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| {{Otheruses4|the Lord Protector of England from 1653 - 1658|other uses|Oliver Cromwell (disambiguation)}} | |||
| <!--Neither Cromwell was ROYAL-->{{Infobox Officeholder | |||
| | name = Oliver Cromwell | |||
| | honorific-suffix = MP | |||
| | image = Cooper, Oliver Cromwell.jpg | |||
| | caption = An unfinished ] of Oliver Cromwell by ], 1657 | |||
| | office = 1st ] of the ] | |||
| | term_start = December 16, 1653 | |||
| | term_end = September 3, 1658 | |||
| | predecessor = ] | |||
| | successor = ] | |||
| | term_start2 = 1640 | |||
| | term_end2 = 1642 | |||
| | monarch2 = ] | |||
| | constituency_MP2 = ] | |||
| | term_start3 = 1640 | |||
| | term_end3 = 1640 | |||
| | monarch3 = ] | |||
| | constituency_MP3 = ] | |||
| | term_start4 = 1628 | |||
| | term_end4 = 1629 | |||
| | monarch4 = ] | |||
| | constituency_MP4 = ] | |||
| | birth_date = {{Birth date|1599|4|25|df=yes}} | |||
| | birth_place = ], ] | |||
| | death_date = {{death date and age|1658|9|3|1599|4|25|df=y}} | |||
| | death_place = ], ] | |||
| | restingplace = ] | |||
| | nationality = ] | |||
| | spouse = ] | |||
| | relations = Robert Cromwell (Father)<br />Elizabeth Cromwell (Mother) | |||
| | children = Robert Cromwell<br />Oliver Cromwell<br />Bridget Cromwell<br />]<br />], Lord Deputy of Ireland<br />Elizabeth Cromwell<br />Mary Cromwell<br />Frances Cromwell | |||
| | alma_mater = ], ] | |||
| | occupation = ]; Military ] | |||
| | religious denomination = ] | |||
| | signature = Autograph-OliverCromwell.png | |||
| <!--Military service--> | |||
| | nickname = Old Ironsides | |||
| | allegiance = ] | |||
| | branch = ] ''(1643–1645)''; ] ''(1645–1646)'' | |||
| | serviceyears = 1643–1646 | |||
| | rank = Colonel ''(1643–bef. 1644)''; Lieutenant-General of Horse ''(bef. 1644–1645)''; Lieutenant-General of Cavalry ''(1645–1646)'' | |||
| | commands = Cambridgeshire ] ''(1643–bef. 1644)''; Eastern Association ''(bef. 1644–1645)''; New Model Army ''(1645–1646)'' | |||
| | battles = ]; ]; ]; ]; ] | |||
| }} | |||
| '''Oliver Cromwell''' (born April 25, 1599 ], died September 3, 1658 Old Style) was an ] ] and ] leader best known for his involvement in making ] into a ]an ] and for his later role as ] of England, ], and ]. He was one of the commanders of the ] which defeated the ] in the ]. After the execution of ] in 1649, Cromwell dominated the short-lived ], conquered Ireland and Scotland, and ruled as Lord Protector from 1653 until his death in 1658. | |||
| Cromwell was born into the ranks of the middle ], and remained relatively obscure for the first 40 years of his life, at times his lifestyle resembling that of a ] farmer until his finances were boosted thanks to an inheritance from his uncle. After undergoing a ] during the same decade, he made an ] style of ]ism a core tenet of his life. Cromwell was elected ] (MP) for ] in the ] (1640) and ], and later entered the ] on the side of the "]" or Parliamentarians. | |||
| An effective soldier (nicknamed "Old ]") he rose from leading a single ] troop to command of the entire ]. Cromwell was the third person to sign ] death warrant in 1649 and was an ] in the ] (1649-1653), being chosen by the Rump to take command of the English campaign in ] during 1649-50. He then led a campaign against the ] army between 1650-51. On April 20, 1653 he dismissed the Rump Parliament by force, setting up a short-lived nominated assembly known as the ] before being made Lord Protector of ], Scotland, and Ireland on 16 December 1653 until his death. He was buried in ], but when the ] in 1660, his corpse was ]. | |||
| Cromwell has been a very controversial figure in the ] – a ] ] to some historians (such as ] and ]) and a hero of ] to others (such as ] and ]). In Britain he was elected as one of the ] in a 2002 ] poll.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/tv_and_radio/2341661.stm |title=Ten greatest Britons chosen |publisher=BBC|accessdate=2008-11-27}}</ref> His measures against ] have been characterized by some historians as ] or near-genocidal,<ref name=near-genocidal>genocidal or near-genocidal: | |||
| *Breton Albert (ed). 1995, ''Nationalism and Rationality'', Cambridge University Press, Chapter ''Regulating nations and ethnic communities'' by Brendam O'Leary and John McGarry p 248. "Oliver Cromwell offered the Irish Catholics a choice between genocide and forced mass population transfer. They could go 'To Hell or to Connaught!'" | |||
