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Arab Jews
اليهود العرب

Regions with significant populations
Morocco	2,200
Tunisia	1,100
UAE	100
Lebanon	60
Algeria	50
Bahrain	36-50
Egypt	12
Iraq	4
Syria	0
Yemen	0
Languages
Arabic, Judeo-Arabic, Hebrew (within Israel)
Religion
Judaism, atheism

Part of a series on
Arabic culture
ArchitectureStyles Islamic Yemeni Nabataean Umayyad Abbasid Fatimid Moorish Mamluk Features Ablaq Alfiz Arabesque Arabic dome Banna'i Gardens Girih Horseshoe arch Howz Hypostyle Islamic calligraphy Islamic geometric patterns Islamic ornament Iwan Liwan Mashrabiya Riad Mosaic Multifoil arch Muqarnas Nagash painting Qadad Reflecting pool Riwaq Sahn Socarrat Stucco decoration Tadelakt Vaulting Voussoir Windcatcher Zellij Types Albarrana tower Alcázar Bazaar Caravanserai Bimaristan Hammam Kasbah Madrasa Maqam Mazar Mosque Medina quarter Qalat Ribat Sabil Shadirvan Tekyeh Well house Zawiya
ArtStyles Ancient South Arabian art Nabataean art Islamic art Fatimid art Mamluk art Types Arabic calligraphy Arabic graffiti Arab carpet Arabic miniature Arabic pottery Palestinian wood carving Islamic embroidery Islamic hardstone carving Islamic garden Islamic glass Islamic ivory carving Islamic Metalwork Features Arabesque Arabic geometric patterns Banna'i Damascus steel Damask Girih tiles Hedwig glass Kiswah Muqarnas Pseudo-Arabic Zellij
Cuisine Khalij (Arabian Peninsula) Arab Mashriq (Levant) Mashriq (Mesopotamia) Mawset (Egypt) Mawset (Sudan) Arab Maghreb (North Africa)
DressHeadwear Agal Battoulah Haik Keffiyeh Litham Madhalla Taqiyah Tantour Tarboush (fez) Turban Clothing Abaya Bisht Burnous Djellaba Durra'ah Fouta towel Izaar Jellabiya Kaftan Macawis Robe of honour Sirwal Takchita Thawb Tiraz
MusicTheory Arabic maqam Arab tone system Algerian scale Rhythm in Arabic music Taqsim Jins Lazma Teslim Quarter tone Arabic musical instruments Great Book of Music Kitab al-Aghani Genres Arabic pop Arabic hip hop Arabic rock Arabic jazz Classical Arab music Opera Al Jeel Khaliji Raï Art music Andalusian classical music Andalusi nubah Bashraf Dawr Dulab Layali Malhun Iraqi maqam Mawwal Muwashshah Qasidah Qudud Halabiya Sama'i Tahmilah Taqsim Waslah Folk Ataaba Algerian Raï Bedouin Chaabi (Algeria) Chaabi (Morocco) Egyptian folk Fann at-Tanbura Fijiri Gnawa (North Africa) Liwa Mawwal Mezwed Samri Sawt Shaabi Zajal
Dance Ardah Belly dance Dabke Deheyeh Guedra Hagallah Khaleegy Liwa Mizmar Ouled Nail Raqs Sharqi Samri Shamadan Schikhatt Tahtib Tanoura Yowlah Zār
Scripts Old Arabic Nabataean Arabic Paleo-Arabic Classical Arabic Modern Standard Arabic
