grew rapidly; railroad, shipping and other modernization projects were started; immigration flourished.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=240}} The Empire became known internationally as a modern and progressive nation, second only to the United States in the Americas; it was a politically stable economy with a good investment potential.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 2|p=9}} | |||
After 1826, the slavocrat agenda was to control the court system; to provide harsh punishments for slave rebellion, but mild ones for white revolt; to reduce the armed forces, cleansing them of foreigners unsympathetic to slavery; to keep tariffs low and eliminate the Bank of Brazil in order to deny the central government the ability to stimulate a rival, finance-based industrial capitalism; and to shape immigration policy in such a way as to encourage servile labor instead of independent farmers or craftsmen. Led by Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos of Minas Gerais in the assembly, slavocrats argued that slavery was not demoralizing, that foreign capital and technology would not help Brazil, and that railroads would only rust. Others, such as Nicolau de Campos Vergueiro of São Paulo, argued in favor of replacing slavery with free European immigrants. In the end, the Parliament established a contract system that was little better than slavery. There would be no liberal empire. Laws and decrees unacceptable to the slavocrats simply would not take effect, such as the order in 1829 forbidding ]s to sail for Africa. These items of the slavocrat agenda were the roots of the regional rebellions of the nineteenth century. | |||
In March 1871, Pedro II named the conservative ] as the head of a cabinet whose main goal was to pass a law to immediately free all children born to female slaves.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=235}} The controversial bill was introduced in the Chamber of Deputies in May and faced "a determined opposition, which commanded support from about one third of the deputies and which sought to organize public opinion against the measure."{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=238}} The bill was finally promulgated in September and became known as the "]".{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=238}} Rio Branco's success, however, seriously damaged the long-term political stability of the Empire. The law "split the conservatives down the middle, one party faction backed the reforms of the Rio Branco cabinet, while the second—known as the ''escravocratas'' (English: slavocrats)—were unrelenting in their opposition", forming a new generation of ultraconservatives.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=261}} | |||
===Turmoil and abdication=== | |||
After Dom João's death (1826), despite Pedro's renunciation of his right to the Portuguese throne in favor of his daughter, Brazilian nativist radicals falsely accused the emperor of plotting to overthrow the ] and to proclaim himself the ruler of a reunited Brazil and Portugal. They raised tensions by provoking street violence against the Portuguese of Rio de Janeiro and agitated for a ] ] that would give the provinces self-government and administrative autonomy. Brazil's fate was in the hands of a few people concentrated in the capital who spread false stories and undermined discipline in the army and police. It would not be the last time that events in Rio de Janeiro would shape the future. When Pedro dismissed his cabinet in April 1831, street and military demonstrators demanded its reinstatement in violation of his constitutional prerogatives. He refused, saying: "I will do anything for the people but nothing by the people." With military units assembled on the Campo Santana, an assembly ground in Rio de Janeiro, and people in the streets shouting "death to the tyrant," he backed down. Failing to form a new cabinet, he abdicated in favor of his five-year-old son Pedro (who thus became Emperor ]), and left Brazil as he had arrived — on a British warship. | |||
The "Law of Free Birth", and Pedro II's support for it, resulted in the loss of the ultraconservatives' unconditional loyalty to the monarchy.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=261}} The Conservative Party had experienced serious divisions before, during the 1850s, when the Emperor's total support for the conciliation policy had given rise to the Progressives. The ultraconservatives led by Eusébio, Uruguai and Itaboraí who opposed conciliation in the 1850s had nonetheless believed that the Emperor was indispensable to the functioning of the political system: the Emperor was an ultimate and impartial arbiter when political deadlock threatened.{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=234, 317}} By contrast, this new generation of ultraconservatives had not experienced the ] of Pedro II's reign, when external and internal dangers had threatened the Empire's very existence; they had only known prosperity, peace and a stable administration.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=317}} To them—and to the ruling classes in general—the presence of a neutral monarch who could settle political disputes was no longer important. Furthermore, since Pedro II had clearly taken a political side on the slavery question, he had compromised his position as a neutral arbiter. The young ultraconservative politicians saw no reason to uphold or defend the Imperial office.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=318}} | |||
==The Regency Era, 1831-40== | |||
===Unrest in the provinces=== | |||
From 1831 to 1840, the country was ruled by three appointed regents, in the young Emperor's name. This was a period of turmoil as local factions struggled to gain control of their provinces and to keep the masses in line. Out of desperation to weaken the radical appeals for ], ], and hostility toward the Portuguese, and to protect against contrary calls for Pedro I's restoration, the regency in Rio de Janeiro gave considerable power to the provinces in 1834. Brazil took on the appearance of a federation of local ''pátrias'' (autonomous centers of regional power) with loose allegiance to the Rio de Janeiro government, whose function was to defend them from external attack and to maintain order and balance among them. The government's ability to carry out that function was impaired, however, by the low budgets allowed the army and navy, and by the creation of a National Guard, whose officers were local notables determined to protect their private and regional interests. The rebellions, riots, and popular movements that marked the next years did not spring as much from economic misery as from attempts to share in the prosperity stemming from North Atlantic demand for Brazil's exports. | |||
===Decline=== | |||
] | |||
{{See also|Decline and fall of Pedro II of Brazil}} | |||
] and ])|alt=A map showing the Empire and its provinces]] | |||
The weaknesses in the monarchy took many years to become apparent. Brazil continued to prosper during the 1880s, with the economy and society both developing rapidly, including the first organized push for ] (which would progress slowly over the next decades).<ref>See: | |||
Many of the disturbances were so fleeting they were all but forgotten. For example, in Rio de Janeiro alone there were five uprisings in 1831 and 1832. Another eight of the more famous revolts in the 1834-49 period included the participation of lower-class people, Indians, free and runaway blacks, and slaves, which accounts for their often fierce suppression. Republican objectives were apparent in some of these revolts, such as the ] ("tatters"), also known as the Farroupilha Rebellion (1835-45), in ] and ]. Others, such as the Cabanagem in Pará in 1835-37, the Sabinada in Salvador in 1837-38, the ] in Maranhão in 1838-41, and the ones in Minas Gerais and São Paulo in 1842, were propelled simultaneously by antiregency and promonarchial sentiments. Such unrest dispels the notion that the history of state formation in Brazil was peaceful. Instead, it shows the confrontation between the national government and the splintering motherlands (''pátrias''), which would continue in varying degrees for the next century. | |||
* {{harvnb|Hahner|1978|pp=254–271}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Barman|1999|p=319}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Topik|2000|p=51}}.</ref> By contrast, letters written by Pedro II reveal a man grown world-weary with age, increasingly alienated from current events and pessimistic in outlook.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=298–299}} He remained diligent in performing his formal duties as Emperor, albeit often without enthusiasm, but he no longer actively intervened to maintain stability in the country.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=299}} His increasing "indifference towards the fate of the regime"{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=126}} and his inaction to protect the imperial system once it came under threat have led historians to attribute the "prime, perhaps sole, responsibility" for the dissolution of the monarchy to the Emperor himself.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=399}} | |||
The lack of an heir who could feasibly provide a new direction for the nation also threatened the long-term prospects for the Brazilian monarchy. The Emperor's heir was his eldest daughter ], the ], who had no interest in, nor expectation of, becoming the monarch.{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=262–263}} Even though the Constitution allowed female succession to the throne, Brazil was still a very traditional, male-dominated society, and the prevailing view was that only a male monarch would be capable as head of state.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=130}} Pedro II,{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=262}} the ruling circles{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=268}} and the wider political establishment all considered a female successor to be inappropriate, and Pedro II himself believed that the death of his two sons and the lack of a male heir were a sign that the Empire was destined to be supplanted.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=262}} | |||
===Pedro II as the focus of unity=== | |||
Pedro I's death from tuberculosis in 1834 had sapped the restorationist impulse and removed the glue that held uneasy political allies together. With the regency attempting to suppress simultaneous revolts in the South and North, it could not easily reassert its supremacy over the remaining provinces. Brazil could well have split apart in those years. It did not for three reasons. First, the military was reorganized as an instrument of national unity under the leadership of ], who was ennobled as the Duke of Caxias (Duque de Caxias) and who would later be proclaimed Patron of the Brazilian Army. Second, the specter of slave revolt and social disintegration had become all too real. And third, the "vision of Brazil as a union of autonomous pátrias," in Roderick J. Barman's phrase, was replaced by the vision of Brazil as a nation-state. Rather than risk their fortunes and lives, the elites, longing for a focus of loyalty, identity, and authority, rallied around the boy-emperor to raise him to power in 1840. The Houses of the Brazilian General Assembly (the Imperial Parliament), meeting in joint session, in defiance of a decree from the Regency prorrouguing the annual legislative session, sent a Commission to ask the boy-Emperor whether or not he would agree to be declared of age immediately. The Emperor agreed. Then, the Regent, under pressure, revoked the decree that had prorogued the Legislature. Within hours, the General Assembly passed a resolution declaring the Emperor of age, at age of fourteen instead of the constitutionally specified age of eighteen. The Emperor then appeared before the General Assembly, took the constitutional oath, and a proclamation was issued declaring the end of the regency and the beginning of the personal rule of ]. He was subsequently crowned on ], ]. Thus, the second reign was born in the hope that it would be an instrument of national unity, peace, and prosperity. | |||
A weary emperor who no longer cared for the throne, an heir who had no desire to assume the crown, an increasingly discontented ruling class who were dismissive of the Imperial role in national affairs: all these factors presaged the monarchy's impending doom. The means to achieve the overthrow of the Imperial system would soon appear within the Army ranks. ] had never flourished in Brazil outside of certain elitist circles,{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=349}}{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=121}} and had little support in the provinces.<ref>See: | |||
==The personal reign of Pedro II, 1840-89== | |||
* {{harvnb|Ermakoff|2006|p=189}}; | |||
] at the opening of the General Assembly (oil painting by ]).]] | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|p=206}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Munro|1942|p=279}}.</ref> A growing combination of republican and ] ideals among the army's junior and mid-level officer ranks, however, began to form a serious threat to the monarchy. These officers favored a republican dictatorship, which they believed would be superior to the liberal democratic monarchy.{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=195}}{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=353}} Beginning with small acts of insubordination at the beginning of the 1880s, ] in scope and audacity during the decade, as the Emperor was uninterested and the politicians proved incapable of re-establishing the government's authority over the military.{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=353–355}} | |||
===Fall=== | |||
===Reunification and centralization=== | |||
{{Main|Proclamation of the Republic (Brazil)}} | |||
Through the beginning of Pedro II's reign, in the 1840s, the Brazilian nation-state coalesced as authorities suppressed revolts and rewrote Brazilian law. These laws, however, did not bode well for democracy because they shaped an electoral system based on government-controlled fraud. In 1842, on the advice of conservative courtiers, Pedro II used his constitutional moderating power to dismiss the newly elected liberal Chamber of Deputies and called new elections, which the conservatives won by stuffing the ballot boxes. In so doing, he set a pattern of favoring ] over ]. | |||
], Princess ] is greeted from the central balcony of the City Palace by a huge crowd below in the street|alt=An old photograph showing a crowded square in front of a large, white, multi-storied building]] | |||
The nation enjoyed considerable international prestige during the final years of the Empire{{sfn|Topik|2000|p=56}} and had become an ] in the international arena. While Pedro II was receiving medical treatment in Europe, the parliament passed, and Princess Isabel signed on 13 May 1888, the ], which completely abolished slavery in Brazil.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=341}} Predictions of economic and labor disruption caused by the abolition of slavery proved to be unfounded.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=346}} Nonetheless, the end of slavery was the final blow to any remaining belief in the crown's neutrality, and this resulted in an explicit shift of support to Republicanism by the ultraconservatives{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=78}}—themselves backed by rich and powerful coffee farmers who held great political, economic and social power in the country.<ref>See: | |||
The "moderating power" granted to the emperor by the constitution of 1824 — to balance the traditional executive, legislative, and judicial branches — gave him the right to name senators, to dismiss the legislature, and to shift control of the government from one party to the other. In theory, he was to act as the political balance wheel. It should be noted that the parties were more groupings of members of Parliament than ideologically based movements dependent on distinct electorates. Historian ] observed that "No particular political philosophy distinguished one group from another." The political system had an artificial aspect to it; it did not relate openly to the real power structure of the country--the ''senhores da terra'' ("landowners") who ran local affairs. | |||
* {{harvnb|Barman|1999|pp=348–349}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|p=190}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Schwarcz|1998|p=438}}.</ref> | |||
To avert a republican backlash, the government exploited the credit readily available to Brazil as a result of its prosperity to fuel further development. The government extended massive loans at favorable interest rates to plantation owners and lavishly granted titles and lesser honors to curry favor with influential political figures who had become disaffected.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=351}} The government also indirectly began to address the problem of the recalcitrant military by revitalizing the moribund National Guard, by then an entity which existed mostly only on paper.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=355}} | |||
A good example of how the real power-holders manipulated the system to protect their narrow interests to the detriment of the national interest was the ], which set the pattern for modern landholding. The Land Law ended the colonial practice of obtaining land through squatting or royal grants and limited acquisition to purchase, thereby restricting the number of people who could become owners. By creating obstacles to land ownership, the law's framers hoped to force free labor to work for existing landlords. However, proprietors sabotaged the law by not surveying their lands and not resolving their conflicting claims in order to keep titles cloudy and hence in their hands. One result of the uncertain titles was that slaves were used as collateral. | |||
The measures taken by the government alarmed civilian republicans and the positivists in the military. The republicans saw that it would undercut support for their own aims, and were emboldened to further action.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=353}} The reorganization of the National Guard was begun by the cabinet in August 1889, and the creation of a rival force caused the dissidents among the officer corps to consider desperate measures.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=356}} For both groups, republicans and military, it had become a case of "now or never".{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=353–356}} Although there was no desire among the majority of Brazilians to change the country's ],{{sfn|Ermakoff|2006|p=189}} republicans began pressuring army officers to overthrow the monarchy.{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|p=450}} | |||
===End of the slave trade=== | |||
In 1850, British and domestic pressure finally forced the Brazilian government to outlaw the African slave trade. London, tiring of Brazilian subterfuge, authorized its navy to seize slave ships in Brazilian waters, even in ports. Rather than risk open war with Britain, paralyzation of commerce, widespread slave unrest, and destabilization of the empire, the government outlawed the African slave trade (for more information, see: '']''). It deported a number of Portuguese slavers and instructed the provincial presidents, police, judges, and military to crack down. Over the next five years, even clandestine landings stopped, and despite the tempting rise of slave prices in the coffee districts of Rio de Janeiro Province, the trans-Atlantic trade ended. Although the British claimed credit, it should be noted that for the first time a Brazilian government had the power to enforce a law along the length of the coast. Also, internal support for the trade had weakened. Most slave importers were Portuguese, who had been selling the ever more expensive Africans to landowners on credit at climbing interest rates, in some cases forcing the latter into insolvency and loss of property. Xenophobia and the debts of the landed classes combined to support the government action. | |||
They ] on 15 November 1889.<ref>See: | |||
Ending the slave trade had a number of consequences. First, because labor needs increased in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo as the world demand for coffee rose, Northeastern planters sold their surplus slaves to Southern growers. In addition, Parliament passed laws encouraging European immigration, as well as the Land Law of 1850. Second, ending the ] freed capital that could then be used for investment in transport and industrial enterprises. Third, it ensured that Britain did not interfere in Brazil's military intervention to end the rule in ] of ] (governor of Buenos Aires province, 1829-33, 1835-52). | |||
* {{harvnb|Barman|1999|p=360}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Calmon|1975|p=1611}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|p=218}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=104}}.</ref> The few people who witnessed what occurred did not realize that it was a rebellion.{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|p=459}}{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=96}} Historian Lídia Besouchet noted that, "arely has a revolution been so minor."{{sfn|Besouchet|1993|p=538}} Throughout the coup Pedro II showed no emotion, as if unconcerned about the outcome.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=361}} He dismissed all suggestions put forward by politicians and military leaders for quelling the rebellion.<ref>See: | |||
* {{harvnb|Calmon|1975|pp=1603–1604}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2007|p=217}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=99}}.</ref> The Emperor and his family were sent into ] on 17 November.{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=220}} Although there was significant monarchist reaction after the fall of the Empire, this was thoroughly suppressed,{{sfn|Salles|1996|p=194}} and neither Pedro II nor his daughter supported a restoration.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=394}} Despite being unaware of the plans for a coup, once it occurred and in light of the Emperor's passive acceptance of the situation, the political establishment supported the end of the monarchy in favor of a republic. They were unaware that the goal of the coup leaders was the creation of a ] rather than a presidential or parliamentary republic.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 3|pp=119–120}} | |||
==Government== | |||
===Coffee and industrialization=== | |||
{{Main|Politics of the Empire of Brazil}} | |||
Coffee dominated exports in the last half of the nineteenth century, going from 50% of exports in 1841-50 to 59.5% in 1871-80. But sugar exports also increased, and ], ], ], ], and ] were important. The vast cattle herds that grazed the Northeastern sertão, the ]s (''cerrado'') of Minas Gerais, and the pampas of Rio Grande do Sul foreshadowed Brazil's status in 1990 as the world's second largest meat exporter. Meat-salting plants (''saladeros'') in Rio Grande do Sul shipped sun-dried beef to the expanding coffee-growing region to feed its slaves and freed tenant farmers (colonos ). In addition to ], Brazilians ate protein-rich ]s, ], and ], much of which came from Minas Gerais or the immigrant colonies of Rio Grande do Sul. Interregional trade was budding, but for the most part local self-sufficiency was the norm. Indeed, more people produced food for the domestic market than labored on export crops. | |||
===Parliament=== | |||
Expanding coffee production in the 1850s and 1860s attracted British investment in railroads to speed transport of the beans to the coast. The Santos-São Paulo Railroad (1868) was the first major breach of the coastal escarpment, which had slowed development of the Southern plateau. Similarly, in the Northeast railroads began to cut into the interior from the coast. But generally the pattern was to connect a port with its export-oriented hinterland, creating a series of enclaves that were connected with each other by sea. Well into the twentieth century, Brazil lacked railroads and highways linking its major regions, urban areas, and economic zones. The country was laced together by intricate networks of mule trails that moved goods and people throughout the vast interior. Viewed as archaic by modern observers, the mule train trails nonetheless were important in Brazil's formation, tying the various regions together and spreading a common language and culture. | |||
] in 1888 as spectators watch from the gallery|alt=A photograph showing a large number of men seated on semi-circular tiers in a vaulted chamber as a large crowd looks on from an arcaded balcony]] | |||
Article 2 of Brazil's ] defined the roles of both the emperor and the ] which in 1824 was composed of 50 senators and 102 general deputies, as the nation's representatives. The Constitution endowed the Assembly with both status and authority, and created legislative, moderating, executive and judicial branches as "delegations of the nation" with the separation of those powers envisaged as providing balances in support of the Constitution and the rights it enshrined.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=132}} | |||
===War of the Triple Alliance=== | |||
:''Main article:'' ] | |||
The prerogatives and authority granted to the legislature within the Constitution meant that it could and would play a major and indispensable role in the functioning of the government—it was not a mere ]. The General Assembly alone could enact, revoke, interpret, and suspend laws under Article 13 of the Constitution. The legislature also held the ] and was required to annually authorize expenditures and taxes. It alone approved and exercised oversight of government loans and debts. Other responsibilities entrusted to the Assembly included setting the size of the military's forces, the creation of offices within the government, monitoring the national welfare and ensuring that the government was being run in conformity to the Constitution. This last provision allowed the legislature wide authority to examine and debate government policy and conduct.{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=132–133}} | |||
The empire had lost the East Bank of the ] with the founding of ] in 1828, but it continued to meddle in that republic's affairs. Brazil's most important businessman, ], the Visconde de Mauá, had such heavy financial interests there that his company was effectively the Uruguayan government's bank. Other Brazilians owned about 400 large estates (''estancias'') that took up nearly a third of the country's territory. They objected to the taxes the Uruguayans imposed when they drove their cattle back and forth to Rio Grande do Sul, and they took sides in the constant fighting between ]'s Colorado and Blanco political factions, which later became the Colorado Party and the National Party (Blancos). Some of Rio Grande do Sul's ]s did not accept Uruguayan independence in 1828 and continually sought intervention. | |||
Regarding matters of foreign policy, the Constitution (under Article 102) required that the General Assembly be consulted about declarations of war, treaties and the conduct of international relations. A determined legislator could exploit these Constitutional provisions to block or limit government decisions, influence appointments and force reconsideration of policies.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=133}} | |||
In the mid-1860s, the imperial government conspired with Buenos Aires authorities to replace the Blanco regime in ] with a Colorado one. The Blancos appealed to Paraguayan dictator ] (president, 1862-70), who harbored his own fears of the two larger countries and who regarded a threat to Uruguay as a menace to Paraguay. A small landlocked country, Paraguay had the largest army in the region: 64,000 soldiers compared with Brazil's standing army of 18,000. In 1864, Brazil and Argentina agreed to act together should Solano López attempt to save the Blancos. In September 1864, wrongly convinced that he would not be so foolish, the Brazilians sent troops into Uruguay to put the Colorados in power. Each side miscalculated the intentions, capabilities, and will of the other. Paraguay reacted by seizing Brazilian vessels on the ] and by attacking the province of ]. Solano López, mistakenly expecting help from anti-Buenos Aires caudillos, sent his forces into Corrientes to get at Rio Grande do Sul and Uruguay and found himself at war with both Argentina and Brazil. In May 1865, those two countries and Colorado-led Uruguay signed an alliance that aimed to transfer contested Paraguayan territory to the larger countries, to open Paraguayan rivers to international trade, and to remove Solano López. By September 1865, the allies had driven the Paraguayans out of Rio Grande do Sul, and they took the war into Paraguay when that country spurned their peace overtures. | |||