| *Coogan Tim-Pat, . 2002. ''The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal and the Search for Peace''. ISBN 978-0312294182. Page 6. "The massacres by Catholics of Protestants, which occurred in the religious wars of the 1640s, were magnified for propagandist purposes to justify Cromwell's subsequent genocide." | |||
| *Ellis, Peter Berresford. 2002. ''Eyewitness to Irish History''. John Wiley & Sons Inc. Page 108. ISBN-13: 978-0471266334. "It was to be the justification for Cromwell's genocidal campaign and settlement." | |||
| *Levene Mark, 2005, ''Genocide in the Age of the Nation-State'', I.B.Tauris: London: "Considered overall, an Irish population collapse from 1.5 or possibly over 2 million inhabitants at the onset of the Irish wars in 1641, to no more than 850,000 eleven years later represents an absolutely devastating demographic catastrophe. Undoubted the largest proportion of this massive death toll did not arise from direct massacre but from hunger and then bubonic plagues, especially from the outbreak between 1649 and 1652. Even so, the relationship to the worst years of the fighting is all too apparent.<br />, and the parliamentary legislation which succeeded it the following year, is the nearest thing on paper in the English, and more broadly British, domestic record, to a programme of state-sanctioned and systematic ] of another people. The fact that it did not include 'total' genocide in its remit, or that it failed to put into practice the vast majority of its proposed expulsions, ultimately, however, says less about the lethal determination of its makers and more about the political, structural and financial weakness of the early modern English state. For instance, though the Act begins rather ominously by claiming that it was not its intention to extirpate the whole Irish nation, it then goes on to list five categories of people who, as participators in or alleged supporters of the 1641 rebellion and its aftermath, would automatically be forfeit of their lives. It has been suggested that as many as 100,000 people would have been liable under these headings. A further five categories - by implication an even larger body of 'passive' supporters of the rebellion - were to be spared their lives but not their property." | |||
| *Levene, Mark. 2005. ''Genocide in the Age of the Nation State: Volume 2''. Page 55, 56 & 57. A sample quote describes the Cromwellian campaign and settlement as "a conscious attempt to reduce a distinct ethnic population". ISBN-13: 978-1845110574 | |||
| *Levene, Mark and Roberts Penny. 1999, ''The Massacre in History'', Berghahn Books: Oxford: "Further evidence for a massacre-ridden civil war in Ireland appears to come from population figures. Though military and civilian deaths from civil war were not light in England or in Scotland, in neither country did war inflict a clear drop in population level. It was otherwise in Ireland. Up to 1641 the population had risen steadily: one million in 1500, 1.4 in 1600, 2.1 in 1641; but then there occurred a sharp fall so that numbers stood at 1.7 million by 1672. After this, renewed growth took the population to 2.2 million in 1687, and 2.8 in 1712. By far the greater part of this massive decline - some four hundred thousand people or 19% of the 1641 population - took place in the 1640s and 1650, and was the direct or indirect result of over a decade of warfare. Ireland's civil war death toll is comparable to the devastation suffered during the Second World War by countries such as the Soviet Union, Poland, or Yugoslavia, and suggests that the war-time massacres which so contributed to these horrific modern figures, also occurred in mid-seventeenth-century Ireland." | |||
| *Lutz,James M and Lutz Brenda J, 2004. ''Global Terrorism'', Routledge, London, p.193: "The draconian laws applied by Oliver Cromwell in Ireland were an early version of ]. The Catholic Irish were to be expelled to the northwestern areas of the island. Relocation rather than extermination was the goal." | |||
| <!-- | |||
| *Midlarsky, Manus I. 2005, ''The Killing Trap: Genocide in the Twentieth Century'' Page 101. "The ''existential'' nature of such conflict is emphasized by Schmitt: 'There exists no rational purpose, no norm no matter how true, no program no matter how exemplary, no social ideal no matter how beautiful, no legitimacy nor legality which could justify men in killing each other for this reason. ''If such physical destruction of human life is not motivated by an existential threat to one's own way of life, then it cannot be justified.(Carl Schmitt ''The Concept of the Political'' Page 49.)" | |||