LiteratureProse Epic literature Saj (ryhmed prose) Maqama Love in Arabic literature Arabic erotic literature Arabic grimoires Literary_criticism Arabic short story Tabaqat Tezkire Rihla Mirrors for princes Islamic Quran Tafsir Hadith Sīra Fiqh Aqidah Poetry Anthologies Poets Pre-Islamic Arabic poetry Modern Arabic poetry Genres Madih Hija Rithā' Waṣf Ghazal Khamriyyah Tardiyyah Khawal Fakhr Hamasah Forms Diwan Qasida Muwashshah Urjūza Mathnawi Ruba'i Nasīb Riddles Kharja Zajal Mawwal Nabati Ghinnawa Humayni Arabic prosody Bayt Ṭawīl Madīd Basīṭ Kamil Wāfir Hazaj Rajaz Ramal Munsariħ Khafīf Muqtaḍab Mujtathth Muḍāriʿ Sarīʿ Mutaqārib Mutadārik National literatures of Arab States Algeria Bahrain Comoros Djibouti Egypt Iraq Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Mauritania Morocco Oman Palestine Qatar Saudi Arabia Somalia Sudan Syria Tunisia U.A.E. Yemen
Science Arabic chemistry Arabic astrology Arabic astronomy Arabic geography Arabic Golden Age Arabic mathematics Arabic medicine Arabic psychology Arabic technology
Philosophy Early Arabic Philosophy Islamic Aristotelianism Islamic Platonism Islamic Logic Kalam Sufi metaphysics Sufi philosophy Farabism Avicennism Averroism Concepts Al-aql al-faal Aql bi-l-fi'l Al-Insān al-Kāmil Dhati Peace Arcs of Descent and Ascent Asabiyyah Hal Irfan Nafs Qadar Qalb Texts Liber de Causis The Theology of Aristotle Al-isharat The Book of the Apple Encyclopedia of the Brethren of Purity The Incoherence of the Philosophers The Incoherence of the Incoherence Hayy ibn Yaqdhan Theologus Autodidactus On the Harmony of Religions and Philosophy Muqaddimah Sicilian Questions Fusus al-Hikam
Mythology Ababil Atlantis of the Sands Bahamut Beast of the Earth Book of Idols Book of Wonders Buraq Dandan Falak Ghoul Hinn Houri Ifrit Iram of the Pillars Jinn Karkadann Kujata Luqman Magic carpet Marid Mount Qaf Nasnas One Thousand and One Nights Qareen Qutrub Roc Shaddad Shadhavar Shams al-Ma'arif She-Camel of God Wāḳwāḳ Zulfiqar Zarqa al Yamama Fictional Arab people Aladdin Abdul Alhazred Ali Baba Altaïr Ibn-La'Ahad Battal Gazi Hayy ibn Yaqdhan Kara Ben Nemsi King Marsile Layla and Majnun Othello Palamedes Princess Jasmine Ra's al Ghul Sindbad Talia al Ghul
SpiritualityNorth Arabian deities Allah Al-‘Uzzá Al-Lat Manāt Dushara Chaabou Manaf Nuha Al-Kutbay Asira Awal Azizos Bajir Quzah Manāt Manāt A'ra Abgal Aglibol Al-Qaum Atarsamain Baalshamin Bēl Hubal Suwa' Theandrios Wadd Malakbel Orotalt Ruda Sa'd Yarhibol Isāf and Nā'ila South Arabian deities Almaqah Amm Anbay Athtar Salman Dhat-Badan Haubas Ta'lab Qaynan Basamum Dhul Khalasa Haukim Nasr Sīn Ya'uq Yaghūth Yatha
v t e