During its annual four-month sessions the Assembly conducted public debates. These were widely reported and formed a national forum for the expression of public concerns from all parts of the country. It was frequently a venue for expressing opposition to policies and airing grievances. Legislators enjoyed immunity from prosecution for speeches made from the floor and in the discharge of their offices. Only their own chambers within the Assembly could order the arrest of a member during his tenure. "With no actual responsibility for the actual conduct of affairs, the legislators were free to propose sweeping reforms, advocate ideal solutions, and denounce compromising and opportunistic conduct by the government."{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=133}} | |||
]]] | |||
===Emperor and council of ministers=== | |||
Fiercely defending their homeland, the ] speaking Paraguayans defeated the allies at ] in September 1866. The Argentine president, General ] (1861-68), took the bulk of his troops home to quell opposition to his war policy, leaving the Brazilians to soldier on. The famed General ], Marquis and later Duke of Caxias, took command of the allied forces and led them until the fall of Asunción in early 1869. With stubborn determination, the Brazilians pursued Solano López until they cornered and killed him. They then occupied Paraguay until 1878. | |||
] | |||
The emperor was the head of both the ] and executive branches (being aided by the ] and the ], respectively); he had the final say and held ultimate control over the national government.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=132}} He was tasked with ensuring national independence and stability. The Constitution (Article 101) gave him very few avenues for imposing his will upon the General Assembly. His main recourse was the right to dissolve or extend legislative sessions. In the Senate, an emperor's authority to appoint senators did not necessarily give him added influence since senators held their offices for life and were thus freed from government pressure once confirmed. On those occasions when the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved, new elections were required to be held immediately and the new Chamber seated. "This power was effective when held in reserve as a threat. It could not be employed repeatedly, nor would its use work to the emperor's advantage."{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=133}} | |||
The war dragged on for several reasons. First, the Paraguayans were better prepared at the outset and conducted an effective offensive into the territories of their adversaries, immediately handing them defeats. Even later, when pushed back onto their own land, they had the advantages of knowing the ground, of having prepared defenses, and of fielding stubbornly loyal troops. Second, it took the Brazilians considerable time to marshal their forces and considerable effort and cost to keep them supplied. Third, the Argentines, hoping to improve their postwar situation in relation to Brazil, delayed operations partly to force the empire to weaken itself by expending its resources. Fourth, this was the era of "unconditional surrender." It was militarily fashionable to pursue ] to the bitter end. | |||
During the reign of ], the Chamber of Deputies was never dissolved and legislative sessions were never extended or postponed.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=476}} Under ], the Chamber of Deputies was only ever dissolved at the request of the ] (prime minister). There were eleven dissolutions during Pedro II's reign and, of these, ten occurred after consultation with the ], which was beyond what was required by the Constitution.{{sfn|Carvalho|1993|p=42}} A constitutional balance of power existed between the General Assembly and the executive branch under the emperor. The legislature could not operate alone and the monarch could not force his will upon the Assembly. In practice, the system functioned smoothly only when both Assembly and Emperor acted in a spirit of cooperation for the national good.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=133}} | |||
===Aftermath of the war=== | |||
The war had important consequences for Brazil and the Río de la Plata region. It left Brazil and Argentina facing each other over a prostrate Paraguay and a dependent Uruguay, a situation that would soon turn into a tense rivalry that repeatedly assumed warlike postures. Historians debate the number of Paraguayan casualties, some asserting that 50% of Paraguayans were killed, others arguing that it was much less, possibly 8 to 9% of the prewar population total. Nonetheless, the losses from battle, disease, and starvation were severe and disrupted the development of the republic. In Brazil, the war contributed to the growth of manufacturing, to the professionalization of the armed forces and their concentration in Rio Grande do Sul, to the building of roads and the settling of European immigrants in the southern provinces, and to the increased power of the central government. Most important for the future, the war brought the military firmly into the political arena. Military officers were keenly aware that the war had exposed the military's lack of equipment, training, and organization. Officers blamed these shortcomings on civilian officials. In the next decades, reformist officers seeking to modernize the army would criticize the Brazilian political structure and its peculiar culture as obstacles to modernization. | |||
A new element was added when the office of "president of the Council of Ministers" was formally created in 1847—although the role had existed informally since 1843. The president of the Council owed his position to both his party and to the Emperor and these could sometimes come into conflict. 19th-century abolitionist leader and historian ] said that the "president of the Council in Brazil was no Russian ], Sovereign's creature, nor a ], made only by the trust of the ]: the ] of the Crown was to him as necessary and important as the delegation of the Chamber, and, to exert with safety his functions, he had to dominate the caprice, the oscillations and ambitions of the Parliament, as well as to preserve always unalterable the favor, the good will of the emperor."{{sfn|Nabuco|1975|p=712}} | |||
===The Republican Movement=== | |||
The end of the war coincided with the resurgence of republicanism as disenchanted liberals cast about for a new route to power. The 1867 collapse of the short-lived, French-sponsored Mexican monarchy of Maximilian left Brazil as the only Latin American monarchical regime. And because Argentina appeared to prosper in the 1870s and 1880s, it served as a powerful advertisement for republican government. The republican ideology spread in urban areas and in provinces, such as ] and ], where the people did not believe they benefited from imperial economic policies. The republican manifesto of 1870 proclaimed that "We are in America and we want to be Americans." ] was, the writers asserted, hostile to the interests of the American states and would be a continuous source of conflict with Brazil's neighbors. | |||
===Provincial and local government=== | |||
The republicans embraced the abolition of slavery to remove the stigma of Brazil's being the only remaining slaveholding country (save for Spanish Cuba) in the ]. It was not so much that they believed that slavery was wrong as that it gave the country an image distasteful to Europeans. Abolition, which would come in 1888, did not imply that liberals wanted deep social reform or desired a democratic society. Indeed, their arguments against slavery were weighted toward ] rather than morality. Once in power, the republicans looked to discipline the legally free work force with various systems of social control. | |||
{{multiple image | |||
| direction = vertical | |||
| width = 280 | align = left | |||
| image1 = Belem 1889 02.jpg|alt1=Photograph looking across water with a small sail boat in the foreground and buildings along the shore in the background|caption1 = ], a medium-sized city and capital of ] province (Brazilian ]), 1889 | |||
| image2 = Salvador bahia panorama 1870.jpg|alt2=Photograph looking down a hillside overlooking the buildings of a town with a harbor beyond which is crowded with various vessels|caption2 = ], a large city and capital of Bahia province (Brazilian northeast), 1870 | |||
| image3 = Rio de janeiro 1889 04.jpg|alt3=Photograph looking down over the rooftops of a large city with hills and a waterway in the far distance|caption3 = ], a metropolis and imperial capital, 1889 (Brazilian southeast). All provinces had great autonomy in relation to the national government. | |||
}} | |||
When enacted in 1824, the Imperial Constitution created the ''Conselho Geral de Província'' (Provincial General Council), the legislature of the ].{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=59}} This council was composed of either 21 or 13 elected members, depending on the size of a province's population.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=60}} All "resolutions" (laws) created by the councils required approval by the General Assembly, with no right of appeal.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=60}} Provincial Councils also had no authority to raise revenues, and their budgets had to be debated and ratified by the General Assembly.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=60}} Provinces had no autonomy and were entirely subordinate to the national government.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=59}} | |||
The Brazilian social system functioned through intertwined networks of patronage, familial relationships, and friendships. The state, capitalist economy, and institutions such as the church and the army developed within what historian Emília Viotti da Costa has called "the web of patronage." Contacts and favor rather than ability determined success in virtually all occupations. Brazilian society was, and still is, one in which a person could not advance without friends and family; hence, the continued importance of ] networks (''parentelas'') and military school classes (''turmas''). Such a social system did not lend itself to reform. | |||
With the 1834 constitutional amendment known as the ], Provincial General Councils were supplanted by the ''Assembleias Legislativas Provinciais'' (Provincial Legislative Assemblies). The new Assemblies enjoyed much greater autonomy from the national government.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|pp=64, 97}} A Provincial Assembly was composed of 36, 28 or 20 elected deputies, the number depending on the size of the province's population.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=97}} The election of provincial deputies followed the same procedure as used to elect general deputies to the national Chamber of Deputies.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=97}} | |||
===Crisis with the Church=== | |||
The 1870s and 1880s saw a crisis in each of the three pillars of the imperial regime--the church, the military, and the slaveholding system. Together, these crises represented the failure of the regime to adapt without alienating its base. In the 1870s, ] pressured Brazil's ] to conform to the conservative reforms of the ], which strengthened the power of the pontiff by declaring him infallible in matters of faith and morals. This effort by Rome to unify doctrine and practice worldwide conflicted with royal control of the church in Brazil. The crown had inherited the padroado, or right of ecclesiastical patronage, from its Portuguese predecessor. This right gave the crown control over the church, which imperial authorities treated as an arm of the state. Although some clerics had displayed republican sentiments earlier in the century, a church-state crisis exploded in the mid-1870s over efforts to Europeanize the church. | |||
The responsibilities of the Provincial Assembly included defining provincial and municipal budgets and levying the taxes necessary to support them; providing primary and secondary schools (higher education was the responsibility of the national government); oversight and control of provincial and municipal expenditures; and providing for law enforcement and maintenance of police forces. The Assemblies also controlled the creation and abolishment of, and salaries for, positions within provincial and municipal civil services. The nomination, suspension and dismissal of civil servants was reserved for the president (governor) of the province, but how and under what circumstances he could exercise these prerogatives was delineated by the Assembly. The ] (with due monetary compensation) for provincial or municipal interests was also a right of the Assembly.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=99}} In effect, the Provincial Assembly could enact any kind of law—with no ratification by Parliament—so long as such local laws did not violate or encroach upon the Constitution. However, provinces were not permitted to legislate in the areas of criminal law, criminal procedure laws, civil rights and obligations, the armed forces, the national budget or matters concerning national interests, such as foreign relations.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=100}} | |||
===Crisis in the army=== | |||
The importance of the military crisis is clearer because it removed the armed prop of the regime. After the War of the Triple Alliance (1864-70), the monarchy was indifferent to the army, which the civilian elite did not perceive as a threat. The fiscal problems of the 1870s slowed promotions to a crawl, salaries were frozen, and officers complained about having to contribute to a widows' fund from their meager salaries. Moreover, the soldiers in the ranks were considered the dregs of society, discipline was based on the lash, and training seemed pointless. The gulf between the military and the civilian oligarchies broadened. The political parties were as indifferent as the government to demands for military reform, for obligatory military service, for better armament, and for higher pay and status. During the 1870s, the discontent was checked by the National Guard's reduced role; by an unsuccessful but welcomed attempt to improve the recruitment system; and, especially, by the cabinet service of war heroes, including the ] as ] (1875-78) and Marshal ], the Marquis of Herval, as minister of war (1878). But the latter died in 1879 and Caxias the year after, leaving leadership to officers less committed to the throne. The junior officer ranks were filled with men from the middle sectors who had entered the army to obtain an education rather than to follow a military career. They were more concerned than their predecessors with social changes that would open opportunities to the lower middle class. | |||
The provincial presidents were appointed by the national government and were, in theory, charged with governing the province. In practice, however, their power was intangible, varying from province to province based upon each president's relative degree of personal influence and personal character. Since the national government wanted to ensure their loyalty, presidents were, in most cases, sent to a province in which they had no political, familial or other ties.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=102}} To prevent them from developing any strong local interests or support, presidents would be limited to terms of only a few months in office.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=102}} As the president usually spent a great deal of time away from the province, often traveling to their native province or the imperial capital, the ''de facto'' governor was the vice-president, who was chosen by the Provincial Assembly and was usually a local politician.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=103}} With little power to undermine provincial autonomy, the president was an agent of the central government with little function beyond conveying its interests to the provincial political bosses. Presidents could be used by the national government to influence, or even rig, elections, although to be effective the president had to rely on provincial and local politicians who belonged to his own political party. This interdependency created a complex relationship which was based upon exchanges of favors, private interests, party goals, negotiations, and other political maneuvering.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|pp=110–112}} | |||
The officer corps was split into three generations. The oldest group had helped suppress the regional revolts of the 1830s and 1840s, had fought in Argentina in 1852, and had survived the War of the Triple Alliance. The numerous mid-level officers were better schooled than their seniors and had been tested in combat in Paraguay. The junior officers had missed the war, but had the most education of the three groups and had experienced the empire only when its defects had become clearly apparent. They were the least attached to the old regime and the most frustrated by the lack of advancement in a peacetime army cluttered with veterans of the great war. | |||
The {{lang|pt|câmara municipal}} (town council) was the governing body in towns and cities and had existed in Brazil since the beginning of the colonial period in the 16th century. The Chamber was composed of ''vereadores'' (councilmen), the number of which depended on the size of the town.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=118}} Unlike the Provincial General Council, the Constitution gave town councils great autonomy. However, when the Provincial Assembly replaced the Provincial General Council in 1834, many of the powers of town councils (including the setting of municipal budgets, oversight of expenditures, creation of jobs, and the nomination of civil servants) were transferred to the provincial government. Additionally, any laws enacted by the town council had to be ratified by the Provincial Assembly—but not by Parliament.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|p=83}} While the 1834 Additional Act granted greater autonomy to the provinces from the central government, it transferred the towns' remaining autonomy to the provincial governments.{{sfn|Dolhnikoff|2005|pp=118–119}} There was no office of mayor, and towns were governed by a town council and its president (who was the councilman who won the most votes during elections).{{sfn|Rodrigues|1863|pp=134–135}} | |||
Brazilian political tradition permitted officers to hold political office and to serve as cabinet ministers, thereby blurring the civil-military roles. As parliamentary deputies and senators, officers could criticize the government, including their military superiors, with impunity. In the 1880s, officers participated in provincial politics, debated in the press, and spoke in public forums. In 1884, a civilian minister of war attempted to impose order by forbidding officers to write or speak publicly about governmental matters. The subsequent punishments of offending officers led ] ] and ] ](Visconde de Pelotas) to head protests that eventually forced the minister to resign in February 1887 and the cabinet to fall in March 1888. | |||
===Elections=== | |||
] | |||
]s'' in ] province (Brazilian northeast), 1880. In practice, any employed male citizen could qualify to vote, so most electors had low incomes|alt=An old photograph depicting a group of poorly clad people in fronto of a small hut constructed of small tree branches]] | |||
] and ] gathered in the Rio de Janeiro province (Brazilian southeast), c. 1888. Brazil's 19th-century elections were very democratic for the time, but were plagued by ]|alt=An old photograph showing a crowd of people in the foreground with a steel bridge spanning a river in the background]] | |||
Until 1881, voting was mandatory{{sfn|Carvalho|2008|p=29}} and ]. In the first phase voters chose electors who then selected a slate of senatorial candidates. The emperor would choose a new senator (member of the Senate, the ] in the General Assembly) from a list of the three candidates who had received the highest number of votes. The electors also chose the General Deputies (members of the Chamber of Deputies, the ]), provincial deputies (members of the ]) and councilmen (members of the town councils) without the involvement of the emperor in making a final selection.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=223}} All men over the age of 25 with an annual income of at least Rs 100$000 (or 100,000 ''réis''; the equivalent in 1824 to $98 US{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=124}}) were ] in the first phase. The voting age was lowered to 21 for married men. To become an elector it was necessary to have an annual income of at least Rs 200$000.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=223}} | |||
===Abolition of slavery=== | |||
Even as the church and military crises were unfolding, the slavery issue shook the support of the landed elite. Members of the Liberal and Conservative Parties came from the same social groups: plantation owners (fazendeiros ) made up half of both, and the rest were bureaucrats and professionals. The ideological differences between the parties were trivial, but factional and personal rivalries within them made it difficult for the parties to adjust to changing social and economic circumstances. As a result, the last decade of the empire was marked by considerable political instability. Between 1880 and 1889, there were ten cabinets (seven in the first five years) and three parliamentary elections, with no Parliament able to complete its term. The repeated use of the moderating power provoked alienation, even among traditional monarchists. | |||
The Brazilian system was relatively democratic for a period during which indirect elections were common in democracies. The income requirement was much higher in the United Kingdom, even after the ].{{sfn|Carvalho|2008|p=30}} At the time the only nations not requiring a minimum level of income as a qualification for voting were France and Switzerland where ] was introduced only in 1848.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=139}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2008|p=31}} It is probable that no European country at the time had such liberal legislation as Brazil.{{sfn|Carvalho|2008|p=30}} The income requirement was low enough that any employed male citizen could qualify to vote.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=124}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2008|p=31}} As an illustration, the lowest paid civil employee in 1876 was a janitor who earned Rs 600$000 annually.{{sfn|Carvalho|2008|p=30}} | |||
Attitudes toward slavery had shifted gradually. Pedro II favored abolition, and, during the War of the Triple Alliance, slaves serving in the military were emancipated. In 1871, the Rio Branco cabinet approved a law freeing newborns and requiring masters to care for them until age eight, at which time they would either be turned over to the government for compensation or the owner would have use of their labor until age twenty-one. In 1884, a law freed slaves over sixty years of age. By the 1880s, the geography of slavery had also changed, and the economy was less dependent on it. Because of manumissions (many on condition of remaining on the plantations) and the massive flight of slaves, the overall numbers declined from 1,240,806 in 1884 to 723,419 in 1887, with most slaves having shifted from the sugar plantations in the Northeast to the south-central coffee groves. But even planters in São Paulo, where the slave percentage of the total population had fallen from 28.2% in 1854 to 8.7% in 1886, understood that to continue expansion they needed a different labor system. The provincial government therefore actively began subsidizing and recruiting immigrants. Between 1875 and 1887, about 156,000 arrived in São Paulo. Meanwhile, the demand for cheap sugarcane workers in the Northeast was satisfied by ''sertanejos'' (inhabitants of the ''sertão'') fleeing the devastating droughts of the 1870s in the sertão. | |||
Most voters in Brazil had a low income.{{sfn|Carvalho|1993|p=46}}{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=224}} For example, in the ] town of ] in 1876, the poor constituted 70% of the electorate. In Irajá in the province of ], the poor were 87% of the electorate.<ref>See: | |||
The economic picture was also changing. Slavery immobilized capital invested in the purchase and maintenance of slaves. By turning to free ], planter capital was freed for investment in railroads, streetcar lines, and shipping and manufacturing enterprises. To some extent, these investments offered a degree of protection from the caprices of agriculture. | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|1993|p=46}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Carvalho|2008|p=30}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Vainfas|2002|p=224}}.</ref> Former slaves could not vote, but their children and grandchildren could,{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=139}} as could the illiterate{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=180}} (which few countries allowed).{{sfn|Carvalho|1993|p=46}} In 1872, 10.8% of the Brazilian population voted{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=224}} (13% of the non-slave population).{{sfn|Carvalho|1993|p=48}} By comparison, electoral participation in the UK in 1870 was 7% of the total population; in ] it was 2%; in Portugal 9%; and in the Netherlands 2.5%.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=139}} In 1832, the year of the British electoral reform, 3% of the British voted. Further reforms in 1867 and 1884 expanded electoral participation in the UK to 15%.{{sfn|Carvalho|2008|p=39}} | |||
Although ] was common, it was not ignored by the Emperor, politicians or observers of the time. The problem was considered a major issue and attempts were made to correct abuses,{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=223}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=180}} with legislation (including the electoral reforms of 1855, 1875 and 1881) repeatedly being enacted to combat fraud.{{sfn|Carvalho|2008|p=33}} The 1881 reforms brought significant changes: they eliminated the two-stage electoral system, introduced direct and facultative voting,{{sfn|Carvalho|1993|p=51}} and allowed the votes of former slaves and enfranchised non-Catholics.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=224}} Conversely, illiterate citizens were no longer allowed to vote.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=224}} Participation in elections dropped from 13% to only 0.8% in 1886.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=224}} In 1889, about 15% of the Brazilian population could read and write, so disenfranchising the illiterate does not solely explain the sudden fall in voting percentages.{{sfn|Carvalho|2002|p=84–85}} The discontinuation of mandatory voting and ] may have been significant factors contributing to the reduction in the number of voters.{{sfn|Carvalho|2002|p=91}} | |||
Meanwhile, slaves left the plantations in great numbers, and an active underground supported runaways. Army officers petitioned the Regent Princess Isabel to relieve them of the duty of pursuing runaway slaves. Field Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, commander in Rio Grande do Sul, declared in early 1887 that the military "had the obligation to be ]." The São Paulo assembly petitioned the Parliament for immediate abolition. The agitation reached such a pitch that to foreign travelers, Brazil appeared on the verge of social revolution. The system was coming apart, and even planters realized that abolition was the way to prevent chaos. | |||
===Armed forces=== | |||
The so-called ] of ], ] abolished slavery. The country's economy revived rapidly after a few lost harvests, and only a small number of planters went bankrupt. Slavery ended, but the plantation survived and so did the basic attitudes of a ] society. Many former slaves stayed on the plantations in the same quarters, receiving paltry wages. They were joined by waves of immigrants, who often found conditions so unbearable that they soon moved to the cities or returned to ]. No freedmen's bureaus or schools were established to improve the lives of the former slaves; they were left at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale, where some of their descendants remain. | |||
{{Main|Armed Forces of the Empire of Brazil}} | |||
] | |||
] ], 1885|alt=A photograph showing a steamship in port, fully dressed with flags and a single visible gun turret towards the bow]] | |||
] | |||