| --> | |||
| *O'Leary, Brendan, Callaghy Thomas M., Ian S. Lustick, 2001, ''Right-Sizing the State: The Politics of Moving Borders'', Oxford University Press: "Ethnic expulsion is a right-peopling strategy, the intended, direct or indirect, forcible movement by state officials, or sanctioned paramilitaries, of the whole or part of a community from its current homeland, usually beyond the sovereign borders of the state. A population can also be forcibly 'repatriated', or pushed back towards its alleged 'homeland', as happened to blacks during the high tide of apartheid in South Africa. We may distinguish two paradigm forms: creating 'Serbian exiles', that is coerced transfers within a state or empire, and 'creating refugees', that is, the expulsion of populations beyond the sovereign border. Examples of the former include the treatment of indigenous peoples throughout the world; the Irish Catholics moved by Oliver Cromwell to Connaught during 1649-50 and after; and national minorities within the Soviet Union." | |||
| *Stewart, Frances. ''War and Underdevelopment: Economic and Social Consequences of Conflict v. 1'', (Queen Elizabeth House Series in Development Studies), Oxford University Press. 2000. "Faced with the prospect of an Irish alliance with Charles II, Cromwell carried out a series of massacres to subdue the Irish. Then, once Cromwell had returned to England, the English Commissary, General Henry Ireton, adopted a deliberate policy of crop burning and starvation, which was responsible for the majority of an estimated 600,000 deaths out of a total Irish population of 1,400,000." | |||
| ---- | |||
| *, Website (Based in the Netherlands), "Roman Catholic Irish were subdued to ethnic cleansing policy by Oliver Cromwell. After his suppression of a rebellion against the English in 1649 he ordered that the Irish were allowed to live west of the Shannon river only. During guerrilla warfare that followed thousands of Irish died or were sold as slaves to America. Cromwell had promised Irish land to the business investors and soldiers who had helped him perform his expeditions. The 'Act for the Attainder of the Rebels in Ireland' of 17 September 1656 is part of this programme. The land of rebels is attained and 'rebels' are defined in such a way that all Catholics match. By the end of 1656 four fifths of the Irish land was in Protestant hands."</ref> and in ] itself he is widely hated.<ref>"Of all these doings in Cromwell's Irish Chapter, each of us may say what he will. Yet to everyone it will at least be intelligible how his name came to be hated in the tenacious heart of Ireland". John Morley, Biography of Oliver Cromwell. Page 298. 1900 and 2001. ISBN-13: 978-1421267074.; "Cromwell is still a hate figure in Ireland today because of the brutal effectiveness of his campaigns in Ireland. Of course, his victories in Ireland made him a hero in Protestant England." British National Archives web site. Accessed March 2007; From a history site dedicated to the English Civil War. "... making Cromwell's name into one of the most hated in Irish history". Accessed March 2007. Site currently offline. WayBack Machine holds archive here </ref><ref> ; From the Channel 4 History site: "Cromwell's name has always been execrated by Irish Catholics for the massacre at Drogheda. He is also hated for the transplanting of Protestant settlers to Ireland, a policy established in the reign of Elizabeth I." Accessed March 2007.</ref> | |||
| ==Early years: 1599–1640== | |||
| Relatively few sources survive which tell us about the first forty years of Oliver Cromwell's life. He was born at Cromwell House in ] on 25 April 1599,<ref>{{cite web|author=David Plant |url=http://www.british-civil-wars.co.uk/biog/oliver-cromwell.htm |title=Oliver Cromwell 1599-1658 |publisher=British-civil-wars.co.uk |date= |accessdate=2008-11-27}}</ref> to Robert (c.1560-1617) and Elizabeth Steward. He was descended from Catherine Cromwell (born circa 1482), an older sister of ] statesman ]. Catherine was married to Morgan ap Williams, son of William ap Yevan of ] and Joan Tudor (] a granddaughter of ], which would make Oliver Cromwell a distant cousin of his Stuart foes). The family line continued through Richard Cromwell (c. 1500–1544), Henry Cromwell (c. 1524–6 January 1603), then to Oliver's father Robert Cromwell (c. 1560–1617), who married Elizabeth Steward or Stewart (1564–1654) on the day of Oliver Cromwell's birth. Thomas thus was Oliver's great-great-great-uncle.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.tudorplace.com.ar/CROMWELL.htm |title=Cromwell |publisher=Tudorplace.com.ar |date= |accessdate=2008-11-27}}</ref> | |||