Arab Jews (Template:Lang-ar al-Yahūd al-ʿArab; Template:Lang-he Yehudim `Aravim) are Jews living in or originating from the Arab world. The largest Jewish communities in the Arab world are in Morocco and Tunisia. Smaller Jewish populations of 100 people or less exist in Egypt, Algeria, Lebanon, Syria, Bahrain, Yemen, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar. Some Arab countries, such as Libya, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Oman and Jordan, are no longer home to any Jewish communities. As of 2018, Morocco had a Jewish population of 2,200, while Tunisia had a Jewish population of 1,100.

Jews living in Arab-majority countries speak Arabic, using one of the many Judeo-Arabic dialects as their primary community language, with Hebrew used for liturgical and cultural purposes (literature, philosophy, poetry, etc.). Many aspects of their culture (music, clothes, food, architecture of synagogues and houses, etc.) have commonality with local Arab populations. They usually follow Sephardi Jewish liturgy, and are (counting their descendants) by far the largest portion of Mizrahi Jews. Most of the population was either forced out, fled or voluntarily left after the founding of Israel in 1948, for the new Jewish state or to Western Europe, and a few went to the United States and Latin America. The term was not widely used until the modern era.

The term is controversial, as the vast majority of Jews with origins in Arab-majority countries do not identify as Arabs, and most Jews who lived amongst Arabs did not call themselves "Arab Jews" or view themselves as such. In recent decades, some Jews have self-identified as Arab Jews, such as Ella Shohat, who uses the term in contrast to the Zionist establishment's categorization of Jews as either Ashkenazim or Mizrahim; the latter, she believes, have been oppressed as the Arabs have. Other Jews, such as Albert Memmi, say that Jews in Arab countries would have liked to be Arab Jews, but centuries of abuse by Arab Muslims prevented it, and now it's too late. The term is mostly used by post-Zionists and Arab nationalists.

In culture

Until the middle of the 20th century Judeo-Arabic was commonly spoken. After arriving in Israel the Jews from Arab lands found that use of Judeo-Arabic was discouraged and its usage fell into disrepair. The population of Jews in Arab countries would decrease dramatically. Even those who remained in the Arab world tended to abandon Judeo-Arabic.

Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin argues that Jews from Arab lands were Arab in that they identified with Arab culture even if they did not identity as Arab Jews or with Arab nationalism.

In Arab nationalism

The term "Arab Jews" was used during the First World War by Jews of Middle Eastern origin living in western countries, to support their case that they were not Turks and should not be treated as enemy aliens. Today the term is sometimes used by newspapers and official bodies in some countries, to express the belief that Jewish identity is a matter of religion rather than ethnicity or nationality. Many Jews disagree with this, do not use the term and, where it appears to them to be calculated to deny the existence of a distinct Jewish identity in favour of reducing the Jewish diaspora to a religious entity, even consider it offensive. However, some Mizrahi activists, particularly those not born in Arab countries or who emigrated from them at a very young age, define themselves as Arab Jews. Notable writers on Arab-Jewish identity include Naeim Giladi, Ella Habiba Shohat, Sami Shalom Chetrit and David Rabeeya.

According to Salim Tamari, the term Arab Jew generally referred to a period of history when some Eastern Jews (Sephardic and Mizrahi) identified with the Arab national movement that emerged in the lead up to the dismantlement of the Ottoman empire, as early as the Ottoman administrative reforms of 1839, owing to shared language and culture with their Muslim and Christian compatriots in Ottoman Syria, Iraq, and Egypt.

In post-Zionism

The term Arab Jews has become part of the language of post-Zionism. The term was introduced by Ella Shohat. Ella Shohat argues Zionist historiography could not accept a hyphenated Arab-Jewish identity and embarked on a program to remove the Arabness and Orientalness of the Jews from the Arab world after they arrived in Israel. To insure homogeneity Zionist focused on religious commonality and a romanticized past. She argues that the use of the term Mizrahim is in some sense a Zionist achievement in that it created a single unitary identity separated from the Islamic world. Which replaced older multifaceted identities each linked to the Islamic world, including but not limited to identifying as Arab Jews. She argues that when Sephardi express hostility towards Arabs it is often due to self-hatred. Another argument that Shohat makes is that Israel is already demographically an Arab country.

Yehouda Shenhav's works are also considered to be among the seminal works of post-Zionism. Shenhav, an Israeli sociologist, traced the origins of the conceptualization of the Mizrahi Jews as Arab Jews. He interprets Zionism as an ideological practice with three simultaneous and symbiotic categories: "Nationality", "Religion" and "Ethnicity". In order to be included in the national collective they had to be "de-Arabized". According to Shenhav, Religion distinguished between Arabs and Arab Jews, thus marking nationality among the Arab Jews.

David Rabeeya argues that while the Zionist movement succeed in creating a Jewish state it did irreparable harm to Arab Jews and Palestinians. He argues that Israel has already entered a post-Zionist era in which the influence of Zionist Ashkenazim has declined. With many Jews of European origin choosing to leave the country as Israel becomes less Western. He also self-identified as an Arab Jew, extends that identification back even further, noting the long history of Arab Jews in the Arab world that remained in place after the dawn of Islam in the 7th century until midway through the 20th century. He writes that Arab Jews, like Arab Muslims and Arab Christians, were culturally Arab with religious commitments to Judaism. He notes that Arab Jews named their progeny with Arabic names and "Like every Arab, Arab Jews were proud of their Arabic language and its dialects, and held a deep emotional attachment to its beauty and richness."