Under Articles 102 and 148 of the Constitution, the Armed Forces were subordinate to the emperor as ].{{sfn|Rodrigues|1863|pp=79, 117}} He was aided by the ] and ] in matters concerning the ] and the ] (Navy)—although the president of the Council of Ministers usually exercised oversight of both branches in practice. The ministers of War and Navy were, with few exceptions, civilians.{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=193}}{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=84}} | |||
===The republican coup=== | |||
In the end, the empire fell because the elites did not need it to protect their interests. Indeed, imperial centralization ran counter to their desires for local autonomy. The republicans embraced ], which some saw as a way to counter the oligarchies, which used ] and clientage to stay in power. In the early republic, however, they would find that the oligarchies adapted easily and used their accumulated power and skills to control the new governmental system. Taking advantage of cabinet crises in 1888 and 1889 and of rising frustration among military officers, republicans favoring change by revolution rather than by evolution drew military officers, led by Field Marshal Fonseca, into a conspiracy to replace the cabinet in November 1889. What started as an armed demonstration demanding replacement of a cabinet turned within hours into a ] deposing Emperor Pedro II. | |||
The military was organized along similar lines to the British and American armed forces of the time, in which a small standing army could quickly augment its strength during emergencies from a reserve militia force (in Brazil, the National Guard). Brazil's first line of defense relied upon a large and powerful navy to protect against foreign attack. As a matter of policy, the military was to be ] to civilian governmental control and to remain at arm's length from involvement in political decisions.{{sfn|Pedrosa|2004|p=289}} | |||
Military personnel were allowed to run for and serve in political office while remaining on active duty. However they did not represent the Army or the Armada, but were instead expected to serve the interests of the city or province which had elected them.{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=193}} Pedro I chose nine military officers as ] and appointed five (out of fourteen) to the ]. During the Regency, two were named to the Senate and none to the Council of State (this body was dormant during the Regency). Pedro II chose four officers as senators during the 1840s, two in the 1850s and three others during the remaining years of his reign. He also appointed seven officers to be state councilors during the 1840s and 1850s, and three others after that.{{sfn|Holanda|1974|pp=241–242}} | |||
The Brazilian Armed Forces were created in the aftermath of Independence. They were originally composed of Brazilian- and Portuguese-born officers and troops who had remained loyal to the government in Rio de Janeiro during the war of secession from Portugal. The Armed Forces were crucial to the successful outcomes of international conflicts faced by the Empire, starting with Independence (1822–1824), followed by the ] (1825–1828), then the ] (1851–1852), the ] (1864–1865), and finally, the ] (1864–1870). They also played a part in quelling rebellions, beginning with the ] (1824) under Pedro I, followed by the uprisings during Pedro II's early reign, such as the ] (1835–1845), ] (1835–1840), ] (1838–1841), among others.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=548}} | |||
The Armada was constantly being modernized with the latest developments in naval warfare. It adopted steam navigation in the 1830s, ironclad plate armor in the 1860s, and torpedoes in the 1880s. By 1889, Brazil had the fifth or sixth most powerful navy in the world,{{sfn|Calmon|2002|p=265}} and the most powerful battleships in the ].{{sfn|Parkinson|2008|p=128}} The Army, despite its highly experienced and battle-hardened officer corps, was plagued during peacetime by units which were badly paid, inadequately equipped, poorly trained and thinly spread across the vast Empire.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=70}} | |||
Dissension resulting from inadequate government attention to Army needs was restrained under the generation of officers who had begun their careers during the 1820s. These officers were loyal to the monarchy, believed the military should be under ], and abhorred the ] (Hispanic American dictatorships) against which they had fought. However, by the early 1880s, this generation (including commanders such as the ], the ], and the ]) had died, were retired, or no longer exercised direct command.{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=195}}{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 3|p=69}} | |||
Dissatisfaction became more evident during the 1880s, and some officers began to display open insubordination. The Emperor and the politicians did nothing to improve the military nor meet their demands.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=321}} The dissemination of ] ideology among young officers brought further complications, as positivism opposed the monarchy under the belief that a dictatorial republic would bring improvements.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=353}} A coalition between a mutinous Army faction and the positivist camp was formed and directly led to the republican coup on 15 November 1889.{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=196}} Battalions and even full regiments of soldiers loyal to the Empire, who shared the ideals of the older generation of leaders, attempted to restore the monarchy. Attempts at a restoration proved futile and supporters of the Empire were executed, arrested or forcibly retired.{{sfn|Topik|2000|pp=64, 66, 235}} | |||
===Foreign relations=== | |||
], formerly part of Bolivia, was purchased by Brazil in 1903 and had not been claimed during the imperial era.}}]] | |||
Upon independence from Portugal, the immediate focus of Brazil's foreign policy was to gain widespread ]. There is no consensus about which countries were the first to recognize the independence of Brazil. According to historian Toby Green, they were the African states of ] and ] in 1822 and 1823 respectively{{sfn|Green|2020|p=309}} while researcher Rodrigo Wiese Randig argues that it was the ] around June 1823,{{sfn|Wiese Randig|2017|p=505}} followed by the United States in May 1824,{{sfn|Wiese Randig|2017|p=518}} and the ] in July 1824.{{sfn|Wiese Randig|2017|p=519}} Other nations followed in establishing diplomatic relations over the next few years.{{sfn|Rodrigues|1975|pp=174, 177, 180, 181, 182}} Portugal recognized the separation in August 1825.{{sfn|Rodrigues|1975|p=148}} The Brazilian government subsequently made it a priority to establish its international borders through treaties with its neighbors. The task of securing recognized frontiers was complicated by the fact that, between 1777 and 1801, Portugal and Spain had annulled their previous treaties setting out the borders between their American colonial empires.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=301}} However, the Empire was able to sign several bilateral treaties with neighbors, including Uruguay (1851), Peru (1851 and 1874), the ] (later Colombia, 1853), Venezuela (1859), Bolivia (1867) and Paraguay (1872).{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=525}}{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=302}} By 1889, most of its borders were firmly established. The remaining issues—including the purchase of the region of ] from Bolivia which would give Brazil its present-day configuration{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=578}}—were only finally resolved after the country became a republic.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=575}} | |||
A number of conflicts occurred between the Empire and its neighbors. Brazil experienced no serious conflicts with its neighbors to the north and west, due to the buffer of the nearly impenetrable and sparsely populated Amazonian rainforest.{{efn-ua|The only exceptions regarding border disputes in the north and west were minor diplomatic disputes with France and Britain in the northern region. During the 1830s, both countries occupied and unsuccessfully attempted to claim some areas in the north as part of their colonial empires. See {{harvnb|Viana|1994|p=575}}.}} In the south, however, the colonial disputes inherited from Portugal and Spain over the control of the navigable rivers and plains which formed the frontiers continued after independence.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=329}} The lack of mutually agreed borders in this area led to several international conflicts, from the ] to the ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=323–324}} | |||
"Brazil is, next to ourselves, the great power on the American continent", affirmed ], the US minister to Brazil, in 1867.{{sfn|Smith|2010|p=7}} The Empire's rise was noticed as early as 1844 by ], the US Secretary of State: "Next to the United States, Brazil is the most wealthy, the greatest and the most firmly established of all the American powers."{{sfn|Smith|2010|p=18}} By the early 1870s,{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 2|p=9}} the international reputation of the Empire of Brazil had improved considerably, and it remained well-regarded internationally until its end in 1889.{{sfn|Topik|2000|p=56}} ], an American diplomat in the Brazilian capital in the 1880s, later recalled Brazil as an "important Empire" in his memoirs.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=306}} In 1871, Brazil was invited to arbitrate the dispute between the United States and Britain which became known as the ]. In 1880, the Empire acted as arbiter between the United States and France over the damage caused to US nationals during the ]. In 1884, Brazil was called upon to arbitrate between Chile and several other nations (namely France, Italy, Britain, Germany, Belgium, Austria-Hungary and Switzerland) over damages arising from the ].{{sfn|Rodrigues|1995|p=208}} | |||
The Brazilian government eventually felt confident enough to negotiate a trade deal with the United States in 1889, the first to be undertaken with any nation since the disastrous and exploitative trade treaty with Britain in 1826 (canceled in 1844). American historian Steven C. Topik said that Pedro II's "quest for a trade treaty with the United States was part of a grander strategy to increase national sovereignty and autonomy." Unlike the circumstances of the previous pact, the Empire was in a strong position to insist on favorable trade terms, as negotiations occurred during a time of Brazilian domestic prosperity and international prestige.{{sfn|Topik|2000|p=60}} | |||
==Economy== | |||
{{Main|Economy of the Empire of Brazil}} | |||
===Currency=== | |||
{{Main|Brazilian real (old)}} | |||
{{multiple image | |||
| align = left | |||
| direction = vertical | |||
| width = 200 | |||
| image1 = Papel-moeda - 500 réis.jpg|alt1=Photograph of a banknote containing a picture of a bearded man in the center and the number 500 printed in the corners|caption1 = 500 ''réis'' (royals) or Rs 500 | |||
| image2 = Papel-moeda - 1000 réis.jpg|alt2=Photograph of a banknote containing a picture of a bearded man on the right side and a large printed number 1 on the left side|caption2 = 1,000 ''réis'' (royals) or Rs 1$000 or ''milréis'' (thousand royals) | |||
}} | |||
The unit of currency from the Empire's founding, and until 1942, was the ''real'' ("royal" in English, its plural form was ''réis'' and is ''reais'' in modern Portuguese), and was derived from the ]. It was usually called ''milréis'' (English: thousand royals) and written as 1$000. A thousand ''milréis'' (1:000$000)—or one million ''réis''—was known as ''conto de réis''.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=XVI}} One ''conto de réis'' was represented by the symbol ''Rs'' written before the value and by a dollar sign was written before any amounts lower than 1,000 ''réis''. Thus, 350 ''réis'' was written as "Rs 350"; 1,712 ''réis'' as "Rs 1$712"; and 1,020,800 ''réis'' was written as "Rs 1:020$800". For millions, a period was used as a separator between millions, billions, trillions, etc. (e.g., 1 billion ''réis'' was written as "Rs 1.000:000$000"). A colon functioned to separate millions from thousands, and the $ sign (typically written as {{dollar2}}) was inserted between thousands and hundreds (999 or fewer).{{sfn|Graça Filho|2004|p=21}} | |||
===Overview=== | |||
] | |||
Brazil's ] reached a total value of Rs 79.000:000$000 between 1834 and 1839. This continued to increase every year until it reached Rs 472.000:000$000 between 1886 and 1887: an annual growth rate of 3.88% since 1839.{{sfn|Sodré|2004|p=201}} The absolute value of exports from the Empire in 1850 was the highest in Latin America, and triple that of Argentina which was in fourth place. Brazil would keep its high standing in exports and general economic growth until the end of the monarchy.{{sfn|Fausto|Devoto|2005|p=47}} Brazilian economic expansion, especially after 1850, compared well with that of the United States and European nations.{{sfn|Fausto|Devoto|2005|p=50}} The national tax revenue amounted to Rs 11.795:000$000 in 1831 and rose to Rs 160.840:000$000 in 1889. By 1858, national tax revenues ranked as the eighth-largest in the world.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 1|p=200}} Imperial Brazil was, despite its progress, a country where wealth was very unequally distributed.{{sfn|Barman|1988|pp=218, 236, 237}} However, for purposes of comparison, according to historian Steven C. Topik, in the United States, "by 1890, 80 percent of the population lived on the margin of subsistence, while 20 percent controlled almost all wealth."{{sfn|Topik|2000|p=19}} | |||
] | |||
As new technologies appeared, and with increases in internal productivity, exports increased considerably. This made it possible to reach equilibrium in the ]. During the 1820s sugar constituted about 30% of total exports while cotton constituted 21%, coffee 18% and leather and ] 14%. Twenty years later, coffee would reach 42%, sugar 27%, leather and skins 9%, and cotton 8% of the total exports. This did not mean a reduction in the production of any of these items and, in fact, the opposite occurred. Growth occurred in all sectors, some more than others. In the period between 1820 and 1840, Fausto says "Brazilian exports had doubled in volume and had tripled in nominal value" while the valuation denominated in ] increased by over 40%.{{sfn|Fausto|Devoto|2005|p=46}} Brazil was not the only country where agriculture played an important role on exports. Around 1890, in the United States, by then the richest nation in the Americas, agricultural goods represented 80% of all its exports.{{sfn|Topik|2000|p=33}} | |||
In the 1820s, Brazil exported 11,000 tons of ] and by 1880 this had increased to 73,500 tons.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=250}} Between 1821 and 1825, 41,174 tons of sugar were exported, rising to 238,074 tons between 1881 and 1885.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=251}} Until 1850, rubber production was insignificant, but between 1881 and 1890, it had reached third place among Brazilian exports.{{sfn|Fausto|1995|p=239}} This was about 81 tons between 1827 and 1830 reaching 1,632 tons in 1852. By 1900 the country was exporting 24,301,452 tons of rubber.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=250}} Brazil also exported around 3,377,000 tons of coffee between 1821 and 1860 while between 1861 and 1889 this reached 6,804,000 tons.{{sfn|Calmon|2002|p=368}} Technological innovations also contributed to the growth of exports,{{sfn|Fausto|Devoto|2005|p=46}} in particular the adoption of ] and railroads allowed for faster and more convenient cargo transportation.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=538}} | |||
{{multiple image | |||
|align=right | |||
|direction=vertical | |||
|width=220 | |||
|image1=Railroad station brazil 1885.jpg|caption1=Railroad station in São Paulo province (Brazilian southeast), {{circa|1885}}|alt1=Photograph of a steam locomotive pulling passenger cars and sitting at the platform outside a large station building | |||
|image2=Railroad station in minas gerais 1884.jpg|caption2=A railroad station in Minas Gerais province (Brazilian southeast), {{circa|1884|lk=no}}|alt2=Photograph of a steam locomotive and train sitting on a curved section of track next to a curved platform and station building | |||
}} | |||
===Development=== | |||
{{Further|Rail transport in Brazil}} | |||
Development on an immense scale occurred during this period, anticipating similar advancements in European countries.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 2|p=13}}{{sfn|Vasquez|2007|p=38}} In 1850, there were fifty factories with a total ] of Rs 7.000:000$000. At the end of the Imperial period in 1889, Brazil had 636 factories representing an annual rate of increase of 6.74% over the number in 1850, and with a total capital of approximately Rs 401.630:600$000 (which represents an annual growth rate in value of 10.94% from 1850 to 1889).{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=496}} The "countryside echoed with the clang of iron track being laid as railroads were constructed at the most furious pace of the 19th century; indeed, building in 1880s was the second greatest in absolute terms in Brazil's entire history. Only eight countries in the entire world laid more track in the decade than Brazil."{{sfn|Topik|2000|p=56}} The first railroad line, with only {{convert|15|km}} of track, was opened on 30 April 1854{{sfn|Calmon|2002|p=222}} at a time when some European countries still had no rail service.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 2|p=13}} By 1868, there were {{convert|718|km}} of railroad lines,{{sfn|Calmon|2002|p=225}} and by the end of the empire in 1889 this had grown to {{convert|9200|km}} with another {{convert|9000|km}} under construction{{sfn|Calmon|2002|p=226}} making it the country with "the largest rail network in Latin America".{{sfn|Topik|2000|p=56}} | |||
Factories were constructed throughout the Empire in the 1880s, allowing Brazil's cities to be modernized and "receive the benefits of gas, electrical, sanitation, telegraph, and tram companies. Brazil was entering the modern world."{{sfn|Topik|2000|p=56}} It was the fifth country in the world to install modern city ], the third to have ]{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 2|p=13}} and one of the pioneers in the installation of a telephone service.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 2|p=309}} In addition to the foregoing improvements to infrastructure, it was also the first South American nation to adopt public electric lighting (in 1883){{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=539}} and the second in the Americas (behind the United States) to establish a transatlantic ]ic line connecting it directly to Europe in 1874.{{sfn|Lira 1977, Vol 2|p=13}} The first domestic telegraph line appeared during 1852 in ]. By 1889, there were {{convert|18925|km}} of telegraph lines connecting the country's capital to distant Brazilian provinces such as ] and even linking to other South American countries such as ] and ].{{sfn|Calmon|2002|p=366}} | |||
==Society== | |||
===Demographics=== | |||
{{Main|1872 Brazilian census}} | |||
Since the second half of the 18th century, when Brazil was still a colony, the government had attempted to gather data regarding the population. However, few captaincies (later called provinces) collected the requested information.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=131}} After independence the government instituted a commission for statistics in an 1829 decree with a mandate to hold a national census.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=131}} The commission was a failure and was disbanded in 1834. In the ensuing years, provincial governments were tasked with collecting census information, but their census reports were often incomplete or not submitted at all.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=131}} In 1851, another attempt at a nationwide census failed when rioting broke out. This was the result of the erroneous belief among Brazilians of mixed-race descent that the survey was a subterfuge designed to enslave anyone having African blood.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=132}} | |||
Estimated population of Brazil in the ]:{{sfn|Scully|1868|pp=146–147}} | |||
{| class="wikitable" style="float: center; margin: 2em auto 2em auto" | |||
!Province | |||
!Capital | |||
!Population | |||
!Slaves | |||
!Army<br />and police | |||
!National guard | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=151}} | |||
| | |||
| 400.000 | |||
| 50.000 | |||
| 10.000 | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=357}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 70.000 | |||
| 5.000 | |||
| | |||
| 2.700 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=274}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 250.000 | |||
| 15.000 | |||
| 1.000 | |||
| 23.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=227}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 400.000 | |||
| 70.000 | |||
| 1.000 | |||
| 28.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=294}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 175.000 | |||
| 10.000 | |||
| 650 | |||
| 20.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=287}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 486.000 | |||
| 30.000 | |||
| 286 | |||
| 40.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=299}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 210.000 | |||
| 20.000 | |||
| 100 | |||
| 20.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=368}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 260.000 | |||
| 5.000 | |||
| 400 | |||
| 21.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=198}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 1,180,000 | |||
| 250.000 | |||
| 1.600 | |||
| 42.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=318}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 250.000 | |||
| 45.000 | |||
| 429 | |||
| 25.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|pp=362–363}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 250.000 | |||
| 50.000 | |||
| 200 | |||
| 2.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=345}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 1,200,000 | |||
| 250.000 | |||
| 2.400 | |||
| 110.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=267}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 55.000 | |||
| 10.000 | |||
| 223 | |||
| 6.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=331}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 850.000 | |||
| 200.000 | |||
| 2.400 | |||
| 43.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=306}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 800.000 | |||
| 60.000 | |||
| 679 | |||
| 40.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=234}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 105.000 | |||
| 20.000 | |||
| 388 | |||
| 8.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=255}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 120.000 | |||
| 15.000 | |||
| 100 | |||
| 9.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|pp=247–248}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 392.725 | |||
| 77.416 | |||
| 1.600 | |||
| 42.991 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=262}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 1,350,000 | |||
| 150.000 | |||
| 1.000 | |||
| 75.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=215}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 200.000 | |||
| 15.000 | |||
| 300 | |||
| 13.000 | |||
|- | |||
| ]{{sfn|Scully|1868|p=189}} | |||
| ] | |||
| 80.000 | |||
| 10.000 | |||
| | |||
| 5.000 | |||
|- style="background:lightgrey;" | |||
| '''Brasil''' | |||
| '''Neutral Municipality''' | |||
| '''9,083,725''' | |||
| '''1,357,416''' | |||
| | |||
| | |||
|} | |||
The first true national census with exhaustive and broad coverage was carried out ]. The small number of people and small number of towns reported by the census reveal Brazil's enormous territory to have been sparsely populated. It showed Brazil as having a total population of 9,930,478 inhabitants.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=132}} Estimates made by the government in prior decades showed 4,000,000 inhabitants in 1823 and gave a figure of 7,000,700 in 1854.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=132}} The population was distributed across 20 ] and the ] (the Empire's capital) with 641 municipalities.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=132}} | |||
Among the free population 23.4% of males and 13.4% of females were considered literate.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=133}} Men represented 52% (5,123,869) of the total population.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=133}} Figures for the population by age showed 24.6% were children younger than 10 years old; 21.1% were between 11 and 20; 32.9% were between 21 and 40; 8.4% were between 41 and 50; 12.8% were between 51 and 70; and lastly, only 3.4% were over 71.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=133}} The residents in the combined northeast and southeast regions comprised 87.2% of the nation's population.{{sfn|Baer|2002|p=341}} The second national census was held in 1890 when the Brazilian republic was only a few months old. Its results showed that the population had grown to 14,333,915 inhabitants since the 1872 census.{{sfn|Ramos|2003|p=82}} | |||
===Ethnic groups=== | |||
{{Main|Race and ethnicity in Brazil}} | |||
{{See also|Multiracialism#Brazil}} | |||
] | |||
Four ethnic groups were recognized in Imperial Brazil: ], ], ], and ].{{sfn|Ramos|2003|p=82}} ] (Portuguese: ''pardo'') was a designation for ] which is still officially used,{{sfn|Coelho|1996|p=268}}{{sfn|Vesentini|1988|p=117}} though some scholars prefer the term "mixed one" (Portuguese: ''mestiço''). The term denotes a broad category which includes '']s'' (descendants of whites and Indians), ]es (descendants of whites and blacks) and '']'' (descendants of blacks and Indians).<ref>See: | |||
* {{harvnb|Adas|2004|p=268}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Azevedo|1971|pp=2–3}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Barsa 1987, Vol 4|p=230}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Coelho|1996|p=268}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Moreira|1981|p=108}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Ramos|2003|p=65}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Vesentini|1988|p=117}}.</ref> | |||
]. 2nd row: ] (left to right: two female ]es, two female '']'' and a '']'' girl and man). 3rd row: three ] of different tribes followed by ] of distinct ethnic background|alt=A montage of old photographic portraits of eighteen individual people arranged in three rows]] | |||
The ''caboclos'' formed the majority of the population in the ], ] and ] regions.<ref>See: | |||
* {{harvnb|Ramos|2003|p=84}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Vainfas|2002|p=133}}; | |||
* {{harvnb|Barsa 1987, Vol 4|pp=254–255, 258, 265}}.</ref> A large mulatto population inhabited the eastern coast of the northeastern region from Bahia to Paraíba{{sfn|Moreira|1981|p=108}}{{sfn|Azevedo|1971|pp=74–75}} and were also present in northern Maranhão,{{sfn|Barsa 1987, Vol 10|p=355}}{{sfn|Azevedo|1971|p=74}} southern Minas Gerais,{{sfn|Azevedo|1971|p=161}} eastern Rio de Janeiro and in ].{{sfn|Moreira|1981|p=108}}{{sfn|Azevedo|1971|p=161}} The ''cafuzos'' were the smallest and most difficult to distinguish from the two other mixed-race subgroups since the descendants of ''caboclos'' and mulattoes also fell into this category and were found in the northeast ''sertão'' (]). These groups may still be found in the same areas today.{{sfn|Ramos|2003|p=84}} | |||
] descended from the original Portuguese settlers. From the 1870s onwards this ethnic group also included other European immigrants: mainly Italians and Germans. Although whites could be found throughout the country, they were the majority group in the ] and in São Paulo province.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=133}} Whites also comprised a significant proportion (40%) of the population in the northeastern provinces of ], Paraíba, and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=133}} Afro-Brazilians inhabited the same areas as mulattoes. The majority of the population of Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, Bahia, ], Alagoas, and ] provinces (the last four having the smallest percentages of whites in the whole country—less than 30% in each) were black or brown.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=133}} The Indians, or the indigenous peoples of Brazil, were found mainly in ], Maranhão, ], and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=133}} | |||
{| class="wikitable" style="float: right; margin: 2em auto 2em auto" | |||
|+ '''Ethnic groups in Brazil''' (1835, 1872 and 1890)<ref>{{cite web|title=Censo de 1872 é disponibilizado ao público|url=http://www.brasil.gov.br/governo/2013/01/censo-de-1872-e-disponibilizado-ao-publico|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160122133129/http://www.brasil.gov.br/governo/2013/01/censo-de-1872-e-disponibilizado-ao-publico/|archive-date=22 January 2016|access-date=15 October 2022|publisher=Portal Brasil}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{cite web|last1=Rodarte|first1=Mario Marcos Sampaio|last2=Paiva|first2=Clotilde Andrade|last3=Godoy|first3=Marcelo Magalhães|year=2012|title=Publicação Crítica do Recenseamento Geral do Império do Brasil de 1872|url=http://www.nphed.cedeplar.ufmg.br/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/Relatorio_preliminar_1872_site_nphed.pdf|publisher=Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais|access-date=15 October 2022|archive-date=14 March 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220314124250/http://www.nphed.cedeplar.ufmg.br/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/Relatorio_preliminar_1872_site_nphed.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{cite web|year=1898|title=Synopse do recenseamento de 31 de dezembro de 1890|url=https://www2.senado.leg.br/bdsf/handle/id/227299|publisher=Federal Senate|access-date=17 November 2022|last=Indústria|first=Brasil Ministério da}}</ref> | |||
|- | |||
! Years | |||
! Whites | |||
! Browns | |||
! Blacks | |||
! Indians | |||
! Total | |||
|- | |||
| 1835 | |||
| 24.4% | |||
| 18.2% | |||
| 51.4% | |||
| | |||
| 100% | |||
|- | |||
| 1872 | |||
| 38.1% | |||
| 38.3% | |||
| 19.7% | |||
| 3.9% | |||
| 100% | |||
|- | |||
| 1890 | |||
| 44.0% | |||
| 32.4% | |||
| 14.6% | |||
| 9% | |||
| 100% | |||
|} | |||
Because of the existence of distinct racial and cultural communities, 19th century Brazil developed as a multi-ethnic nation. However, there is no reliable information available for the years prior to 1872. The first official national census was compiled by the government in 1872 showing that out of 9,930,479 inhabitants there were 38.1% whites, 38.3% browns, 19.7% blacks and 3.9% Indians.{{sfn|Ramos|2003|p=82}} The second official national census in 1890 revealed that in a population of 14,333,915, 44% were whites, 32.4% browns, 14.6% blacks and 9% Indians.{{sfn|Ramos|2003|p=82}} | |||
===European immigration=== | |||
{{Main|Immigration to Brazil|European immigration to Brazil}} | |||
] colony in Espírito Santo province (southeast region), 1875|alt=Photograph showing a crowd of people gathered around and on the steps of a white stuccoed house with a hip roof covered in wood shingles situated on a steep slope of a forested hill]] | |||
Prior to 1808, the Portuguese were the only European people to settle Brazil in significant numbers. Although Italians, British, Germans and Spanish had previously immigrated to Brazil, they had only done so as a small number of individuals or in very small groups. These earliest non-Portuguese settlers did not have a significant impact on the culture of Portugal's Brazilian colony.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=511}} The situation changed after 1808 when King John VI began to encourage immigration from European countries outside Portugal.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=511}}{{sfn|Ramos|2003|p=37}} | |||
The first to arrive in numbers were the Swiss, of whom some 2,000 settled in Rio de Janeiro province (the southeast) during 1818.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=512}} They were followed by Germans and Irish, who immigrated to Brazil in the 1820s. German settlers gravitated mostly to the southern provinces, where the environment was more like their homeland.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=513}} In the 1830s, due to the instability of the Regency, European immigration ground to a halt, only recovering after Pedro II took the reins of government and the country entered a period of peace and prosperity.{{sfn|Viana|1994|pp=513–514}} Farmers in the southeast, enriched by lucrative coffee exports, created the "partnership system" (a form of ]) to attract immigrants. The scheme endured until the end of the 1850s, when the system collapsed and was abandoned. The failure was rooted in the large debts European settlers incurred to subsidize their travel and settlement expenses, leaving them as virtual slaves to their employers.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=515}} Immigration suffered another decline during the Paraguayan War, which lasted from 1864 to 1870.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=517}} | |||
Immigrant numbers soared during the 1870s in what came to be called the "great immigration". Up to that point, around 10,000 Europeans arrived in Brazil annually, but after 1872, their numbers increased dramatically.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=351}} It is estimated by the ] that 500,000 Europeans immigrated to Brazil between 1808 and 1883.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=633}} The figure for European settlers arriving between 1884 and 1893 climbed to 883,668.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=633}} The number of Europeans immigrating continued to rise in the following decades, with 862,100 between 1894 and 1903; and 1,006,617 between 1904 and 1913.{{sfn|Viana|1994|p=633}} | |||
From 1872 until 1879, the nationalities forming the bulk of the new settlers were composed of Portuguese (31.2%), Italians (25.8%), Germans (8.1%) and Spanish (1.9%).{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=351}} In the 1880s, Italians would surpass the Portuguese (61.8% to 23.3% respectively), and the Spanish would displace the Germans (6.7% to 4.2% respectively).{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=351}} Other, smaller groups also arrived, including Russians, Poles and Hungarians.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=353}} Since nearly all European immigrants settled in the southeastern and southern areas of the Empire, ethnic distribution, already unequal before the mass immigration, became even more divergent between regions.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=351–352}} For a nation that had a small, widely scattered population (4,000,000 in 1823 and 14,333,915 in 1890), the immigration of more than 1,380,000 Europeans had a tremendous effect upon the country's ethnic composition. In 1872, the year of the first reliable national census, white Brazilians represented just over a third (38.1%) of the total population; in 1890, they had increased to a little under half (44.0%) of all Brazilians.{{sfn|Ramos|2003|p=82}} | |||
===Slavery=== | |||
{{Main|Slavery in Brazil}} | |||
] | |||
] | |||
In 1823, a year after independence, slaves made up 29% of the population of Brazil, a figure which fell throughout the lifetime of the Empire: from 24% in 1854, to 15.2% in 1872, and finally to less than 5% in 1887—the year before slavery was completely abolished.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=18, 239}} Slaves were mostly adult males from southwestern Africa.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=237–238}} Slaves brought to Brazil differed ethnically, religiously and linguistically, each identifying primarily with his or her own nation of origin, rather than by a shared African ethnicity.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=29}} Some of the ] had been captured while fighting intertribal wars in Africa and had then been sold to slave dealers.{{sfn|Boxer|2002|pp=113–114, 116}}{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=30}} | |||
Slaves and their descendants were usually found in regions devoted to producing exports for foreign markets.{{sfn|Boxer|2002|pp=185–186}} ] plantations on the eastern coast of the ] during the 16th and 17th centuries are typical of economic activities dependent on slave labor.{{sfn|Boxer|2002|p=117}} In northern ] province, slave labor was used in cotton and rice production in the 18th century.{{sfn|Boxer|2002|p=206}} In this period, slaves were also exploited in ] province where gold was extracted.{{sfn|Boxer|2002|p=169}} Slavery was also common in ] and ] during the 19th century for the cultivation of coffee which became vital to the national economy.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=238–239}} The prevalence of slavery was not geographically uniform across Brazil. Around 1870 only five provinces (Rio de Janeiro with 30%, ] with 15%, Minas Gerais with 14%, São Paulo with 7% and ] also with 7%) held 73% of the nation's total slave population.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=239}} These were followed by ] (with 6%) and ] (with 4%). Among the remaining 13 provinces none individually had even 3%.{{sfn|Besouchet|1985|p=167}} | |||
Most slaves worked as plantation laborers.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=239}} Relatively few Brazilians owned slaves and most small and medium-sized farms employed free workers.{{sfn|Fausto|1995|pp=238–239}} Slaves could be found scattered throughout society in other capacities: some were used as house servants, farmers, miners, prostitutes, gardeners and in many other roles.{{sfn|Olivieri|1999|p=43}} Many emancipated slaves went on to acquire slaves and there were even cases of slaves who had their own slaves.{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=194}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=130}} While slaves were usually black or mulatto there were reported cases of slaves who appeared to be of European descent—the product of generations of inter-ethnic sexual relations between male slave owners and their female mulatto slaves.{{sfn|Alencastro|1997|pp=87–88}} Even the harshest slave owners adhered to a long-established practice of selling slaves along with their families, taking care not to separate individuals.{{sfn|Besouchet|1985|p=170}} Slaves were regarded by law as properties. The ones who were freed immediately became citizens with all ] guaranteed—the only exception being that, until 1881, freed slaves were barred from voting in elections, although their children and descendants could vote.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=239}} | |||
===Nobility=== | |||
{{Main|Brazilian nobility}} | |||
]; the attendees are wearing ]|alt=Looking down upon an assembly in a large, vaulted cathedral with a figure sitting on a large, canopied throne to the left of an altar]] | |||
The ] of Brazil differed markedly from its counterparts in Europe: noble titles were not hereditary, with the exception of members of the Imperial Family,{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=553}} and those who had received a noble title were not considered to belong to a separate social class, and received no ]s, ]s or ]s.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=553}} However, many ranks, traditions, and regulations in Brazil's system of nobility were co-opted directly from the Portuguese aristocracy.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=554}}{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=11}} During Pedro I's reign there were no clear requisites for someone to be ennobled. During Pedro II's reign (apart from the Regency period during which the regent could not grant titles or honors{{sfn|Viana|1968|p=208}}) the nobility evolved into a ]{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=554}} with titles granted in recognition of an individual's outstanding service to the Empire or for the ]. Noble rank did not represent "recognition of illustrious ancestry."{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=139}}{{sfn|Viana|1968|p=220}} | |||
It was the emperor's right, as head of the executive branch, to grant titles and honors.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=554}} The titles of nobility were, in ascending order: baron, viscount, count, marquis, and duke.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=554}} Apart from position in the hierarchy there were other distinctions between the ranks: counts, marquises and dukes were considered "]s of the Empire" while the titles of barons and viscounts could be bestowed "with Greatness" or "without Greatness".{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=554}} All ranks of the Brazilian nobility were to be addressed as {{lang|pt|Excelência}} ('']'').{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=554}} | |||
Between 1822 and 1889, 986 people were ennobled.{{sfn|Viana|1968|p=216}} Only three became dukes: ] (as Duke of Santa Cruz, brother-in-law to Pedro I), Dona Isabel Maria de Alcântara Brasileira (as Duchess of Goiás, illegitimate daughter of Pedro I) and lastly ] (as Duke of Caxias, commander-in-chief during the ]).{{sfn|Viana|1968|pp=204, 206}} The other titles granted were as follows: 47 marquises, 51 counts, 146 viscounts "with Greatness", 89 viscounts "without Greatness", 135 barons "with Greatness" and 740 barons "without Greatness" resulting in a total of 1,211 noble titles.{{sfn|Viana|1968|p=218}} There were fewer nobles than noble titles because many were elevated more than once during their lifetime, such as the Duke of Caxias who was first made a baron, then a count, then a marquis and finally was elevated to a duke.{{sfn|Viana|1968|p=208}} Grants of nobility were not limited to male Brazilians: ], a Scot, was made Marquis of Maranhão for his role in the ],{{sfn|Viana|1968|p=219}} and 29 women received grants of nobility in their own right.{{sfn|Viana|1968|p=221}} As well as being unrestricted by ], no ] distinctions were made in conferring noble status. ''Caboclos'',{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=77}} mulattoes,{{sfn|Viana|1968|p=217}} blacks{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|p=191}} and even Indians{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|p=191}} were ennobled. | |||
The lesser nobility, who were untitled, were made up of members of the Imperial Orders. There were six of these: the ], the ], the ], the ], the ] and the ].{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=11}} The first three had grades of honor beyond the Grand Master (reserved for the Emperor only): knight, commander and grand cross. The latter three, however, had different ranks: the Order of the Southern Cross with four, the Order of the Rose with six, and the Order of Pedro I with three.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=11}} | |||
===Religion=== | |||
]s {{circa|1875}}|alt=A photograph showing 3 standing men wearing religious habits]] | |||
Article five of the Constitution declared ] to be the ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=126}} However, the clergy had long been understaffed, undisciplined and poorly educated,{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=254}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=151}} all of which led to a general loss of respect for the Catholic Church.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=254}} During Pedro II's reign, the Imperial government embarked upon a program of reform designed to address these deficiencies.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=254}} As Catholicism was the official religion, the emperor exercised a great deal of control over Church affairs{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=254}} and paid clerical ]s, appointed parish priests, nominated ], ratified ]s and supervised ].{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=254}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=150}} In pursuing reform, the government selected bishops whose moral fitness, stance on education and support for reform met with their approval.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=254}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=151}} However, as more capable men began to fill the clerical ranks, resentment of government control over the Church increased.{{sfn|Barman|1999|p=254}}{{sfn|Carvalho|2007|p=151}} Catholic clerics moved closer to the pope and his doctrines. This resulted in the ], a series of clashes during the 1870s between the clergy and the government, since the former wanted a more direct relationship with Rome and the latter sought to maintain its oversight of Church affairs.{{sfn|Barman|1999|pp=254–256}} | |||
The Constitution did allow followers of other, non-Catholic, faiths to practice their religious beliefs, albeit only in private. The construction of non-Catholic ] was officially forbidden.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=450}} From the outset these restrictions were ignored by both the citizenry and authorities. In ], Pará's capital, the first synagogue was built in 1824.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=450}} ] soon after its independence and settled mainly in the northeastern provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco and in the northern provinces of Amazonas and Pará.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=450}} Other Jewish groups came from the ] region of Germany and from Russia.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=450–451}} By the 1880s, there were several Jewish communities and synagogues scattered throughout Brazil.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=451}} | |||
The Protestants were another group that began settling in Brazil at the beginning of the 19th century. The first Protestants were English, and an ] church was opened in Rio de Janeiro in 1820. Others were established afterwards in São Paulo, Pernambuco and Bahia provinces.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=596}} They were followed by German and Swiss ] who settled in the South and Southwest regions and built their own houses of worship.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=596}} Following the ] in the 1860s, immigrants from the southern United States seeking to escape ] settled in São Paulo. Several American churches sponsored missionary activities, including Lutherans, ], ], and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=596–597}} | |||
Among African slaves, Catholicism was the religion of the majority. Most slaves came originally from the midwestern and southwestern portions of the African coast. For over four centuries this region had been the subject of Christian mission activities.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=31}} Some Africans and their descendants, however, held onto elements of ] by merging them with Catholicism. This resulted in the creation of ] creeds such as ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=114–115}} ] was also practiced among a small minority of African slaves, although it was harshly repressed and by the end of the 19th century had been completely extinguished.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=30–31}} By the beginning of the 19th century, the Indians in most of eastern Brazil had been either assimilated or decimated. Some tribes resisted assimilation and either fled farther west, where they were able to maintain their diverse polytheistic beliefs, or were restricted to ''aldeamentos'' (reservations), where they eventually converted to Catholicism.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=170}} | |||
==Culture== | |||
===Visual arts=== | |||
{{See also|Brazilian academic art}} | |||
], 1882|alt=Painting depicting an interior with a nude female model sitting at a spinet piano while an artist works at his easel on the left side of the canvas]] | |||
], {{circa|1888}}|alt=A landscape painting depicting houses nestled among trees in the middle-distance, and a large hill topped by a rock spire in the far distance]] | |||
According to historian Ronald Raminelli, "visual arts underwent huge innovations in the Empire in comparison to the colonial period."{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=83}} With independence in 1822, painting, sculpture and architecture were influenced by national symbols and the monarchy, as both surpassed religious themes in their importance. The previously dominant ] was superseded by ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=83}} New developments appeared, such as the use of iron in architecture and the appearance of ] and photography, which revitalized the visual arts.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=83}} | |||
The government's creation of the ] in the 1820s played a pivotal role in influencing and expanding the visual arts in Brazil, mainly by educating generations of artists but also by serving as a stylistic guideline.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=84}} The academy's origins lay in the foundation of the ''Escola Real das Ciências, Artes e Ofícios'' (Royal School of the Sciences, Arts and Crafts) in 1816 by the Portuguese King John VI. Its members—of whom the most famous was ]—were French ]es who worked as painters, sculptors, musicians and engineers.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=21–22}} The school's main goal was to encourage French ] and the Neoclassical style to replace the prevalent baroque style.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=22}} Plagued by a lack of funds since its inception, the school was later renamed as the Academy of Fine Arts in 1820, and in 1824 received its final name under the Empire: Imperial Academy of Fine Arts.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=22}} | |||
It was only following Pedro II's majority in 1840, however, that the academy became a powerhouse, part of the Emperor's greater scheme of fomenting a national culture and consequently uniting all Brazilians in a common sense of nationhood.{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|pp=126–127}} Pedro II would sponsor the Brazilian culture through several public institutions funded by the government (not restricted to the Academy of Fine Arts), such as ]{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|p=126}} and Imperial Academy of Music and National Opera.{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|p=152}} That sponsorship would pave the way not only for the careers of artists, but also for those engaged in other fields, including historians such as ]{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=285}} and musicians such as the operatic composer ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=123}} | |||
By the 1840s, ] had largely supplanted Neoclassicism, not only in painting, but also in sculpture and architecture.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=84}} The academy did not resume its role of simply providing education: prizes, medals, scholarships in foreign countries and funding were used as incentives.{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|p=145}} Among its staff and students were some of the most renowned Brazilian artists, including ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], and ].{{sfn|Schwarcz|1998|p=145}}{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=84–85}} In the 1880s, after having been long regarded as the official style of the academy, Romanticism declined, and other styles were explored by a new generation of artists. Among the new genres was ], the most famous exponents of which were ], ], ], and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=85}} Another style which gained popularity in the fields of painting and architecture was ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=85}} | |||
===Literature and theater=== | |||
] writers. From left to right: ], ] and ]|alt=An old photograph depicting two dark-haired men seated in the foreground and a white-haired man standing behind]] | |||
In the first years after independence, Brazilian literature was still heavily influenced by Portuguese literature and its predominant Neoclassical style.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=482}} In 1837, ] published the first work of Romanticism in Brazil, beginning a new era in the nation.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=661}} The next year, 1838, saw the first play performed by Brazilians with a national theme, which marked the birth of Brazilian theater. Until then themes were often based on European works even if not performed by foreign actors.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=661}} Romanticism at that time was regarded as the literary style that best fitted Brazilian literature, which could reveal its uniqueness when compared to foreign literature.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=482–483}} During the 1830s and 1840s, "a network of newspapers, journals, book publishers and printing houses emerged which together with the opening of theaters in the major towns brought into being what could be termed, but for the narrowness of its scope, a national culture".{{sfn|Barman|1988|p=237}} | |||
Romanticism reached its apogee between the late 1850s and the early 1870s as it divided into several branches, including ] and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=483}} The most influential literary style in 19th-century Brazil, many of the most renowned Brazilian writers were exponents of Romanticism: ],{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=513}} ], Gonçalves de Magalhães, ], ], ], ], ], ], ], and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=484}} In theater, the most famous Romanticist playwrights were ]{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=484}} and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=691}} Brazilian Romanticism did not have the same success in theater as it had in literature, as most of the plays were either Neoclassic tragedies or Romantic works from Portugal or translations from Italian, French or Spanish.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=691}} After the opening of the Brazilian Dramatic Conservatory in 1845, the government gave financial aid to national theater companies in exchange for staging plays in Portuguese.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=691}} | |||
By the 1880s, Romanticism was superseded by new literary styles. The first to appear was ], which had among its most notable writers ] and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=483}} Newer styles that coexisted with Realism, ] and ], were both connected to the former's evolution.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=483}} Among the best-known Naturalists were ] and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|pp=483–484}} Notable Parnassians were ], ], ], and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=484}} Brazilian theater became influenced by Realism in 1855, decades earlier than the style's impact upon literature and poetry.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=692}} Famous Realist playwrights included José de Alencar, ], Joaquim Manuel de Macedo, ], and ].{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=692}} Brazilian plays staged by national companies competed for audiences alongside foreign plays and companies.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=693}} Performing arts in Imperial Brazil also encompassed the staging of musical duets, dancing, gymnastics, comedy and farces.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=693}} Less prestigious, but more popular with the working classes were puppeteers and magicians, as well as the circus, with its travelling companies of performers, including acrobats, trained animals, illusionists, and other stunt-oriented artists.{{sfn|Vainfas|2002|p=694}} | |||
==See also== | ==See also== | ||
{{Portal|Brazil}} | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | * ] | ||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
==Endnotes== | |||
{{notelist-ua}} | |||
==Footnotes== | |||
{{Reflist|20em}} | |||
==References== | ==References== | ||
{{refbegin|30em}} | |||
* http://www.eurohistory.com/braganza.html | |||
* {{cite book|last=Adas|first=Melhem|year=2004|language=pt|title=Panorama geográfico do Brasil|edition=4th|publisher=Moderna|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-16-04336-0}} | |||
* This article copies many paragraphs from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/brtoc.html. See "The Second Empire, 1840-89" | |||
* {{cite book|last=Alencastro|first=Luiz Felipe de|year=1997|language=pt|title=História da vida privada no Brasil: Império|publisher=Companhia das Letras|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-7164-681-0}} | |||
{{BrazilianhistoryFooter}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Azevedo|first=Aroldo|year=1971|language=pt|title=O Brasil e suas regiões|publisher=Companhia Editora Nacional|location=São Paulo}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Baer|first=Werner|year=2002|language=pt|title=A Economia Brasileira|edition=2nd|publisher=Nobel|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-213-1197-3}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Barman|first=Roderick J.|year=1988|title=Brazil: The Forging of a Nation, 1798–1852|publisher=Stanford University Press|location=Stanford|isbn=978-0-8047-1437-2}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Barman|first=Roderick J.|year=1999|title=Citizen Emperor: Pedro II and the Making of Brazil, 1825–1891|publisher=Stanford University Press|location=Stanford|isbn=978-0-8047-3510-0}} | |||