David Tal argues that Shohat and her students faced great resistance from Mizrahim with few choosing to identify as Arab Jews. He argues that Shohat in a sense tried to impose an identity in the same way in which she criticized the Ashkenazi for doing.

Lital Levy argues that post-Zionism did more than revive the concept of the Arab Jew. Instead it created something new in so far as it is questionable that a pristine Arab Jew identity which could be reclaimed ever existed. Levy suggest that the contemporary intellectual who declare themselves to be Arab Jews are similar to Jewish intellectuals who between the late 1920s and 1940s did likewise in both cases these intellectuals were small in number and outside the mainstream of the Jewish community. Likewise in both cases the term was used for political purposes. A view shared by Emily Benichou Gottreich who argues that the term was used to push back against both Zionism and Arab nationalism which tended to view the categories of Jews and Arabs as mutually exclusive and as a way to show solidarity with the Palestinians.

Criticisms of the term "Arab Jews"

The principal argument against the term "Arab Jews", particularly among Jewish communities originating from Arab lands, is that Jews constitute a diaspora and ethnic group, not simply a "religious" group, and that use of the term "Arab" suggests otherwise.

A related argument is that Jewish communities in Arab lands never referred to themselves as "Arab Jews" and that it is only after the exit of most Jewish communities from such lands that the term has been proposed. In fact, in traditional texts composed by Middle Eastern Jews before the modern age, the name used for "Arabs" is usually "Ishmaelites", and the repeating motif is the view of the "Ishmaelites" as a foreign nation.

Dario Miccoli states that he does not use the term, seeing it as an anachronism. Jonathan Marc Gribetz cautions against the uncritical use of term in historiographical works, viewing it as non-typical.

The Jews were regarded and regarded themselves as an ethnic as well as a religious minority, similar to other ethnic minorities such as the Assyrians, Copts, Berbers or Kurds (although the latter two are not defined by religion either, as they may include members of all faiths), and none of these are today referred to or refer to themselves as "Arabs". Indeed, some of these communities referred originated as early as the Babylonian captivity (6th century BCE), antedating the Arab Muslim conquest by a millennium (to underscore this point, Iraqi Jews on some occasions prefer to call themselves "Babylonian Jews"). Rather, "Arab Jews" as a term was created no earlier than the rise of secular ethnic nationalism in the early twentieth century, when many Jews sought integration into the new national identities (Iraqi, Tunisian etc.) as an escape from their previous minority status, in much the same way as some nineteenth century German Jews preferred to identify as "Germans of the Mosaic faith" rather than as "Jews" and, even then, identification in national terms (with respect to the country) was far more common among Jews of this intellectual stream than was affinity to a pan-Arab identity.

Edith Haddad Shaked, Adjunct Faculty at Pima Community College in Arizona, has criticized the concept of the Arab Jew, arguing that there are Arab Muslims and Arab Christians, but there was not such a thing as an Arab Jew or a Jewish Arab, when the Jews lived among the Arabs.

These are false terms and false notions, according to Tunisia born expert on Maghrebien Jews, Professor Jacob Taieb, Sorbonne University, France. Tunisia born historian, Professor Paul Sebag, stated that “these terms were never used in Tunisia, and they do not do not correspond/coincident to the religious and socio-historical context/reality of the Jews in Tunisia/the Arab world.” Nowadays, one distinguishes between a Moslem Arab and a Christian Arab, and I think this caused some to invent, to facilitate matters, the terms: Arab Jew or Jewish Arab = Juif Arab or Arabe juif. The historical fact is, that the Arab component of the North African society was introduced during the conquest of the seventh century, after the establishment of North African Jewish communities.

In Arab countries, there are Jews among the Arabs, like in European and other countries, there are Jews among the French, Italian, Polish, German, American ... people. In North Africa, some Jews are arabophone, speaking a Judeo-Arabic language, and others are francophone, speaking French; and in some areas there are “arabized” Jews who dress quite like Arabs. The fact is that even when the Jewish community was culturally quite embedded in its Muslim Arab environment, Jews were always considered members of a socio-religious community minority, different and distinct from the Arab population, because of their Jewish cultural tradition, their common past, and the Judeo-arabic language - all of them separated them from the Arabs. And the Arabs saw the Jews, even the ones who spoke only Judeo-Arabic, as members of a socio-linguistic religious cultural community, different from theirs.