* {{cite encyclopedia|author=Barsa|year=1987|language=pt|title=]|volume=4|publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica do Brasil|location=Rio de Janeiro|ref={{sfnRef|Barsa 1987, Vol 4}}}} | |||
* {{cite encyclopedia|author=Barsa|year=1987|language=pt|title=Enciclopédia Barsa|volume=10|publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica do Brasil|location=Rio de Janeiro|ref={{sfnRef|Barsa 1987, Vol 10}}}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Besouchet|first=Lídia|year=1985|orig-year=1945|language=pt|title=José Maria Paranhos: Visconde do Rio Branco: ensaio histórico-biográfico|publisher=Nova Fronteira|location=Rio de Janeiro|oclc=14271198}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Besouchet|first=Lídia|year=1993|language=pt|title=Pedro II e o Século XIX|edition=2nd|publisher=Nova Fronteira|location=Rio de Janeiro|isbn=978-85-209-0494-7}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Bethell|first=Leslie|author-link=Leslie Bethell|year=1993|title=Brazil: Empire and Republic, 1822–1930|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge, United Kingdom|isbn=978-0-521-36293-1}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Boxer|first=Charles R.|author-link=C. R. Boxer|year=2002|language=pt|title=O império marítimo português 1415–1825|publisher=Companhia das Letras|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-359-0292-1}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Calmon|first=Pedro|year=1975|language=pt|title=História de D. Pedro II|volume=1–5|publisher=José Olímpio|location=Rio de Janeiro|author-link=Pedro Calmon}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Calmon|first=Pedro|year=2002|language=pt|title=História da Civilização Brasileira|publisher=Senado Federal|location=Brasília|oclc=685131818}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Carvalho|first=José Murilo de|year=1993|language=pt|title=A Monarquia brasileira|publisher=Ao Livro Técnico|location=Rio de Janeiro|isbn=978-85-215-0660-7}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Carvalho|first=José Murilo de|year=2002|language=pt|title=Os Bestializados: o Rio de Janeiro e a República que não foi|edition=3|publisher=Companhia das Letras|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-85095-13-0}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Carvalho|first=José Murilo de|year=2007|language=pt|title=D. Pedro II: ser ou não ser|publisher=Companhia das Letras|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-359-0969-2}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Carvalho|first=José Murilo de|year=2008|language=pt|title=Cidadania no Brasil: o longo caminho|edition=10|publisher=Civilização Brasileira|location=Rio de Janeiro|isbn=978-85-200-0565-1}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Coelho|first=Marcos Amorim|year=1996|language=pt|title=Geografia do Brasil|edition=4|publisher=Moderna|location=São Paulo}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Dolhnikoff|first=Miriam|year=2005|language=pt|title=Pacto imperial: origens do federalismo no Brasil do século XIX|publisher=Globo|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-250-4039-8}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Doratioto|first=Francisco|year=2002|language=pt|title=Maldita Guerra: Nova história da Guerra do Paraguai|publisher=Companhia das Letras|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-359-0224-2}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Ermakoff|first=George|year=2006|language=pt|title=Rio de Janeiro – 1840–1900 – Uma crônica fotográfica|publisher=G. Ermakoff Casa Editorial|location=Rio de Janeiro|isbn=978-85-98815-05-3}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Fausto|first=Boris|year=1995|language=pt|title=História do Brasil|publisher=Fundação de Desenvolvimento da Educação|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-314-0240-1}} | |||
* {{cite book|last1=Fausto|first1=Boris|last2=Devoto|first2=Fernando J.|year=2005|language=pt|title=Brasil e Argentina: Um ensaio de história comparada (1850–2002)|edition=2nd|publisher=Editoria 34|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-7326-308-4}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Graça Filho|first=Afonso de Alencastro|year=2004|language=pt|title=A economia do Império brasileiro|publisher=Atual|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-357-0443-3}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Graham|first=Richard|year=1994|title=Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil|publisher=Stanford University Press|location=Stanford|isbn=978-0-8047-2336-7}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Green|first=Toby|year=2020|title=A Fistful of Shells: West Africa from the Rise of the Slave Trade to the Age of Revolution|location=New York City|publisher=Penguin Random House|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jIBbDwAAQBAJ|isbn=978-0-141-97766-9}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Hahner|first=June E.|year=1978|chapter=The nineteenth-century feminist press and women's rights in Brazil|editor-last=Lavrin|editor-first=Asunción|title=Latin American Women: Historical Perspectives|location=Westport, Connecticut|publisher=Greenwood|isbn=0-313-20309-1|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/latinamericanwom0000unse}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Holanda|first=Sérgio Buarque de|author-link=Sérgio Buarque de Holanda|year=1974|language=pt|title=História Geral da Civilização Brasileira: Declínio e Queda do Império|edition=2nd|publisher=Difusão Européia do Livro|location=São Paulo}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Levine|first=Robert M.|year=1999|title=The History of Brazil|publisher=Greenwood Press|location=Westport, Connecticut|isbn=978-0-313-30390-6|url=https://archive.org/details/historyofbrazilt00robe}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Lira|first=Heitor|year=1977|language=pt|title=História de Dom Pedro II (1825–1891): Ascenção (1825–1870)|volume=1|publisher=Itatiaia|location=Belo Horizonte|ref={{sfnRef|Lira 1977, Vol 1}}}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Lira|first=Heitor|year=1977|language=pt|title=História de Dom Pedro II (1825–1891): Fastígio (1870–1880)|volume=2|publisher=Itatiaia|location=Belo Horizonte|ref={{sfnRef|Lira 1977, Vol 2}}}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Lira|first=Heitor|year=1977|language=pt|title=História de Dom Pedro II (1825–1891): Declínio (1880–1891)|volume=3|publisher=Itatiaia|location=Belo Horizonte|ref={{sfnRef|Lira 1977, Vol 3}}}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Moreira|first=Igor A. G.|year=1981|language=pt|title=O Espaço Geográfico, geografia geral e do Brasil|edition=18th|publisher=Ática|location=São Paulo}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Munro|first=Dana Gardner|year=1942|title=The Latin American Republics: A History|publisher=D. Appleton|location=New York}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Nabuco|first=Joaquim|author-link=Joaquim Nabuco|year=1975|language=pt|title=Um Estadista do Império|edition=4th|publisher=Nova Aguilar|location=Rio de Janeiro}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Olivieri|first=Antonio Carlos|year=1999|language=pt|title=Dom Pedro II, Imperador do Brasil|publisher=Callis|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-86797-19-4}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Parkinson|first=Roger|year=2008|title=The Late Victorian Navy: The Pre-Dreadnought Era and the Origins of the First World War|publisher=The Boydell Press|location=Woodbridge, Suffolk|isbn=978-1-84383-372-7}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Pedrosa|first=J. F. Maya|year=2004|language=pt|title=A Catástrofe dos Erros: razões e emoções na guerra contra o Paraguai|publisher=Biblioteca do Exército|location=Rio de Janeiro|isbn=978-85-7011-352-8}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Ramos|first=Arthur|year=2003|language=pt|title=A mestiçagem no Brasil|publisher=EDUFAL|location=Maceió|isbn=978-85-7177-181-9}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Rodrigues|first=José Carlos|year=1863|language=pt|title=Constituição política do Império do Brasil|publisher=Typographia Universal de Laemmert|location=Rio de Janeiro}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Rodrigues|first=José Honório|year=1975|language=pt|title=Independência: Revolução e Contra-Revolução – A política internacional|volume=5|publisher=F. Alves|location=Rio de Janeiro}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Rodrigues|first=José Honório|year=1995|language=pt|title=Uma história diplomática do Brasil, 1531–1945|publisher=Civilização Brasileira|location=Rio de Janeiro|isbn=978-85-200-0391-6}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Salles|first=Ricardo|year=1996|language=pt|title=Nostalgia Imperial|publisher=Topbooks|location=Rio de Janeiro|oclc=36598004}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Schwarcz|first=Lilia Moritz|year=1998|language=pt|title=As barbas do Imperador: D. Pedro II, um monarca nos trópicos|edition=2nd|publisher=Companhia das Letras|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-7164-837-1|url=https://archive.org/details/asbarbasdoimpera00schw}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Scully|first=William|year=1868|language=en|title=Brazil|publisher=Trübner & Company|location=London}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Skidmore|first=Thomas E.|author-link=Thomas Skidmore|year=1999|title=Brazil: Five Centuries of Change|url=https://archive.org/details/brazilfivecentur00skid|url-access=registration|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=New York|isbn=0-19-505809-7}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Smith|first=Joseph|year=2010|title=Brazil and the United States: Convergence and Divergence|publisher=University of Georgia Press|location=Athens, Georgia|isbn=978-0-8203-3733-3}} | |||
* {{cite book|last1=Sodré|first=Nelson Werneck|year=2004|language=pt|title=Panorama do Segundo Império|edition=2nd|publisher=Graphia|location=Rio de Janeiro|isbn=978-85-85277-21-5}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Topik|first=Steven C.|year=2000|title=Trade and Gunboats: The United States and Brazil in the Age of Empire|publisher=Stanford University Press|location=Stanford|isbn=978-0-8047-4018-0}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Vainfas|first=Ronaldo|year=2002|language=pt|title=Dicionário do Brasil Imperial|publisher=Objetiva|location=Rio de Janeiro|isbn=978-85-7302-441-8}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Vasquez|first=Pedro Karp|year=2007|language=pt|title=Nos trilhos do progresso: A ferrovia no Brasil imperial vista pela fotografia|publisher=Metalivros|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-85371-70-8}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Vesentini|first=José William|year=1988|language=pt|title=Brasil, sociedade e espaço – Geografia do Brasil|edition=7th|publisher=Ática|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-08-02340-0}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Viana|first=Hélio|year=1968|language=pt|title=Vultos do Império|publisher=Companhia Editora Nacional|location=São Paulo}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Viana|first=Hélio|year=1994|language=pt|title=História do Brasil: período colonial, monarquia e república|edition=15th|publisher=Melhoramentos|location=São Paulo|isbn=978-85-06-01999-3}} | |||
* {{cite journal|url=https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/media/artigo-argentina.pdf|title=Argentina, primeiro país a reconhecer a independência do Brasil|last=Wiese Randig|first=Rodrigo|date=2017|journal=Cadernos do CHDD|publisher=Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão|issue=31|volume=16|pages=501–524}} | |||
{{refend}} | |||
==External links== | |||
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Latest revision as of 14:07, 2 January 2025
State in South America (1822–1889)
Empire of BrazilImpério do Brasil | |||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1822–1889 | |||||||||||
Flag (1853–1889) Coat of arms | |||||||||||
Motto: Independência ou Morte! (Portuguese)Independence or Death! | |||||||||||
Anthem: Hino da Indepedência do Brasil "Anthem of the Independence of Brazil" Hino Nacional Brasileiro "Brazilian National Anthem" | |||||||||||
National Seal | |||||||||||
Empire of Brazil at its largest territorial extent, 1822–1828, including former Cisplatina province | |||||||||||
Capital | Rio de Janeiro | ||||||||||
Common languages | Portuguese | ||||||||||
Ethnic groups (1872) |
| ||||||||||
Religion | Roman Catholicism | ||||||||||
Demonym(s) | Brazilians | ||||||||||
Government | Unitary parliamentary constitutional monarchy | ||||||||||
Emperor | |||||||||||
• 1822–1831 | Pedro I | ||||||||||
• 1831–1889 | Pedro II | ||||||||||
Prime Minister | |||||||||||
• 1843–1844 (de facto) | Marquis of Paraná | ||||||||||
• 1847–1848 (first) | 2nd Viscount of Caravelas | ||||||||||
• 1889 (last) | Viscount of Ouro Preto | ||||||||||
Legislature | General Assembly | ||||||||||
• Upper house | Senate | ||||||||||
• Lower house | Chamber of Deputies | ||||||||||
Historical era | 19th century | ||||||||||
• Independence | 7 September 1822 | ||||||||||
• Accession of Pedro I | 12 October 1822 | ||||||||||
• Imperial Constitution | 25 March 1824 | ||||||||||
• Regency | 7 April 1831 | ||||||||||
• Accession of Pedro II | 23 July 1840 | ||||||||||
• Abolition of slavery | 13 May 1888 | ||||||||||
• Monarchy abolished | 15 November 1889 | ||||||||||
Area | |||||||||||
1889 | 8,337,218 km (3,219,018 sq mi) | ||||||||||
Population | |||||||||||
• 1823 | 4,000,000 | ||||||||||
• 1854 | 7,000,700 | ||||||||||
• 1872 | 9,930,478 | ||||||||||
• 1890 | 14,333,915 | ||||||||||
Currency | Real | ||||||||||
| |||||||||||
Today part of | Brazil Uruguay |
The Empire of Brazil was a 19th-century state that broadly comprised the territories which form modern Brazil and Uruguay until the latter achieved independence in 1828. The empire's government was a representative parliamentary constitutional monarchy under the rule of Emperors Pedro I and his son Pedro II. A colony of the Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil became the seat of the Portuguese Empire in 1808, when the Portuguese Prince regent, later King Dom John VI, fled from Napoleon's invasion of Portugal and established himself and his government in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro. John VI later returned to Portugal, leaving his eldest son and heir-apparent, Pedro, to rule the Kingdom of Brazil as regent. On 7 September 1822, Pedro declared the independence of Brazil and, after waging a successful war against his father's kingdom, was acclaimed on 12 October as Pedro I, the first Emperor of Brazil. The new country was huge, sparsely populated, and ethnically diverse.
Unlike most of the neighboring Hispanic American republics, Brazil had political stability, vibrant economic growth, constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech, and respect for civil rights of its subjects, albeit with legal restrictions on women and slaves, the latter regarded as property and not citizens. The Empire's bicameral parliament was elected under comparatively democratic methods for the era, as were the provincial and local legislatures. This led to a long ideological conflict between Pedro I and a sizable parliamentary faction over the role of the monarch in the government. He also had to face other obstacles. The unsuccessful Cisplatine War against the neighboring United Provinces of the Río de la Plata in 1828 led to the secession of the province of Cisplatina (later to become Uruguay). In 1826, despite his role in Brazilian independence, he became the king of Portugal; he abdicated the Portuguese throne in favor of his eldest daughter. Two years later, she was usurped by Pedro I's younger brother Miguel. Unable to deal with both Brazilian and Portuguese affairs, Pedro I abdicated his Brazilian throne on 7 April 1831 and immediately departed for Europe to restore his daughter to the Portuguese throne.
Pedro I's successor in Brazil was his five-year-old son, Pedro II. As the latter was still a minor, a weak regency was created. The power vacuum resulting from the absence of a ruling monarch as the ultimate arbiter in political disputes led to regional civil wars between local factions. Having inherited an empire on the verge of disintegration, Pedro II, once he was legally declared of age, managed to bring peace and stability to the country, which eventually became an emerging international power. Brazil was victorious in three international conflicts (the Platine War, the Uruguayan War, and the Paraguayan War) under Pedro II's rule, and the Empire prevailed in several other international disputes and outbreaks of domestic strife. With prosperity and economic development came an influx of European immigration, including Protestants and Jews, although Brazil remained mostly Catholic. Slavery, which had initially been widespread, was restricted by successive legislation until its final abolition in 1888. Brazilian visual arts, literature and theater developed during this time of progress. Although heavily influenced by European styles that ranged from Neoclassicism to Romanticism, each concept was adapted to create a culture that was uniquely Brazilian.
Even though the last four decades of Pedro II's reign were marked by continuous internal peace and economic prosperity, he had no desire to see the monarchy survive beyond his lifetime and made no effort to maintain support for the institution. The next in line to the throne was his daughter Isabel, but neither Pedro II nor the ruling classes considered a female monarch acceptable. Lacking any viable heir, the Empire's political leaders saw no reason to defend the monarchy. After a 58-year reign, on 15 November 1889 the Emperor was overthrown in a sudden coup d'état led by a clique of military leaders whose goal was the formation of a republic headed by a dictator, forming the First Brazilian Republic.
History
Main article: History of the Empire of BrazilIndependence and early years
Main article: Independence of BrazilThe territory which would come to be known as Brazil was claimed by Portugal on 22 April 1500, when the navigator Pedro Álvares Cabral landed on its coast. Permanent settlement followed in 1532, and for the next 300 years the Portuguese slowly expanded westwards until they had reached nearly all of the borders of modern Brazil. In 1808, the army of French Emperor Napoleon I invaded Portugal, forcing the Portuguese royal family—the House of Braganza, a branch of the thousand-year-old Capetian dynasty—into exile. They re-established themselves in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro, which became the unofficial seat of the Portuguese Empire.
In 1815, the Portuguese crown prince Dom John (later Dom John VI), acting as regent, created the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves, which raised the status of Brazil from colony to kingdom. He ascended the Portuguese throne the following year, after the death of his mother, Maria I of Portugal. He returned to Portugal in April 1821, leaving behind his son and heir, Prince Dom Pedro, to rule Brazil as his regent. The Portuguese government immediately moved to revoke the political autonomy that Brazil had been granted since 1808. The threat of losing their limited control over local affairs ignited widespread opposition among Brazilians. José Bonifácio de Andrada, along with other Brazilian leaders, convinced Pedro to declare Brazil's independence from Portugal on 7 September 1822. On 12 October, the prince was acclaimed Pedro I, first Emperor of the newly created Empire of Brazil, a constitutional monarchy. The declaration of independence was opposed throughout Brazil by armed military units loyal to Portugal. The ensuing war of independence was fought across the country, with battles in the northern, northeastern, and southern regions. The last Portuguese soldiers to surrender did so in March 1824, and independence was recognized by Portugal in August 1825.
Pedro I encountered a number of crises during his reign. A secessionist rebellion in the Cisplatina Province in early 1825 and the subsequent attempt by the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (later Argentina) to annex Cisplatina led the Empire into the Cisplatine War: "a long, inglorious, and ultimately futile war in the south". In March 1826, John VI died and Pedro ;I inherited the Portuguese crown, briefly becoming King Pedro IV of Portugal before abdicating in favor of his eldest daughter, Maria II. The situation worsened in 1828 when the war in the south ended with Brazil's loss of Cisplatina, which would become the independent republic of Uruguay. During the same year in Lisbon, Maria II's throne was usurped by Prince Miguel, Pedro I's younger brother.
Other difficulties arose when the Empire's parliament, the General Assembly, opened in 1826. Pedro I, along with a significant percentage of the legislature, argued for an independent judiciary, a popularly elected legislature and a government which would be led by the emperor who held broad executive powers and prerogatives. Others in parliament argued for a similar structure, only with a less influential role for the monarch and the legislative branch being dominant in policy and governance. The struggle over whether the government would be dominated by the emperor or by the parliament was carried over into debates from 1826 to 1831 on the establishment of the governmental and political structure. Unable to deal with the problems in both Brazil and Portugal simultaneously, the Emperor abdicated on behalf of his son, Pedro II, on 7 April 1831 and immediately sailed for Europe to restore his daughter to her throne.
Anarchy
Main article: Regency period (Empire of Brazil)Following the hasty departure of Pedro I, Brazil was left with a five-year-old boy as head of state. With no precedent to follow, the Empire was faced with the prospect of a period of more than twelve years without a strong executive, as, under the constitution, Pedro II would not attain his majority and begin exercising authority as Emperor until 2 December 1843. A regency was elected to rule the country in the interim. Because the Regency held few of the powers exercised by an emperor and was completely subordinated to the General Assembly, it could not fill the vacuum at the apex of Brazil's government.
The hamstrung Regency proved unable to resolve disputes and rivalries between national and local political factions. Believing that granting provincial and local governments greater autonomy would quell the growing dissent, the General Assembly passed a constitutional amendment in 1834, called the Ato Adicional (Additional Act). Instead of ending the chaos, these new powers only fed local ambitions and rivalries. Violence erupted throughout the country. Local parties competed with renewed ferocity to dominate provincial and municipal governments, as whichever party dominated the provinces would also gain control over the electoral and political system. Those parties which lost elections rebelled and tried to assume power by force, resulting in several rebellions.
The politicians who had risen to power during the 1830s had by then become familiar with the difficulties and pitfalls of power. According to historian Roderick J. Barman, by 1840, "they had lost all faith in their ability to rule the country on their own. They accepted Pedro II as an authority figure whose presence was indispensable for the country's survival." Some of these politicians (who would form the Conservative Party in the 1840s) believed that a neutral figure was required—one who could stand above political factions and petty interests to address discontent and moderate disputes. They envisioned an emperor who was more dependent on the legislature than the constitutional monarch envisioned by Pedro I, yet with greater powers than had been advocated at the beginning of the Regency by their rivals (who later formed the Liberal Party). The liberals, however, contrived to pass an initiative to lower Pedro II's age of majority from eighteen to fourteen. The Emperor was declared fit to rule in July 1840.
Consolidation
To achieve their goals, the liberals allied themselves with a group of high-ranking palace servants and notable politicians: the "Courtier Faction". The courtiers were part of the Emperor's inner circle and had established influence over him, which enabled the appointment of successive liberal-courtier cabinets. Their dominance, however, was short-lived. By 1846, Pedro II had matured physically and mentally. No longer an insecure 14-year-old swayed by gossip, suggestions of secret plots, and other manipulative tactics, the young emperor's weaknesses faded and his strength of character came to the fore. He successfully engineered the end of the courtiers' influence by removing them from his inner circle without causing any public disruption. He also dismissed the liberals, who had proved ineffective while in office, and called on the conservatives to form a government in 1848.
The abilities of the Emperor and the newly appointed conservative cabinet were tested by three crises between 1848 and 1852. The first crisis was a confrontation over the illegal importation of slaves. Importing slaves had been banned in 1826 as part of a treaty with Britain. Trafficking continued unabated, however, and the British government's passage of the Aberdeen Act of 1845 authorized British warships to board Brazilian ships and seize anyone who was found to be involved in the slave trade. While Brazil grappled with this problem, the Praieira revolt, a conflict between local political factions within Pernambuco province (and one in which liberal and courtier supporters were involved), erupted on 6 November 1848, but was suppressed by March 1849. It was the last rebellion to occur during the monarchy, and its end marked the beginning of forty years of internal peace in Brazil. The Eusébio de Queirós Law was promulgated on 4 September 1850 giving the government broad authority to combat the illegal slave trade. With this new tool Brazil moved to eliminate the importation of slaves, and by 1852 this first crisis was over, with Britain accepting that the trade had been suppressed.
The third crisis was a conflict with the Argentine Confederation over ascendancy in territories adjacent to the Río de la Plata and free navigation of that waterway. Since the 1830s, Argentine dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas had supported rebellions within Uruguay and Brazil. The Empire was unable to address the threat posed by Rosas until 1850, when an alliance was forged between Brazil, Uruguay and disaffected Argentines, leading to the Platine War and the subsequent overthrow of the Argentine ruler in February 1852. The Empire's successful navigation of these crises considerably enhanced the nation's stability and prestige, and Brazil emerged as a hemispheric power. Internationally, Europeans came to see the country as embodying familiar liberal ideals, such as freedom of the press and constitutional respect for civil liberties. Its representative parliamentary monarchy also stood in stark contrast to the mix of dictatorships and instability endemic in the other nations of South America during this period.
Growth
At the beginning of the 1850s, Brazil was enjoying internal stability and economic prosperity. The nation's infrastructure was being developed, with progress in the construction of railroads, the electric telegraph and steamship lines uniting Brazil into a cohesive national entity. After five years in office, the successful conservative cabinet was dismissed and in September 1853, Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão, Marquis of Paraná, head of the Conservative Party, was charged with forming a new cabinet. Emperor Pedro II wanted to advance an ambitious plan, which became known as "the Conciliation", aimed at strengthening the parliament's role in settling the country's political disputes.
Paraná invited several liberals to join the conservative ranks and went so far as to name some as ministers. The new cabinet, although highly successful, was plagued from the start by strong opposition from ultraconservative members of the Conservative Party who repudiated the new liberal recruits. They believed that the cabinet had become a political machine infested with converted liberals who did not genuinely share the party's ideals and were primarily interested in gaining public offices. Despite this mistrust, Paraná showed resilience in fending off threats and overcoming obstacles and setbacks. However, in September 1856, at the height of his career, he died unexpectedly, although the cabinet survived him until May 1857.
The Conservative Party had split down the middle: on one side were the ultraconservatives, and on the other, the moderate conservatives who supported the Conciliation. The ultraconservatives were led by Joaquim Rodrigues Torres, Viscount of Itaboraí, Eusébio de Queirós, and Paulino Soares de Sousa, 1st Viscount of Uruguai—all former ministers in the 1848–1853 cabinet. These elder statesmen had taken control of the Conservative Party after Paraná's death. In the years following 1857, none of the cabinets survived long. They quickly collapsed due to the lack of a majority in the Chamber of Deputies.
The remaining members of the Liberal Party, which had languished since its fall in 1848 and the disastrous Praieira rebellion in 1849, took advantage of what seemed to be the Conservative Party's impending implosion to return to national politics with renewed strength. They delivered a powerful blow to the government when they managed to win several seats in the Chamber of Deputies in 1860. When many moderate conservatives defected to unite with liberals to form a new political party, the Progressive League, the conservatives' hold on power became unsustainable due to the lack of a workable governing majority in the parliament. They resigned, and in May 1862 Pedro II named a progressive cabinet. The period since 1853 had been one of peace and prosperity for Brazil: "The political system functioned smoothly. Civil liberties were maintained. A start had been made on the introduction into Brazil of railroad, telegraph and steamship lines. The country was no longer troubled by the disputes and conflicts that had racked it during its first thirty years."
Paraguayan War
Main article: Paraguayan WarThis period of calm came to an end in 1863, when the British consul in Rio de Janeiro nearly sparked a war by issuing an abusive ultimatum to Brazil in response to two minor incidents (see Christie Question). The Brazilian government refused to yield, and the consul issued orders for British warships to capture Brazilian merchant vessels as indemnity. Brazil prepared itself for the imminent conflict, and coastal defenses were given permission to fire upon any British warship that tried to capture Brazilian merchant ships. The Brazilian government then severed diplomatic ties with Britain in June 1863.
As war with the British Empire loomed, Brazil had to turn its attention to its southern frontiers. Another civil war had begun in Uruguay which pitted its political parties against one another. The internal conflict led to the murder of Brazilians and the looting of their Uruguayan properties. Brazil's progressive cabinet decided to intervene and dispatched an army, which invaded Uruguay in December 1864, beginning the brief Uruguayan War. The dictator of nearby Paraguay, Francisco Solano López, took advantage of the Uruguayan situation in late 1864 by attempting to establish his nation as a regional power. In November of that year, he ordered a Brazilian civilian steamship seized, triggering the Paraguayan War, and then invaded Brazil.
What had appeared at the outset to be a brief and straightforward military intervention led to a full-scale war in South America's southeast. However, the possibility of a two-front conflict (with Britain and Paraguay) faded when, in September 1865, the British government sent an envoy who publicly apologized for the crisis between the empires. The Paraguayan invasion in 1864 led to a conflict far longer than expected, and faith in the progressive cabinet's ability to prosecute the war vanished. Also, from its inception, the Progressive League was plagued by internal conflict between factions formed by former moderate conservatives and by former liberals.
The cabinet resigned and the Emperor named the aging Viscount of Itaboraí to head a new cabinet in July 1868, marking the return of the conservatives to power. This impelled both progressive wings to set aside their differences, leading them to rechristen their party as the Liberal Party. A third, smaller and radical progressive wing would declare itself republican in 1870—an ominous signal for the monarchy. Nonetheless, the "ministry formed by the viscount of Itaboraí was a far abler body than the cabinet it replaced" and the conflict with Paraguay ended in March 1870 with total victory for Brazil and its allies. More than 50,000 Brazilian soldiers had died, and war costs were eleven times the government's annual budget. However, the country was so prosperous that the government was able to retire the war debt in only ten years. The conflict was also a stimulus to national production and economic growth.
Apogee
The diplomatic victory over the British Empire and the military victory over Uruguay in 1865, followed by the successful conclusion of the war with Paraguay in 1870, marked the beginning of the "golden age" of the Brazilian Empire. The Brazilian economy grew rapidly; railroad, shipping and other modernization projects were started; immigration flourished. The Empire became known internationally as a modern and progressive nation, second only to the United States in the Americas; it was a politically stable economy with a good investment potential.
In March 1871, Pedro II named the conservative José Paranhos, Viscount of Rio Branco as the head of a cabinet whose main goal was to pass a law to immediately free all children born to female slaves. The controversial bill was introduced in the Chamber of Deputies in May and faced "a determined opposition, which commanded support from about one third of the deputies and which sought to organize public opinion against the measure." The bill was finally promulgated in September and became known as the "Law of Free Birth". Rio Branco's success, however, seriously damaged the long-term political stability of the Empire. The law "split the conservatives down the middle, one party faction backed the reforms of the Rio Branco cabinet, while the second—known as the escravocratas (English: slavocrats)—were unrelenting in their opposition", forming a new generation of ultraconservatives.
The "Law of Free Birth", and Pedro II's support for it, resulted in the loss of the ultraconservatives' unconditional loyalty to the monarchy. The Conservative Party had experienced serious divisions before, during the 1850s, when the Emperor's total support for the conciliation policy had given rise to the Progressives. The ultraconservatives led by Eusébio, Uruguai and Itaboraí who opposed conciliation in the 1850s had nonetheless believed that the Emperor was indispensable to the functioning of the political system: the Emperor was an ultimate and impartial arbiter when political deadlock threatened. By contrast, this new generation of ultraconservatives had not experienced the Regency and early years of Pedro II's reign, when external and internal dangers had threatened the Empire's very existence; they had only known prosperity, peace and a stable administration. To them—and to the ruling classes in general—the presence of a neutral monarch who could settle political disputes was no longer important. Furthermore, since Pedro II had clearly taken a political side on the slavery question, he had compromised his position as a neutral arbiter. The young ultraconservative politicians saw no reason to uphold or defend the Imperial office.
Decline
See also: Decline and fall of Pedro II of BrazilThe weaknesses in the monarchy took many years to become apparent. Brazil continued to prosper during the 1880s, with the economy and society both developing rapidly, including the first organized push for women's rights (which would progress slowly over the next decades). By contrast, letters written by Pedro II reveal a man grown world-weary with age, increasingly alienated from current events and pessimistic in outlook. He remained diligent in performing his formal duties as Emperor, albeit often without enthusiasm, but he no longer actively intervened to maintain stability in the country. His increasing "indifference towards the fate of the regime" and his inaction to protect the imperial system once it came under threat have led historians to attribute the "prime, perhaps sole, responsibility" for the dissolution of the monarchy to the Emperor himself.
The lack of an heir who could feasibly provide a new direction for the nation also threatened the long-term prospects for the Brazilian monarchy. The Emperor's heir was his eldest daughter Isabel, the Princess Imperial, who had no interest in, nor expectation of, becoming the monarch. Even though the Constitution allowed female succession to the throne, Brazil was still a very traditional, male-dominated society, and the prevailing view was that only a male monarch would be capable as head of state. Pedro II, the ruling circles and the wider political establishment all considered a female successor to be inappropriate, and Pedro II himself believed that the death of his two sons and the lack of a male heir were a sign that the Empire was destined to be supplanted.
A weary emperor who no longer cared for the throne, an heir who had no desire to assume the crown, an increasingly discontented ruling class who were dismissive of the Imperial role in national affairs: all these factors presaged the monarchy's impending doom. The means to achieve the overthrow of the Imperial system would soon appear within the Army ranks. Republicanism had never flourished in Brazil outside of certain elitist circles, and had little support in the provinces. A growing combination of republican and positivist ideals among the army's junior and mid-level officer ranks, however, began to form a serious threat to the monarchy. These officers favored a republican dictatorship, which they believed would be superior to the liberal democratic monarchy. Beginning with small acts of insubordination at the beginning of the 1880s, discontent in the army grew in scope and audacity during the decade, as the Emperor was uninterested and the politicians proved incapable of re-establishing the government's authority over the military.
Fall
Main article: Proclamation of the Republic (Brazil)The nation enjoyed considerable international prestige during the final years of the Empire and had become an emerging power in the international arena. While Pedro II was receiving medical treatment in Europe, the parliament passed, and Princess Isabel signed on 13 May 1888, the Golden Law, which completely abolished slavery in Brazil. Predictions of economic and labor disruption caused by the abolition of slavery proved to be unfounded. Nonetheless, the end of slavery was the final blow to any remaining belief in the crown's neutrality, and this resulted in an explicit shift of support to Republicanism by the ultraconservatives—themselves backed by rich and powerful coffee farmers who held great political, economic and social power in the country.
To avert a republican backlash, the government exploited the credit readily available to Brazil as a result of its prosperity to fuel further development. The government extended massive loans at favorable interest rates to plantation owners and lavishly granted titles and lesser honors to curry favor with influential political figures who had become disaffected. The government also indirectly began to address the problem of the recalcitrant military by revitalizing the moribund National Guard, by then an entity which existed mostly only on paper.
The measures taken by the government alarmed civilian republicans and the positivists in the military. The republicans saw that it would undercut support for their own aims, and were emboldened to further action. The reorganization of the National Guard was begun by the cabinet in August 1889, and the creation of a rival force caused the dissidents among the officer corps to consider desperate measures. For both groups, republicans and military, it had become a case of "now or never". Although there was no desire among the majority of Brazilians to change the country's form of government, republicans began pressuring army officers to overthrow the monarchy.
They launched a coup and instituted the republic on 15 November 1889. The few people who witnessed what occurred did not realize that it was a rebellion. Historian Lídia Besouchet noted that, "arely has a revolution been so minor." Throughout the coup Pedro II showed no emotion, as if unconcerned about the outcome. He dismissed all suggestions put forward by politicians and military leaders for quelling the rebellion. The Emperor and his family were sent into exile on 17 November. Although there was significant monarchist reaction after the fall of the Empire, this was thoroughly suppressed, and neither Pedro II nor his daughter supported a restoration. Despite being unaware of the plans for a coup, once it occurred and in light of the Emperor's passive acceptance of the situation, the political establishment supported the end of the monarchy in favor of a republic. They were unaware that the goal of the coup leaders was the creation of a dictatorial republic rather than a presidential or parliamentary republic.
Government
Main article: Politics of the Empire of BrazilParliament
Article 2 of Brazil's 1824 Constitution defined the roles of both the emperor and the General Assembly of Brazil which in 1824 was composed of 50 senators and 102 general deputies, as the nation's representatives. The Constitution endowed the Assembly with both status and authority, and created legislative, moderating, executive and judicial branches as "delegations of the nation" with the separation of those powers envisaged as providing balances in support of the Constitution and the rights it enshrined.
The prerogatives and authority granted to the legislature within the Constitution meant that it could and would play a major and indispensable role in the functioning of the government—it was not a mere rubber stamp. The General Assembly alone could enact, revoke, interpret, and suspend laws under Article 13 of the Constitution. The legislature also held the power of the purse and was required to annually authorize expenditures and taxes. It alone approved and exercised oversight of government loans and debts. Other responsibilities entrusted to the Assembly included setting the size of the military's forces, the creation of offices within the government, monitoring the national welfare and ensuring that the government was being run in conformity to the Constitution. This last provision allowed the legislature wide authority to examine and debate government policy and conduct.
Regarding matters of foreign policy, the Constitution (under Article 102) required that the General Assembly be consulted about declarations of war, treaties and the conduct of international relations. A determined legislator could exploit these Constitutional provisions to block or limit government decisions, influence appointments and force reconsideration of policies.
During its annual four-month sessions the Assembly conducted public debates. These were widely reported and formed a national forum for the expression of public concerns from all parts of the country. It was frequently a venue for expressing opposition to policies and airing grievances. Legislators enjoyed immunity from prosecution for speeches made from the floor and in the discharge of their offices. Only their own chambers within the Assembly could order the arrest of a member during his tenure. "With no actual responsibility for the actual conduct of affairs, the legislators were free to propose sweeping reforms, advocate ideal solutions, and denounce compromising and opportunistic conduct by the government."
Emperor and council of ministers
The emperor was the head of both the moderating and executive branches (being aided by the Council of State and the Council of Ministers, respectively); he had the final say and held ultimate control over the national government. He was tasked with ensuring national independence and stability. The Constitution (Article 101) gave him very few avenues for imposing his will upon the General Assembly. His main recourse was the right to dissolve or extend legislative sessions. In the Senate, an emperor's authority to appoint senators did not necessarily give him added influence since senators held their offices for life and were thus freed from government pressure once confirmed. On those occasions when the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved, new elections were required to be held immediately and the new Chamber seated. "This power was effective when held in reserve as a threat. It could not be employed repeatedly, nor would its use work to the emperor's advantage."
During the reign of Pedro I, the Chamber of Deputies was never dissolved and legislative sessions were never extended or postponed. Under Pedro II, the Chamber of Deputies was only ever dissolved at the request of the president of the Council of Ministers (prime minister). There were eleven dissolutions during Pedro II's reign and, of these, ten occurred after consultation with the Council of State, which was beyond what was required by the Constitution. A constitutional balance of power existed between the General Assembly and the executive branch under the emperor. The legislature could not operate alone and the monarch could not force his will upon the Assembly. In practice, the system functioned smoothly only when both Assembly and Emperor acted in a spirit of cooperation for the national good.
A new element was added when the office of "president of the Council of Ministers" was formally created in 1847—although the role had existed informally since 1843. The president of the Council owed his position to both his party and to the Emperor and these could sometimes come into conflict. 19th-century abolitionist leader and historian Joaquim Nabuco said that the "president of the Council in Brazil was no Russian chancellor, Sovereign's creature, nor a British prime minister, made only by the trust of the Commons: the delegation of the Crown was to him as necessary and important as the delegation of the Chamber, and, to exert with safety his functions, he had to dominate the caprice, the oscillations and ambitions of the Parliament, as well as to preserve always unalterable the favor, the good will of the emperor."
Provincial and local government
Belém, a medium-sized city and capital of Pará province (Brazilian north), 1889Salvador, a large city and capital of Bahia province (Brazilian northeast), 1870Rio de Janeiro, a metropolis and imperial capital, 1889 (Brazilian southeast). All provinces had great autonomy in relation to the national government.When enacted in 1824, the Imperial Constitution created the Conselho Geral de Província (Provincial General Council), the legislature of the provinces. This council was composed of either 21 or 13 elected members, depending on the size of a province's population. All "resolutions" (laws) created by the councils required approval by the General Assembly, with no right of appeal. Provincial Councils also had no authority to raise revenues, and their budgets had to be debated and ratified by the General Assembly. Provinces had no autonomy and were entirely subordinate to the national government.
With the 1834 constitutional amendment known as the Additional Act, Provincial General Councils were supplanted by the Assembleias Legislativas Provinciais (Provincial Legislative Assemblies). The new Assemblies enjoyed much greater autonomy from the national government. A Provincial Assembly was composed of 36, 28 or 20 elected deputies, the number depending on the size of the province's population. The election of provincial deputies followed the same procedure as used to elect general deputies to the national Chamber of Deputies.
The responsibilities of the Provincial Assembly included defining provincial and municipal budgets and levying the taxes necessary to support them; providing primary and secondary schools (higher education was the responsibility of the national government); oversight and control of provincial and municipal expenditures; and providing for law enforcement and maintenance of police forces. The Assemblies also controlled the creation and abolishment of, and salaries for, positions within provincial and municipal civil services. The nomination, suspension and dismissal of civil servants was reserved for the president (governor) of the province, but how and under what circumstances he could exercise these prerogatives was delineated by the Assembly. The expropriation of private property (with due monetary compensation) for provincial or municipal interests was also a right of the Assembly. In effect, the Provincial Assembly could enact any kind of law—with no ratification by Parliament—so long as such local laws did not violate or encroach upon the Constitution. However, provinces were not permitted to legislate in the areas of criminal law, criminal procedure laws, civil rights and obligations, the armed forces, the national budget or matters concerning national interests, such as foreign relations.
The provincial presidents were appointed by the national government and were, in theory, charged with governing the province. In practice, however, their power was intangible, varying from province to province based upon each president's relative degree of personal influence and personal character. Since the national government wanted to ensure their loyalty, presidents were, in most cases, sent to a province in which they had no political, familial or other ties. To prevent them from developing any strong local interests or support, presidents would be limited to terms of only a few months in office. As the president usually spent a great deal of time away from the province, often traveling to their native province or the imperial capital, the de facto governor was the vice-president, who was chosen by the Provincial Assembly and was usually a local politician. With little power to undermine provincial autonomy, the president was an agent of the central government with little function beyond conveying its interests to the provincial political bosses. Presidents could be used by the national government to influence, or even rig, elections, although to be effective the president had to rely on provincial and local politicians who belonged to his own political party. This interdependency created a complex relationship which was based upon exchanges of favors, private interests, party goals, negotiations, and other political maneuvering.
The câmara municipal (town council) was the governing body in towns and cities and had existed in Brazil since the beginning of the colonial period in the 16th century. The Chamber was composed of vereadores (councilmen), the number of which depended on the size of the town. Unlike the Provincial General Council, the Constitution gave town councils great autonomy. However, when the Provincial Assembly replaced the Provincial General Council in 1834, many of the powers of town councils (including the setting of municipal budgets, oversight of expenditures, creation of jobs, and the nomination of civil servants) were transferred to the provincial government. Additionally, any laws enacted by the town council had to be ratified by the Provincial Assembly—but not by Parliament. While the 1834 Additional Act granted greater autonomy to the provinces from the central government, it transferred the towns' remaining autonomy to the provincial governments. There was no office of mayor, and towns were governed by a town council and its president (who was the councilman who won the most votes during elections).
Elections
Until 1881, voting was mandatory and elections occurred in two stages. In the first phase voters chose electors who then selected a slate of senatorial candidates. The emperor would choose a new senator (member of the Senate, the upper house in the General Assembly) from a list of the three candidates who had received the highest number of votes. The electors also chose the General Deputies (members of the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house), provincial deputies (members of the Provincial Assemblies) and councilmen (members of the town councils) without the involvement of the emperor in making a final selection. All men over the age of 25 with an annual income of at least Rs 100$000 (or 100,000 réis; the equivalent in 1824 to $98 US) were eligible to vote in the first phase. The voting age was lowered to 21 for married men. To become an elector it was necessary to have an annual income of at least Rs 200$000.
The Brazilian system was relatively democratic for a period during which indirect elections were common in democracies. The income requirement was much higher in the United Kingdom, even after the reforms of 1832. At the time the only nations not requiring a minimum level of income as a qualification for voting were France and Switzerland where universal suffrage was introduced only in 1848. It is probable that no European country at the time had such liberal legislation as Brazil. The income requirement was low enough that any employed male citizen could qualify to vote. As an illustration, the lowest paid civil employee in 1876 was a janitor who earned Rs 600$000 annually.
Most voters in Brazil had a low income. For example, in the Minas Gerais town of Formiga in 1876, the poor constituted 70% of the electorate. In Irajá in the province of Rio de Janeiro, the poor were 87% of the electorate. Former slaves could not vote, but their children and grandchildren could, as could the illiterate (which few countries allowed). In 1872, 10.8% of the Brazilian population voted (13% of the non-slave population). By comparison, electoral participation in the UK in 1870 was 7% of the total population; in Italy it was 2%; in Portugal 9%; and in the Netherlands 2.5%. In 1832, the year of the British electoral reform, 3% of the British voted. Further reforms in 1867 and 1884 expanded electoral participation in the UK to 15%.
Although electoral fraud was common, it was not ignored by the Emperor, politicians or observers of the time. The problem was considered a major issue and attempts were made to correct abuses, with legislation (including the electoral reforms of 1855, 1875 and 1881) repeatedly being enacted to combat fraud. The 1881 reforms brought significant changes: they eliminated the two-stage electoral system, introduced direct and facultative voting, and allowed the votes of former slaves and enfranchised non-Catholics. Conversely, illiterate citizens were no longer allowed to vote. Participation in elections dropped from 13% to only 0.8% in 1886. In 1889, about 15% of the Brazilian population could read and write, so disenfranchising the illiterate does not solely explain the sudden fall in voting percentages. The discontinuation of mandatory voting and voter apathy may have been significant factors contributing to the reduction in the number of voters.
Armed forces
Main article: Armed Forces of the Empire of BrazilUnder Articles 102 and 148 of the Constitution, the Armed Forces were subordinate to the emperor as commander-in-chief. He was aided by the Ministry of War and Ministry of Navy in matters concerning the Army and the Armada (Navy)—although the president of the Council of Ministers usually exercised oversight of both branches in practice. The ministers of War and Navy were, with few exceptions, civilians.
The military was organized along similar lines to the British and American armed forces of the time, in which a small standing army could quickly augment its strength during emergencies from a reserve militia force (in Brazil, the National Guard). Brazil's first line of defense relied upon a large and powerful navy to protect against foreign attack. As a matter of policy, the military was to be completely obedient to civilian governmental control and to remain at arm's length from involvement in political decisions.
Military personnel were allowed to run for and serve in political office while remaining on active duty. However they did not represent the Army or the Armada, but were instead expected to serve the interests of the city or province which had elected them. Pedro I chose nine military officers as senators and appointed five (out of fourteen) to the Council of State. During the Regency, two were named to the Senate and none to the Council of State (this body was dormant during the Regency). Pedro II chose four officers as senators during the 1840s, two in the 1850s and three others during the remaining years of his reign. He also appointed seven officers to be state councilors during the 1840s and 1850s, and three others after that.
The Brazilian Armed Forces were created in the aftermath of Independence. They were originally composed of Brazilian- and Portuguese-born officers and troops who had remained loyal to the government in Rio de Janeiro during the war of secession from Portugal. The Armed Forces were crucial to the successful outcomes of international conflicts faced by the Empire, starting with Independence (1822–1824), followed by the Cisplatine War (1825–1828), then the Platine War (1851–1852), the Uruguayan War (1864–1865), and finally, the Paraguayan War (1864–1870). They also played a part in quelling rebellions, beginning with the Confederation of the Equator (1824) under Pedro I, followed by the uprisings during Pedro II's early reign, such as the Ragamuffin War (1835–1845), Cabanagem (1835–1840), Balaiada (1838–1841), among others.
The Armada was constantly being modernized with the latest developments in naval warfare. It adopted steam navigation in the 1830s, ironclad plate armor in the 1860s, and torpedoes in the 1880s. By 1889, Brazil had the fifth or sixth most powerful navy in the world, and the most powerful battleships in the western hemisphere. The Army, despite its highly experienced and battle-hardened officer corps, was plagued during peacetime by units which were badly paid, inadequately equipped, poorly trained and thinly spread across the vast Empire.