The Jews in Tunisia were able to maintain and reproduce their autonomous administrative, cultural and religious institutions, preserving intact their religious and communal identity. ... a cohesive, well-organized and structured Jewish community, who remained a separate entity from the Arabs and the French.”

For the generation born under the protectorate, the French language replaced Judeo-Arabic as the Tunisian Jews' mother tongue, causing, maybe, Memmi's daughter to ponder her own and her parents' identity when asking, "are you Arab father? Your mother speaks Arabic. And I, am I Arab, or French, or Jewish?

Clearly reflecting the Tunisian reality of three distinct social identity groups— les Français, les Arabes, les Juifs— which are, at the same time, national and religious.

In 1975, Albert Memmi wrote: "The term "Arab Jews" is obviously not a good one. I have adopted it for convenience. I simply wish to underline that as natives of those countries called Arab and indigenous to those lands well before the arrival of the Arabs, we shared with them, to a great extent, languages, traditions and cultures ... We would have liked to be Arab Jews. If we abandoned the idea, it is because over the centuries the Moslem Arabs systematically prevented its realization by their contempt and cruelty. It is now too late for us to become Arab Jews."

Proponents of the argument against "Arab Jews", including most Jews from Arab lands, do not seek to deny the strong Arabic cultural influence on Jews in those countries. In North Africa, some Jews spoke Judeo-Arabic languages while others spoke French; and in some areas there are still Jews who dress quite like Arabs. Their argument is that "Arabness" referred to more than just a common shared culture. One could therefore legitimately speak of “Arabized” Jews, or "Jews of Arab countries", just as one can speak of "English Jews" or "British Jews" or "Polish Jews", whereas many Jews would object to terms such as "Saxon Jews", "Celtic Jews", or "Slavic Jews" as the latter refer to ethnic groups and therefore, implicitly, deny the existence of a distinct Jewish ethnic identity. The term "Arab Jews" is seen as more akin to the latter, both by those who oppose it and, on occasion, by those who affirm it as a manner in which to deny so-called "Arab Jews" a distinct ethnic or national identity. A better translation of the traditional term Musta'arabim (Arabizers), used to distinguish the older Arabic-speaking communities of those countries from post-1492 Sephardim, would provide those who wish to refer to Jews from Arab lands with respect to linguistic and cultural markers, but do not wish to assert that there exists no Jewish diaspora or Jewish people.

Finally, a third view is that the term "Arab Jew" has a certain legitimacy, but should only describe the Jewish communities of Arabia itself, such as the Banu Qaynuqa of the time of Muhammad and, possibly, the Yemenite Jews: see Arab Jewish tribes. This view is typically put forward as stemming from the view of Arab identity as a geographical rather than ethno-linguistic or cultural but, because it refers to a far more restricted understanding of "Arab" geography as referring to the Arabian peninsula, comes into conflict with the modern pan-Arabism exemplified by the Arab League.

Jews of Arabia before Islam

Jewish populations have existed in the Arabian Peninsula since before Islam; in the north where they were connected to the Jewish populations of the Levant and Iraq, in the Ihsaa' coastal plains, and in the south, i.e. in Yemen.

There were three main Jewish tribes in Medina before the rise of Islam in Arabia: the Banu Nadir, the Banu Qainuqa, and the Banu Qurayza. Banu Nadir was hostile to Muhammad's new religion. Other Jewish tribes lived relatively peacefully under Muslim rule. Banu Nadir, the Banu Qainuqa, and the Banu Qurayza lived in northern Arabia, at the oasis of Yathribu until the 7th century, when the men were sentenced to death and women and children enslaved after betraying the pact made with the Muslims following the Invasion of Banu Qurayza by Muslim forces under Muhammad.