Dissension resulting from inadequate government attention to Army needs was restrained under the generation of officers who had begun their careers during the 1820s. These officers were loyal to the monarchy, believed the military should be under civilian control, and abhorred the caudillism (Hispanic American dictatorships) against which they had fought. However, by the early 1880s, this generation (including commanders such as the Duke of Caxias, the Count of Porto Alegre, and the Marquis of Erval) had died, were retired, or no longer exercised direct command.
Dissatisfaction became more evident during the 1880s, and some officers began to display open insubordination. The Emperor and the politicians did nothing to improve the military nor meet their demands. The dissemination of positivist ideology among young officers brought further complications, as positivism opposed the monarchy under the belief that a dictatorial republic would bring improvements. A coalition between a mutinous Army faction and the positivist camp was formed and directly led to the republican coup on 15 November 1889. Battalions and even full regiments of soldiers loyal to the Empire, who shared the ideals of the older generation of leaders, attempted to restore the monarchy. Attempts at a restoration proved futile and supporters of the Empire were executed, arrested or forcibly retired.
Foreign relations
Upon independence from Portugal, the immediate focus of Brazil's foreign policy was to gain widespread international recognition. There is no consensus about which countries were the first to recognize the independence of Brazil. According to historian Toby Green, they were the African states of Dahomey and Onim in 1822 and 1823 respectively while researcher Rodrigo Wiese Randig argues that it was the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata around June 1823, followed by the United States in May 1824, and the Kingdom of Benin in July 1824. Other nations followed in establishing diplomatic relations over the next few years. Portugal recognized the separation in August 1825. The Brazilian government subsequently made it a priority to establish its international borders through treaties with its neighbors. The task of securing recognized frontiers was complicated by the fact that, between 1777 and 1801, Portugal and Spain had annulled their previous treaties setting out the borders between their American colonial empires. However, the Empire was able to sign several bilateral treaties with neighbors, including Uruguay (1851), Peru (1851 and 1874), the Republic of New Granada (later Colombia, 1853), Venezuela (1859), Bolivia (1867) and Paraguay (1872). By 1889, most of its borders were firmly established. The remaining issues—including the purchase of the region of Acre from Bolivia which would give Brazil its present-day configuration—were only finally resolved after the country became a republic.
A number of conflicts occurred between the Empire and its neighbors. Brazil experienced no serious conflicts with its neighbors to the north and west, due to the buffer of the nearly impenetrable and sparsely populated Amazonian rainforest. In the south, however, the colonial disputes inherited from Portugal and Spain over the control of the navigable rivers and plains which formed the frontiers continued after independence. The lack of mutually agreed borders in this area led to several international conflicts, from the Cisplatine War to the Paraguayan War.
"Brazil is, next to ourselves, the great power on the American continent", affirmed James Watson Webb, the US minister to Brazil, in 1867. The Empire's rise was noticed as early as 1844 by John C. Calhoun, the US Secretary of State: "Next to the United States, Brazil is the most wealthy, the greatest and the most firmly established of all the American powers." By the early 1870s, the international reputation of the Empire of Brazil had improved considerably, and it remained well-regarded internationally until its end in 1889. Christopher Columbus Andrews, an American diplomat in the Brazilian capital in the 1880s, later recalled Brazil as an "important Empire" in his memoirs. In 1871, Brazil was invited to arbitrate the dispute between the United States and Britain which became known as the Alabama Claims. In 1880, the Empire acted as arbiter between the United States and France over the damage caused to US nationals during the French intervention in Mexico. In 1884, Brazil was called upon to arbitrate between Chile and several other nations (namely France, Italy, Britain, Germany, Belgium, Austria-Hungary and Switzerland) over damages arising from the War of the Pacific.
The Brazilian government eventually felt confident enough to negotiate a trade deal with the United States in 1889, the first to be undertaken with any nation since the disastrous and exploitative trade treaty with Britain in 1826 (canceled in 1844). American historian Steven C. Topik said that Pedro II's "quest for a trade treaty with the United States was part of a grander strategy to increase national sovereignty and autonomy." Unlike the circumstances of the previous pact, the Empire was in a strong position to insist on favorable trade terms, as negotiations occurred during a time of Brazilian domestic prosperity and international prestige.
Economy
Main article: Economy of the Empire of BrazilCurrency
Main article: Brazilian real (old) 500 réis (royals) or Rs 5001,000 réis (royals) or Rs 1$000 or milréis (thousand royals)The unit of currency from the Empire's founding, and until 1942, was the real ("royal" in English, its plural form was réis and is reais in modern Portuguese), and was derived from the Portuguese real. It was usually called milréis (English: thousand royals) and written as 1$000. A thousand milréis (1:000$000)—or one million réis—was known as conto de réis. One conto de réis was represented by the symbol Rs written before the value and by a dollar sign was written before any amounts lower than 1,000 réis. Thus, 350 réis was written as "Rs 350"; 1,712 réis as "Rs 1$712"; and 1,020,800 réis was written as "Rs 1:020$800". For millions, a period was used as a separator between millions, billions, trillions, etc. (e.g., 1 billion réis was written as "Rs 1.000:000$000"). A colon functioned to separate millions from thousands, and the $ sign (typically written as ) was inserted between thousands and hundreds (999 or fewer).
Overview
Brazil's international trade reached a total value of Rs 79.000:000$000 between 1834 and 1839. This continued to increase every year until it reached Rs 472.000:000$000 between 1886 and 1887: an annual growth rate of 3.88% since 1839. The absolute value of exports from the Empire in 1850 was the highest in Latin America, and triple that of Argentina which was in fourth place. Brazil would keep its high standing in exports and general economic growth until the end of the monarchy. Brazilian economic expansion, especially after 1850, compared well with that of the United States and European nations. The national tax revenue amounted to Rs 11.795:000$000 in 1831 and rose to Rs 160.840:000$000 in 1889. By 1858, national tax revenues ranked as the eighth-largest in the world. Imperial Brazil was, despite its progress, a country where wealth was very unequally distributed. However, for purposes of comparison, according to historian Steven C. Topik, in the United States, "by 1890, 80 percent of the population lived on the margin of subsistence, while 20 percent controlled almost all wealth."
As new technologies appeared, and with increases in internal productivity, exports increased considerably. This made it possible to reach equilibrium in the balance of trade. During the 1820s sugar constituted about 30% of total exports while cotton constituted 21%, coffee 18% and leather and skins 14%. Twenty years later, coffee would reach 42%, sugar 27%, leather and skins 9%, and cotton 8% of the total exports. This did not mean a reduction in the production of any of these items and, in fact, the opposite occurred. Growth occurred in all sectors, some more than others. In the period between 1820 and 1840, Fausto says "Brazilian exports had doubled in volume and had tripled in nominal value" while the valuation denominated in pounds sterling increased by over 40%. Brazil was not the only country where agriculture played an important role on exports. Around 1890, in the United States, by then the richest nation in the Americas, agricultural goods represented 80% of all its exports.
In the 1820s, Brazil exported 11,000 tons of cacao and by 1880 this had increased to 73,500 tons. Between 1821 and 1825, 41,174 tons of sugar were exported, rising to 238,074 tons between 1881 and 1885. Until 1850, rubber production was insignificant, but between 1881 and 1890, it had reached third place among Brazilian exports. This was about 81 tons between 1827 and 1830 reaching 1,632 tons in 1852. By 1900 the country was exporting 24,301,452 tons of rubber. Brazil also exported around 3,377,000 tons of coffee between 1821 and 1860 while between 1861 and 1889 this reached 6,804,000 tons. Technological innovations also contributed to the growth of exports, in particular the adoption of steam navigation and railroads allowed for faster and more convenient cargo transportation.
Railroad station in São Paulo province (Brazilian southeast), c. 1885A railroad station in Minas Gerais province (Brazilian southeast), c. 1884Development
Further information: Rail transport in BrazilDevelopment on an immense scale occurred during this period, anticipating similar advancements in European countries. In 1850, there were fifty factories with a total capital of Rs 7.000:000$000. At the end of the Imperial period in 1889, Brazil had 636 factories representing an annual rate of increase of 6.74% over the number in 1850, and with a total capital of approximately Rs 401.630:600$000 (which represents an annual growth rate in value of 10.94% from 1850 to 1889). The "countryside echoed with the clang of iron track being laid as railroads were constructed at the most furious pace of the 19th century; indeed, building in 1880s was the second greatest in absolute terms in Brazil's entire history. Only eight countries in the entire world laid more track in the decade than Brazil." The first railroad line, with only 15 kilometres (9.3 mi) of track, was opened on 30 April 1854 at a time when some European countries still had no rail service. By 1868, there were 718 kilometres (446 mi) of railroad lines, and by the end of the empire in 1889 this had grown to 9,200 kilometres (5,700 mi) with another 9,000 kilometres (5,600 mi) under construction making it the country with "the largest rail network in Latin America".
Factories were constructed throughout the Empire in the 1880s, allowing Brazil's cities to be modernized and "receive the benefits of gas, electrical, sanitation, telegraph, and tram companies. Brazil was entering the modern world." It was the fifth country in the world to install modern city sewers, the third to have sewage treatment and one of the pioneers in the installation of a telephone service. In addition to the foregoing improvements to infrastructure, it was also the first South American nation to adopt public electric lighting (in 1883) and the second in the Americas (behind the United States) to establish a transatlantic telegraphic line connecting it directly to Europe in 1874. The first domestic telegraph line appeared during 1852 in Rio de Janeiro. By 1889, there were 18,925 kilometres (11,759 mi) of telegraph lines connecting the country's capital to distant Brazilian provinces such as Pará and even linking to other South American countries such as Argentina and Uruguay.
Society
Demographics
Main article: 1872 Brazilian censusSince the second half of the 18th century, when Brazil was still a colony, the government had attempted to gather data regarding the population. However, few captaincies (later called provinces) collected the requested information. After independence the government instituted a commission for statistics in an 1829 decree with a mandate to hold a national census. The commission was a failure and was disbanded in 1834. In the ensuing years, provincial governments were tasked with collecting census information, but their census reports were often incomplete or not submitted at all. In 1851, another attempt at a nationwide census failed when rioting broke out. This was the result of the erroneous belief among Brazilians of mixed-race descent that the survey was a subterfuge designed to enslave anyone having African blood.
Estimated population of Brazil in the 1868:
Province | Capital | Population | Slaves | Army and police |
National guard |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Neutral Municipality | 400.000 | 50.000 | 10.000 | ||
Amazonas | Manaus | 70.000 | 5.000 | 2.700 | |
Grão-Pará | Belém do Pará | 250.000 | 15.000 | 1.000 | 23.000 |
Maranhão | São Luís | 400.000 | 70.000 | 1.000 | 28.000 |
Mato Grosso | Teresina | 175.000 | 10.000 | 650 | 20.000 |
Ceará | Fortaleza | 486.000 | 30.000 | 286 | 40.000 |
Rio Grande do Norte | Natal | 210.000 | 20.000 | 100 | 20.000 |
Paraíba | João Pessoa | 260.000 | 5.000 | 400 | 21.000 |
Pernambuco | Recife | 1,180,000 | 250.000 | 1.600 | 42.000 |
Alagoas | Maceió | 250.000 | 45.000 | 429 | 25.000 |
Sergipe | Aracaju | 250.000 | 50.000 | 200 | 2.000 |
Bahia | Salvador | 1,200,000 | 250.000 | 2.400 | 110.000 |
Espírito Santo | Vitória, Espírito Santo | 55.000 | 10.000 | 223 | 6.000 |
Rio de Janeiro | Niterói | 850.000 | 200.000 | 2.400 | 43.000 |
São Paulo | São Paulo | 800.000 | 60.000 | 679 | 40.000 |
Paraná | Curitiba | 105.000 | 20.000 | 388 | 8.000 |
Santa Catarina | Florianópolis | 120.000 | 15.000 | 100 | 9.000 |
São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul | Porto Alegre | 392.725 | 77.416 | 1.600 | 42.991 |
Minas Gerais | Ouro Preto | 1,350,000 | 150.000 | 1.000 | 75.000 |
Goiás | Goiânia | 200.000 | 15.000 | 300 | 13.000 |
Mato Grosso | Cuiabá | 80.000 | 10.000 | 5.000 | |
Brasil | Neutral Municipality | 9,083,725 | 1,357,416 |
The first true national census with exhaustive and broad coverage was carried out in 1872. The small number of people and small number of towns reported by the census reveal Brazil's enormous territory to have been sparsely populated. It showed Brazil as having a total population of 9,930,478 inhabitants. Estimates made by the government in prior decades showed 4,000,000 inhabitants in 1823 and gave a figure of 7,000,700 in 1854. The population was distributed across 20 provinces and the Neutral Municipality (the Empire's capital) with 641 municipalities.
Among the free population 23.4% of males and 13.4% of females were considered literate. Men represented 52% (5,123,869) of the total population. Figures for the population by age showed 24.6% were children younger than 10 years old; 21.1% were between 11 and 20; 32.9% were between 21 and 40; 8.4% were between 41 and 50; 12.8% were between 51 and 70; and lastly, only 3.4% were over 71. The residents in the combined northeast and southeast regions comprised 87.2% of the nation's population. The second national census was held in 1890 when the Brazilian republic was only a few months old. Its results showed that the population had grown to 14,333,915 inhabitants since the 1872 census.
Ethnic groups
Main article: Race and ethnicity in Brazil See also: Multiracialism § BrazilFour ethnic groups were recognized in Imperial Brazil: white, black, Indian, and brown. Brown (Portuguese: pardo) was a designation for multiracial Brazilians which is still officially used, though some scholars prefer the term "mixed one" (Portuguese: mestiço). The term denotes a broad category which includes caboclos (descendants of whites and Indians), mulattoes (descendants of whites and blacks) and cafuzos (descendants of blacks and Indians).
The caboclos formed the majority of the population in the Northern, Northeastern and Central-Western regions. A large mulatto population inhabited the eastern coast of the northeastern region from Bahia to Paraíba and were also present in northern Maranhão, southern Minas Gerais, eastern Rio de Janeiro and in Espírito Santo. The cafuzos were the smallest and most difficult to distinguish from the two other mixed-race subgroups since the descendants of caboclos and mulattoes also fell into this category and were found in the northeast sertão (hinterland). These groups may still be found in the same areas today.
White Brazilians descended from the original Portuguese settlers. From the 1870s onwards this ethnic group also included other European immigrants: mainly Italians and Germans. Although whites could be found throughout the country, they were the majority group in the southern region and in São Paulo province. Whites also comprised a significant proportion (40%) of the population in the northeastern provinces of Ceará, Paraíba, and Rio Grande do Norte. Afro-Brazilians inhabited the same areas as mulattoes. The majority of the population of Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, Bahia, Sergipe, Alagoas, and Pernambuco provinces (the last four having the smallest percentages of whites in the whole country—less than 30% in each) were black or brown. The Indians, or the indigenous peoples of Brazil, were found mainly in Piauí, Maranhão, Pará, and Amazonas.
Years | Whites | Browns | Blacks | Indians | Total |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1835 | 24.4% | 18.2% | 51.4% | 100% | |
1872 | 38.1% | 38.3% | 19.7% | 3.9% | 100% |
1890 | 44.0% | 32.4% | 14.6% | 9% | 100% |
Because of the existence of distinct racial and cultural communities, 19th century Brazil developed as a multi-ethnic nation. However, there is no reliable information available for the years prior to 1872. The first official national census was compiled by the government in 1872 showing that out of 9,930,479 inhabitants there were 38.1% whites, 38.3% browns, 19.7% blacks and 3.9% Indians. The second official national census in 1890 revealed that in a population of 14,333,915, 44% were whites, 32.4% browns, 14.6% blacks and 9% Indians.
European immigration
Main articles: Immigration to Brazil and European immigration to BrazilPrior to 1808, the Portuguese were the only European people to settle Brazil in significant numbers. Although Italians, British, Germans and Spanish had previously immigrated to Brazil, they had only done so as a small number of individuals or in very small groups. These earliest non-Portuguese settlers did not have a significant impact on the culture of Portugal's Brazilian colony. The situation changed after 1808 when King John VI began to encourage immigration from European countries outside Portugal.
The first to arrive in numbers were the Swiss, of whom some 2,000 settled in Rio de Janeiro province (the southeast) during 1818. They were followed by Germans and Irish, who immigrated to Brazil in the 1820s. German settlers gravitated mostly to the southern provinces, where the environment was more like their homeland. In the 1830s, due to the instability of the Regency, European immigration ground to a halt, only recovering after Pedro II took the reins of government and the country entered a period of peace and prosperity. Farmers in the southeast, enriched by lucrative coffee exports, created the "partnership system" (a form of indentured servitude) to attract immigrants. The scheme endured until the end of the 1850s, when the system collapsed and was abandoned. The failure was rooted in the large debts European settlers incurred to subsidize their travel and settlement expenses, leaving them as virtual slaves to their employers. Immigration suffered another decline during the Paraguayan War, which lasted from 1864 to 1870.
Immigrant numbers soared during the 1870s in what came to be called the "great immigration". Up to that point, around 10,000 Europeans arrived in Brazil annually, but after 1872, their numbers increased dramatically. It is estimated by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics that 500,000 Europeans immigrated to Brazil between 1808 and 1883. The figure for European settlers arriving between 1884 and 1893 climbed to 883,668. The number of Europeans immigrating continued to rise in the following decades, with 862,100 between 1894 and 1903; and 1,006,617 between 1904 and 1913.
From 1872 until 1879, the nationalities forming the bulk of the new settlers were composed of Portuguese (31.2%), Italians (25.8%), Germans (8.1%) and Spanish (1.9%). In the 1880s, Italians would surpass the Portuguese (61.8% to 23.3% respectively), and the Spanish would displace the Germans (6.7% to 4.2% respectively). Other, smaller groups also arrived, including Russians, Poles and Hungarians. Since nearly all European immigrants settled in the southeastern and southern areas of the Empire, ethnic distribution, already unequal before the mass immigration, became even more divergent between regions. For a nation that had a small, widely scattered population (4,000,000 in 1823 and 14,333,915 in 1890), the immigration of more than 1,380,000 Europeans had a tremendous effect upon the country's ethnic composition. In 1872, the year of the first reliable national census, white Brazilians represented just over a third (38.1%) of the total population; in 1890, they had increased to a little under half (44.0%) of all Brazilians.
Slavery
Main article: Slavery in BrazilIn 1823, a year after independence, slaves made up 29% of the population of Brazil, a figure which fell throughout the lifetime of the Empire: from 24% in 1854, to 15.2% in 1872, and finally to less than 5% in 1887—the year before slavery was completely abolished. Slaves were mostly adult males from southwestern Africa. Slaves brought to Brazil differed ethnically, religiously and linguistically, each identifying primarily with his or her own nation of origin, rather than by a shared African ethnicity. Some of the slaves brought to the Americas had been captured while fighting intertribal wars in Africa and had then been sold to slave dealers.
Slaves and their descendants were usually found in regions devoted to producing exports for foreign markets. Sugarcane plantations on the eastern coast of the northeast region during the 16th and 17th centuries are typical of economic activities dependent on slave labor. In northern Maranhão province, slave labor was used in cotton and rice production in the 18th century. In this period, slaves were also exploited in Minas Gerais province where gold was extracted. Slavery was also common in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo during the 19th century for the cultivation of coffee which became vital to the national economy. The prevalence of slavery was not geographically uniform across Brazil. Around 1870 only five provinces (Rio de Janeiro with 30%, Bahia with 15%, Minas Gerais with 14%, São Paulo with 7% and Rio Grande do Sul also with 7%) held 73% of the nation's total slave population. These were followed by Pernambuco (with 6%) and Alagoas (with 4%). Among the remaining 13 provinces none individually had even 3%.
Most slaves worked as plantation laborers. Relatively few Brazilians owned slaves and most small and medium-sized farms employed free workers. Slaves could be found scattered throughout society in other capacities: some were used as house servants, farmers, miners, prostitutes, gardeners and in many other roles. Many emancipated slaves went on to acquire slaves and there were even cases of slaves who had their own slaves. While slaves were usually black or mulatto there were reported cases of slaves who appeared to be of European descent—the product of generations of inter-ethnic sexual relations between male slave owners and their female mulatto slaves. Even the harshest slave owners adhered to a long-established practice of selling slaves along with their families, taking care not to separate individuals. Slaves were regarded by law as properties. The ones who were freed immediately became citizens with all civil rights guaranteed—the only exception being that, until 1881, freed slaves were barred from voting in elections, although their children and descendants could vote.
Nobility
Main article: Brazilian nobilityThe nobility of Brazil differed markedly from its counterparts in Europe: noble titles were not hereditary, with the exception of members of the Imperial Family, and those who had received a noble title were not considered to belong to a separate social class, and received no appanages, stipends or emoluments. However, many ranks, traditions, and regulations in Brazil's system of nobility were co-opted directly from the Portuguese aristocracy. During Pedro I's reign there were no clear requisites for someone to be ennobled. During Pedro II's reign (apart from the Regency period during which the regent could not grant titles or honors) the nobility evolved into a meritocracy with titles granted in recognition of an individual's outstanding service to the Empire or for the public good. Noble rank did not represent "recognition of illustrious ancestry."
It was the emperor's right, as head of the executive branch, to grant titles and honors. The titles of nobility were, in ascending order: baron, viscount, count, marquis, and duke. Apart from position in the hierarchy there were other distinctions between the ranks: counts, marquises and dukes were considered "Grandees of the Empire" while the titles of barons and viscounts could be bestowed "with Greatness" or "without Greatness". All ranks of the Brazilian nobility were to be addressed as Excelência (Excellency).
Between 1822 and 1889, 986 people were ennobled. Only three became dukes: Auguste de Beauharnais, 2nd Duke of Leuchtenberg (as Duke of Santa Cruz, brother-in-law to Pedro I), Dona Isabel Maria de Alcântara Brasileira (as Duchess of Goiás, illegitimate daughter of Pedro I) and lastly Luís Alves de Lima e Silva (as Duke of Caxias, commander-in-chief during the Paraguayan War). The other titles granted were as follows: 47 marquises, 51 counts, 146 viscounts "with Greatness", 89 viscounts "without Greatness", 135 barons "with Greatness" and 740 barons "without Greatness" resulting in a total of 1,211 noble titles. There were fewer nobles than noble titles because many were elevated more than once during their lifetime, such as the Duke of Caxias who was first made a baron, then a count, then a marquis and finally was elevated to a duke. Grants of nobility were not limited to male Brazilians: Thomas Cochrane, 10th Earl of Dundonald, a Scot, was made Marquis of Maranhão for his role in the Brazilian War of Independence, and 29 women received grants of nobility in their own right. As well as being unrestricted by gender, no racial distinctions were made in conferring noble status. Caboclos, mulattoes, blacks and even Indians were ennobled.
The lesser nobility, who were untitled, were made up of members of the Imperial Orders. There were six of these: the Order of Christ, the Order of Saint Benedict of Aviz, the Order of Saint James of the Sword, the Order of the Southern Cross, the Order of Pedro I and the Order of the Rose. The first three had grades of honor beyond the Grand Master (reserved for the Emperor only): knight, commander and grand cross. The latter three, however, had different ranks: the Order of the Southern Cross with four, the Order of the Rose with six, and the Order of Pedro I with three.
Religion
Article five of the Constitution declared Catholicism to be the state religion. However, the clergy had long been understaffed, undisciplined and poorly educated, all of which led to a general loss of respect for the Catholic Church. During Pedro II's reign, the Imperial government embarked upon a program of reform designed to address these deficiencies. As Catholicism was the official religion, the emperor exercised a great deal of control over Church affairs and paid clerical stipends, appointed parish priests, nominated bishops, ratified papal bulls and supervised seminaries. In pursuing reform, the government selected bishops whose moral fitness, stance on education and support for reform met with their approval. However, as more capable men began to fill the clerical ranks, resentment of government control over the Church increased. Catholic clerics moved closer to the pope and his doctrines. This resulted in the Religious Issue, a series of clashes during the 1870s between the clergy and the government, since the former wanted a more direct relationship with Rome and the latter sought to maintain its oversight of Church affairs.
The Constitution did allow followers of other, non-Catholic, faiths to practice their religious beliefs, albeit only in private. The construction of non-Catholic places of worship was officially forbidden. From the outset these restrictions were ignored by both the citizenry and authorities. In Belém, Pará's capital, the first synagogue was built in 1824. Jews migrated to Brazil soon after its independence and settled mainly in the northeastern provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco and in the northern provinces of Amazonas and Pará. Other Jewish groups came from the Alsace–Lorraine region of Germany and from Russia. By the 1880s, there were several Jewish communities and synagogues scattered throughout Brazil.
The Protestants were another group that began settling in Brazil at the beginning of the 19th century. The first Protestants were English, and an Anglican church was opened in Rio de Janeiro in 1820. Others were established afterwards in São Paulo, Pernambuco and Bahia provinces. They were followed by German and Swiss Lutherans who settled in the South and Southwest regions and built their own houses of worship. Following the U.S. Civil War in the 1860s, immigrants from the southern United States seeking to escape Reconstruction settled in São Paulo. Several American churches sponsored missionary activities, including Lutherans, Baptists, Congregationalists, and Methodists.
Among African slaves, Catholicism was the religion of the majority. Most slaves came originally from the midwestern and southwestern portions of the African coast. For over four centuries this region had been the subject of Christian mission activities. Some Africans and their descendants, however, held onto elements of polytheistic religious traditions by merging them with Catholicism. This resulted in the creation of syncretic creeds such as Candomblé. Islam was also practiced among a small minority of African slaves, although it was harshly repressed and by the end of the 19th century had been completely extinguished. By the beginning of the 19th century, the Indians in most of eastern Brazil had been either assimilated or decimated. Some tribes resisted assimilation and either fled farther west, where they were able to maintain their diverse polytheistic beliefs, or were restricted to aldeamentos (reservations), where they eventually converted to Catholicism.
Culture
Visual arts
See also: Brazilian academic artAccording to historian Ronald Raminelli, "visual arts underwent huge innovations in the Empire in comparison to the colonial period." With independence in 1822, painting, sculpture and architecture were influenced by national symbols and the monarchy, as both surpassed religious themes in their importance. The previously dominant old Baroque style was superseded by Neoclassicism. New developments appeared, such as the use of iron in architecture and the appearance of lithography and photography, which revitalized the visual arts.
The government's creation of the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts in the 1820s played a pivotal role in influencing and expanding the visual arts in Brazil, mainly by educating generations of artists but also by serving as a stylistic guideline. The academy's origins lay in the foundation of the Escola Real das Ciências, Artes e Ofícios (Royal School of the Sciences, Arts and Crafts) in 1816 by the Portuguese King John VI. Its members—of whom the most famous was Jean-Baptiste Debret—were French émigrées who worked as painters, sculptors, musicians and engineers. The school's main goal was to encourage French aesthetics and the Neoclassical style to replace the prevalent baroque style. Plagued by a lack of funds since its inception, the school was later renamed as the Academy of Fine Arts in 1820, and in 1824 received its final name under the Empire: Imperial Academy of Fine Arts.
It was only following Pedro II's majority in 1840, however, that the academy became a powerhouse, part of the Emperor's greater scheme of fomenting a national culture and consequently uniting all Brazilians in a common sense of nationhood. Pedro II would sponsor the Brazilian culture through several public institutions funded by the government (not restricted to the Academy of Fine Arts), such as Brazilian Historic and Geographic Institute and Imperial Academy of Music and National Opera. That sponsorship would pave the way not only for the careers of artists, but also for those engaged in other fields, including historians such as Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen and musicians such as the operatic composer Antônio Carlos Gomes.
By the 1840s, Romanticism had largely supplanted Neoclassicism, not only in painting, but also in sculpture and architecture. The academy did not resume its role of simply providing education: prizes, medals, scholarships in foreign countries and funding were used as incentives. Among its staff and students were some of the most renowned Brazilian artists, including Simplício Rodrigues de Sá, Félix Taunay, Manuel de Araújo Porto-alegre, Pedro Américo, Victor Meirelles, Rodolfo Amoedo, Almeida Júnior, Rodolfo Bernardelli, and João Zeferino da Costa. In the 1880s, after having been long regarded as the official style of the academy, Romanticism declined, and other styles were explored by a new generation of artists. Among the new genres was Landscape art, the most famous exponents of which were Georg Grimm, Giovanni Battista Castagneto, França Júnior, and Antônio Parreiras. Another style which gained popularity in the fields of painting and architecture was Eclecticism.
Literature and theater
In the first years after independence, Brazilian literature was still heavily influenced by Portuguese literature and its predominant Neoclassical style. In 1837, Gonçalves de Magalhães published the first work of Romanticism in Brazil, beginning a new era in the nation. The next year, 1838, saw the first play performed by Brazilians with a national theme, which marked the birth of Brazilian theater. Until then themes were often based on European works even if not performed by foreign actors. Romanticism at that time was regarded as the literary style that best fitted Brazilian literature, which could reveal its uniqueness when compared to foreign literature. During the 1830s and 1840s, "a network of newspapers, journals, book publishers and printing houses emerged which together with the opening of theaters in the major towns brought into being what could be termed, but for the narrowness of its scope, a national culture".
Romanticism reached its apogee between the late 1850s and the early 1870s as it divided into several branches, including Indianism and sentimentalism. The most influential literary style in 19th-century Brazil, many of the most renowned Brazilian writers were exponents of Romanticism: Manuel de Araújo Porto Alegre, Gonçalves Dias, Gonçalves de Magalhães, José de Alencar, Bernardo Guimarães, Álvares de Azevedo, Casimiro de Abreu, Castro Alves, Joaquim Manuel de Macedo, Manuel Antônio de Almeida, and Alfredo d'Escragnolle Taunay. In theater, the most famous Romanticist playwrights were Martins Pena and Joaquim Manuel de Macedo. Brazilian Romanticism did not have the same success in theater as it had in literature, as most of the plays were either Neoclassic tragedies or Romantic works from Portugal or translations from Italian, French or Spanish. After the opening of the Brazilian Dramatic Conservatory in 1845, the government gave financial aid to national theater companies in exchange for staging plays in Portuguese.
By the 1880s, Romanticism was superseded by new literary styles. The first to appear was Realism, which had among its most notable writers Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis and Raul Pompeia. Newer styles that coexisted with Realism, Naturalism and Parnassianism, were both connected to the former's evolution. Among the best-known Naturalists were Aluísio Azevedo and Adolfo Caminha. Notable Parnassians were Gonçalves Crespo, Alberto de Oliveira, Raimundo Correia, and Olavo Bilac. Brazilian theater became influenced by Realism in 1855, decades earlier than the style's impact upon literature and poetry. Famous Realist playwrights included José de Alencar, Quintino Bocaiuva, Joaquim Manuel de Macedo, Júlia Lopes de Almeida, and Maria Angélica Ribeiro. Brazilian plays staged by national companies competed for audiences alongside foreign plays and companies. Performing arts in Imperial Brazil also encompassed the staging of musical duets, dancing, gymnastics, comedy and farces. Less prestigious, but more popular with the working classes were puppeteers and magicians, as well as the circus, with its travelling companies of performers, including acrobats, trained animals, illusionists, and other stunt-oriented artists.
See also
- Monarchies in the Americas
- List of titles and honours of the Brazilian Crown
- Imperial Regalia of Brazil
- Imperial Crown of Brazil
- Second Reign
- First Reign
Endnotes
- The matter of the contested regions were later settled peacefully in favor of Brazil's pretentions. The exception was the border with Argentina next to the Brazilian province of Santa Catarina, in which half of its territory were divided amicably between Brazil and its neighbor. The current-day state of Acre, formerly part of Bolivia, was purchased by Brazil in 1903 and had not been claimed during the imperial era.
- The only exceptions regarding border disputes in the north and west were minor diplomatic disputes with France and Britain in the northern region. During the 1830s, both countries occupied and unsuccessfully attempted to claim some areas in the north as part of their colonial empires. See Viana 1994, p. 575.
Footnotes
- Verona, Ana Paula; Dias Júnior, Claudio Santiago (2018). "Os indígenas nos Censos Demográficos brasileiros pré-1991". Revista Brasileira de Estudos de População (in Portuguese). 35 (3). doi:10.20947/s0102-3098a0058. ISSN 0102-3098.
- "Área Territorial Brasileira". www.ibge.gov.br (in Portuguese). Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. Retrieved 16 October 2016.
A primeira estimativa oficial para a extensão superficial do território brasileiro data de 1889. O valor de 8,337,218 km (3,219,018 sq mi) foi obtido a partir de medições e cálculos efetuados sobre as folhas básicas da Carta do Império do Brasil, publicada em 1883.
- Viana 1994, pp. 42–44.
- Viana 1994, pp. 59, 65, 66, 78, 175, 181, 197, 213, 300.
- Barman 1988, pp. 43–44.
- Barman 1988, p. 72.
- Viana 1994, p. 396.
- Barman 1988, pp. 75, 81–82.
- Viana 1994, pp. 399, 403.
- Viana 1994, pp. 408–408.
- Barman 1988, p. 96.
- Viana 1994, pp. 417–418.
- Barman 1988, pp. 101–102.
- Viana 1994, pp. 420–422.
- Barman 1988, pp. 104–106.
- Barman 1988, p. 128.
- ^ Barman 1988, p. 131.
- Barman 1988, p. 142.
- Barman 1988, p. 151.
- Barman 1988, pp. 148–149.
- Barman 1999, pp. 18–19.
- Barman 1999, p. 19.
- Barman 1988, p. 159.
- Barman 1988, p. 160.
- Barman 1988, pp. 161–163.
- Barman 1999, p. 61.
- Barman 1988, pp. 179–180.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 317.
- Barman 1999, p. 64.
- Barman 1999, p. 58.
- Barman 1999, pp. 68–73.
- Barman 1999, p. 49.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 109.
- Barman 1999, p. 114.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 123.
- Barman 1999, p. 122.
- Barman 1999, pp. 122–123.
- Barman 1999, p. 124.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 125.
- Barman 1999, p. 126.
- Carvalho 2007, pp. 102–103.
- Levine 1999, pp. 63–64.
- See:
- Bethell 1993, p. 76;
- Graham 1994, p. 71;
- Skidmore 1999, p. 48.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 159.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 343.
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 182.
- Barman 1999, p. 162.
- See:
- Barman 1999, p. 166;
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 188;
- Nabuco 1975, pp. 167–169.
- Barman 1999, p. 166.
- Nabuco 1975, p. 162.
- Nabuco 1975, p. 313.
- Nabuco 1975, pp. 346, 370, 373, 376.
- Nabuco 1975, p. 346.
- Nabuco 1975, pp. 364–365.
- Nabuco 1975, p. 378.
- Nabuco 1975, pp. 374–376.
- Barman 1999, p. 192.
- See:
- Calmon 1975, p. 678;
- Carvalho 2007, pp. 103–145;
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 207.
- See:
- Calmon 1975, pp. 678–681;
- Carvalho 2007, p. 104
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 208.
- Calmon 1975, p. 680.
- Doratioto 2002, pp. 98, 203.
- Calmon 1975, p. 684.
- See:
- Calmon 1975, p. 691;
- Carvalho 2007, p. 105;
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 211.
- See:
- Barman 1999, p. 197;
- Carvalho 2007, p. 108;
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 219.
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 220.
- See:
- Barman 1999, p. 198;
- Carvalho 2007, p. 109;
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, pp. 224–225.
- Carvalho 2007, p. 109.
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 227.
- Calmon 1975, p. 748.
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 237.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 222.
- Nabuco 1975, p. 592.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 223.
- Nabuco 1975, p. 666.
- Barman 1999, pp. 229–230.
- Doratioto 2002, p. 461.
- Doratioto 2002, p. 462.
- Calmon 2002, p. 201.
- Munro 1942, p. 276.
- Barman 1999, p. 243.
- ^ Lira 1977, Vol 2, p. 9.
- Barman 1999, p. 240.
- Barman 1999, p. 235.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 238.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 261.
- Barman 1999, pp. 234, 317.
- Barman 1999, p. 318.
- See:
- Hahner 1978, pp. 254–271;
- Barman 1999, p. 319;
- Topik 2000, p. 51.
- Barman 1999, p. 298–299.
- Barman 1999, p. 299.
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 126.
- Barman 1999, p. 399.
- Barman 1999, pp. 262–263.
- Barman 1999, p. 130.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 262.
- Barman 1999, p. 268.
- Barman 1999, p. 349.
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 121.
- See:
- Ermakoff 2006, p. 189;
- Carvalho 2007, p. 206;
- Munro 1942, p. 279.
- ^ Carvalho 2007, p. 195.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 353.
- Barman 1999, pp. 353–355.
- ^ Topik 2000, p. 56.
- Barman 1999, p. 341.
- Barman 1999, p. 346.
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 78.
- See:
- Barman 1999, pp. 348–349;
- Carvalho 2007, p. 190;
- Schwarcz 1998, p. 438.
- Barman 1999, p. 351.
- Barman 1999, p. 355.
- Barman 1999, p. 356.
- Barman 1999, pp. 353–356.
- Ermakoff 2006, p. 189.
- Schwarcz 1998, p. 450.
- See:
- Barman 1999, p. 360;
- Calmon 1975, p. 1611;
- Carvalho 2007, p. 218;
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 104.
- Schwarcz 1998, p. 459.
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 96.
- Besouchet 1993, p. 538.
- Barman 1999, p. 361.
- See:
- Calmon 1975, pp. 1603–1604;
- Carvalho 2007, p. 217;
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 99.
- Carvalho 2007, p. 220.
- Salles 1996, p. 194.
- Barman 1999, p. 394.
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, pp. 119–120.
- ^ Barman 1988, p. 132.
- Barman 1988, pp. 132–133.
- ^ Barman 1988, p. 133.
- Viana 1994, p. 476.
- Carvalho 1993, p. 42.
- Nabuco 1975, p. 712.
- ^ Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 59.
- ^ Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 60.
- Dolhnikoff 2005, pp. 64, 97.
- ^ Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 97.
- Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 99.
- Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 100.
- ^ Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 102.
- Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 103.
- Dolhnikoff 2005, pp. 110–112.
- Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 118.
- Dolhnikoff 2005, p. 83.
- Dolhnikoff 2005, pp. 118–119.
- Rodrigues 1863, pp. 134–135.
- Carvalho 2008, p. 29.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 223.
- ^ Barman 1988, p. 124.
- ^ Carvalho 2008, p. 30.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 139.
- ^ Carvalho 2008, p. 31.
- ^ Carvalho 1993, p. 46.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 224.
- See:
- Carvalho 1993, p. 46;
- Carvalho 2008, p. 30;
- Vainfas 2002, p. 224.
- ^ Carvalho 2007, p. 180.
- Carvalho 1993, p. 48.
- Carvalho 2008, p. 39.
- Carvalho 2008, p. 33.
- Carvalho 1993, p. 51.
- Carvalho 2002, p. 84–85.
- Carvalho 2002, p. 91.
- Rodrigues 1863, pp. 79, 117.
- ^ Carvalho 2007, p. 193.
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 84.
- Pedrosa 2004, p. 289.
- Holanda 1974, pp. 241–242.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 548.
- Calmon 2002, p. 265.
- Parkinson 2008, p. 128.
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 70.
- Lira 1977, Vol 3, p. 69.
- Barman 1999, p. 321.
- Carvalho 2007, p. 196.
- Topik 2000, pp. 64, 66, 235.
- Green 2020, p. 309.
- Wiese Randig 2017, p. 505.
- Wiese Randig 2017, p. 518.
- Wiese Randig 2017, p. 519.
- Rodrigues 1975, pp. 174, 177, 180, 181, 182.
- Rodrigues 1975, p. 148.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 301.
- Viana 1994, p. 525.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 302.
- Viana 1994, p. 578.
- Viana 1994, p. 575.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 329.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 323–324.
- Smith 2010, p. 7.
- Smith 2010, p. 18.
- Barman 1999, p. 306.
- Rodrigues 1995, p. 208.
- Topik 2000, p. 60.
- Barman 1999, p. XVI.
- Graça Filho 2004, p. 21.
- Sodré 2004, p. 201.
- Fausto & Devoto 2005, p. 47.
- Fausto & Devoto 2005, p. 50.
- Lira 1977, Vol 1, p. 200.
- Barman 1988, pp. 218, 236, 237.
- Topik 2000, p. 19.
- ^ Fausto & Devoto 2005, p. 46.
- Topik 2000, p. 33.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 250.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 251.
- Fausto 1995, p. 239.
- Calmon 2002, p. 368.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 538.
- ^ Lira 1977, Vol 2, p. 13.
- Vasquez 2007, p. 38.
- Viana 1994, p. 496.
- Calmon 2002, p. 222.
- Calmon 2002, p. 225.
- Calmon 2002, p. 226.
- Lira 1977, Vol 2, p. 309.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 539.
- Calmon 2002, p. 366.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 131.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 132.
- Scully 1868, pp. 146–147.
- Scully 1868, p. 151.
- Scully 1868, p. 357.
- Scully 1868, p. 274.
- Scully 1868, p. 227.
- Scully 1868, p. 294.
- Scully 1868, p. 287.
- Scully 1868, p. 299.
- Scully 1868, p. 368.
- Scully 1868, p. 198.
- Scully 1868, p. 318.
- Scully 1868, pp. 362–363.
- Scully 1868, p. 345.
- Scully 1868, p. 267.
- Scully 1868, p. 331.
- Scully 1868, p. 306.
- Scully 1868, p. 234.
- Scully 1868, p. 255.
- Scully 1868, pp. 247–248.
- Scully 1868, p. 262.
- Scully 1868, p. 215.
- Scully 1868, p. 189.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 133.
- ^ Baer 2002, p. 341.
- ^ Ramos 2003, p. 82.
- Coelho 1996, p. 268.
- Vesentini 1988, p. 117.
- See:
- Adas 2004, p. 268;
- Azevedo 1971, pp. 2–3;
- Barsa 1987, Vol 4, p. 230;
- Coelho 1996, p. 268;
- Moreira 1981, p. 108;
- Ramos 2003, p. 65;
- Vesentini 1988, p. 117.
- See:
- Ramos 2003, p. 84;
- Vainfas 2002, p. 133;
- Barsa 1987, Vol 4, pp. 254–255, 258, 265.
- ^ Moreira 1981, p. 108.
- Azevedo 1971, pp. 74–75.
- Barsa 1987, Vol 10, p. 355.
- Azevedo 1971, p. 74.
- ^ Azevedo 1971, p. 161.
- Ramos 2003, p. 84.
- "Censo de 1872 é disponibilizado ao público". Portal Brasil. Archived from the original on 22 January 2016. Retrieved 15 October 2022.
- Rodarte, Mario Marcos Sampaio; Paiva, Clotilde Andrade; Godoy, Marcelo Magalhães (2012). "Publicação Crítica do Recenseamento Geral do Império do Brasil de 1872" (PDF). Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. Archived from the original (PDF) on 14 March 2022. Retrieved 15 October 2022.
- Indústria, Brasil Ministério da (1898). "Synopse do recenseamento de 31 de dezembro de 1890". Federal Senate. Retrieved 17 November 2022.
- ^ Viana 1994, p. 511.
- Ramos 2003, p. 37.
- Viana 1994, p. 512.
- Viana 1994, p. 513.
- Viana 1994, pp. 513–514.
- Viana 1994, p. 515.
- Viana 1994, p. 517.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 351.
- ^ Viana 1994, p. 633.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 353.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 351–352.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 18, 239.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 237–238.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 29.
- Boxer 2002, pp. 113–114, 116.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 30.
- Boxer 2002, pp. 185–186.
- Boxer 2002, p. 117.
- Boxer 2002, p. 206.
- Boxer 2002, p. 169.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 238–239.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 239.
- Besouchet 1985, p. 167.
- Fausto 1995, pp. 238–239.
- Olivieri 1999, p. 43.
- Barman 1988, p. 194.
- Carvalho 2007, p. 130.
- Alencastro 1997, pp. 87–88.
- Besouchet 1985, p. 170.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 553.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 554.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 11.
- ^ Viana 1968, p. 208.
- Barman 1999, p. 139.
- Viana 1968, p. 220.
- Viana 1968, p. 216.
- Viana 1968, pp. 204, 206.
- Viana 1968, p. 218.
- Viana 1968, p. 219.
- Viana 1968, p. 221.
- Barman 1999, p. 77.
- Viana 1968, p. 217.
- ^ Schwarcz 1998, p. 191.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 126.
- ^ Barman 1999, p. 254.
- ^ Carvalho 2007, p. 151.
- Carvalho 2007, p. 150.
- Barman 1999, pp. 254–256.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 450.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 450–451.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 451.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 596.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 596–597.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 31.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 114–115.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 30–31.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 170.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 83.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 84.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 22.
- Schwarcz 1998, pp. 126–127.
- Schwarcz 1998, p. 126.
- Schwarcz 1998, p. 152.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 285.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 123.
- ^ Schwarcz 1998, p. 145.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 85.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 482.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 661.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 482–483.
- Barman 1988, p. 237.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 483.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 513.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 484.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 691.
- Vainfas 2002, pp. 483–484.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 692.
- ^ Vainfas 2002, p. 693.
- Vainfas 2002, p. 694.
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External links
- Media related to Empire of Brazil at Wikimedia Commons