Arab Jews in Israel/Palestine

Prior to the modern Zionist movement, Jewish communities existed in the southern Levant that are now known as the Old Yishuv. The Old Yishuv was composed of three clusters: Ladino-speaking Sephardi Iberian emigrants to the late Mamluk Sultanate and early Ottoman Empire following the Spanish Inquisition; Eastern European Hasidic Jews who emigrated to Ottoman Palestine during the 18th and 19th centuries; and Judeo-Arabic-speaking Musta'arabi Jews who had been living in Palestine since the destruction of the Second Temple and who had become culturally and linguistically Arabized. As Zionist aliyah increased, the Musta'arabim were forced to chose sides, with some embracing the nascent Zionist movement and others embracing the Arab nationalist or Palestinian nationalist causes. Other Arab Jews left the Ottoman Empire entirely, joining Syrian-Jewish/Palestinian-Jewish emigrants to the United States. The descendants of the Palestinian Musta'arabim live in Israel, but have largely assimilated into the Sephardi community over time.

Arab-Jewish diaspora

Argentina

Arab Jews were part of the Arab migration to Argentina and played a part as a link between the Arab and Jewish communities of Argentina. Many of the Arab Jews in Argentina were from Syria and Lebanon. According to Ignacio Klich, an Argentine scholar of Arab and Jewish immigration, "Arabic-speaking Jews felt themselves to have a lot in common with those sharing the same place of birth and culture, not less than what bound them to the Yiddish-speakers praying to the same deity."

France

France is home to a large population of Arab Jews, predominantly with roots in Algeria.

United Kingdom

According to the 2011 United Kingdom census, 0.25% of Arabs in England and Wales and 0.05% of Arabs in Scotland identified their religion as Judaism.

United States

Many Arab-Jewish immigrants have settled in New York City and formed a Sephardi community. The community is centered in Brooklyn and is primarily composed of Syrian Jews. Other Arab Jews in New York City hail from Egypt, Israel, Lebanon, and Morocco. Arab Jews first began arriving in New York City in large numbers between 1880 and 1924. Most Arab immigrants during these years were Christian, while Arab Jews were a minority and Arab Muslims largely began migrating during the mid-1960s. When Syrian Jews first began to arrive in New York City during the late 1800s and early 1900s, Eastern European Ashkenazi Jews on the Lower East Side sometimes disdained their Syrian co-coreligionists as Arabische Yidden, Yiddish for "Arab Jews". Some Ashkenazim doubted whether Sephardi/Mizrahi Jews from the Middle East were Jewish at all. In response, some Syrian Jews who were deeply proud of their ancient Jewish heritage, derogatorily dubbed Ashkenazi Jews as "J-Dubs", a reference to the first and third letters of the English word "Jew". In the 1990 United States Census, there were 11,610 Arab Jews in New York City, comprising 23 percent of the total Arab population of the city. Arab Jews in the city sometimes still face anti-Arab racism. After the September 11 attacks, some Arab Jews in New York City were subjected to arrest and detention because they were suspected to be Islamist terrorists.

Notable Arab Jews

Arab converts to Judaism

• Nasrin Kadri, an Arab-Israeli singer who converted to Judaism from Islam.

Jews of Arab heritage

• Ella Shohat, who criticizes aspects of Zionism and uses the term in contrast to the Zionist establishment's categorization of Jews as either Ashkenazim or Mizrahim; Arab Jews, she believes, have been oppressed as the non-Jewish Arabs have.
• Sasson Somekh, professor at Tel Aviv University, in a recent memoir.
• André Azoulay, adviser to Moroccan King Mohammed VI.
• David Shasha, Director of the Center for Sephardic Heritage;
• Jordan Elgrably, director of the Levantine Cultural Center;
• Ammiel Alcalay, a professor at Queens College in New York who began emphasizing the importance of his identity as an Arab Jew in the 1990s.
• Ilan Halevi, described himself as "100% Jewish and 100% Arab."
• Rachel Shabi, journalist and author who has criticized the stigmatization of Arab-Jewish culture in Israel.

See also

• Arabization
• Canaanism
• History of the Jews under Muslim rule
• Jewish diaspora
• Jewish ethnic divisions
• Jewish tribes of Arabia
• Judeo-Arabic
• Mizrahi Jews
• Mozarabs
• Musta'arabi Jews
• Palestinian Jews
• Yemenite Jews

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External links

• Reuvin Snir The Arab Jews: Language, Poetry, and Singularity
• Judeus dos Países Árabes

• Arab Jews
• Arab groups
• Mizrahi Jews topics
• Jews and Judaism in the Arab world