| The social status of Cromwell's family at his birth was relatively low within the gentry class. His father was a younger son, and one of 10 siblings who survived into adulthood. As a result, Robert's inheritance was limited to a house at Huntingdon and a small amount of land. This land would have generated an income of up to £300 a year, near the bottom of the range of gentry incomes.<ref>Gaunt, p.31.</ref> Cromwell himself, much later in 1654, said "I was by birth a gentleman, living neither in considerable height, nor yet in obscurity".<ref>Speech to the First Protectorate Parliament, 4 September 1654, quoted in Roots, Ivan (1989). Speeches of Oliver Cromwell (Everyman's Classics), ISBN 0-460-01254-1, p.42.</ref> | |||
| Records survive of Cromwell's ] on 29 April 1599 at St. John's Church,<ref>British Civil Wars, Commonwealth and Proctectorate 1638-1660</ref> and his attendance at ]. He went on to study at ], which was then a recently founded college with a strong ] ethos. He left in June 1617 without taking a degree, immediately after the death of his father. Early biographers claim he then attended ], but there is no record of him in the Inn's archives. He is more likely to have returned home to Huntingdon, for his mother was widowed and his seven sisters were unmarried, and he, therefore, was needed to help his family.<ref>Morrill, John (1990). "The Making of Oliver Cromwell", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' (Longman), ISBN 0-582-01675-4, p.24.</ref> | |||
| On 22 August 1620 at St.Giles's church, Cripplegate, London,<ref>British Civil Wars, Commonwealthand Proctectorate 1638-1660</ref> Cromwell married ] (1598–1665). They had nine children: | |||
| *Robert (1621-1639), died while away at school. | |||
| *Oliver (1622-1644), died of ] while serving as a ] officer. | |||
| *Bridget (1624-1681), married (1) ], (2) ]. | |||
| *] (1626-1712), his father's successor as Lord Protector.<ref>Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1901). ''Oliver Cromwell'', ISBN 1-4179-4961-9, p.4; Gaunt, Peter (1996). ''Oliver Cromwell'' (Blackwell), ISBN 0-631-18356-6, p.23.</ref> | |||
| *] (1628-1674), later ]. | |||
| *Elizabeth (1629-1658), married ]. | |||
| *James (b. & d. 1632), died in infancy. | |||
| *Mary (1637-1713), married ]. | |||
| *Frances (1638-1720), married (1) Robert Rich, (2) ]. | |||
| Elizabeth's father, Sir James Bourchier, was a ] leather merchant who owned extensive land in ] and had strong connections with puritan gentry families there. The marriage brought Cromwell into contact with ] and also with leading members of the London merchant community, and behind them the influence of the earls of ] and ]. Membership in this influential network would prove crucial to Cromwell’s military and political career. At this stage, though, there is little evidence of Cromwell’s own religion. His letter in 1626 to Henry Downhall, an ] minister, suggests that Cromwell had yet to be influenced by radical puritanism.<ref name="autogenerated1">Morrill, p.34.</ref> However, there is evidence that Cromwell went through a period of personal crisis during the late 1620s and early 1630s. He sought treatment for ''valde melancolicus'' (]) from London doctor ] in 1628. He was also caught up in a fight among the gentry of Huntingdon over a new charter for the town, as a result of which he was called before the ] in 1630.<ref>Morrill, pp.24–33.</ref> | |||
| In 1631 Cromwell sold most of his properties in Huntingdon — probably as a result of the dispute — and moved to a farmstead in ]. This was a major step down in society compared to his previous position, and seems to have had a major emotional and spiritual impact. A 1638 letter survives from Cromwell to the wife of Oliver St John, and gives an account of his spiritual awakening. The letter outlines how, having been the "the chief of ]ners", Cromwell had been called to be among "the congregation of the firstborn".<ref name="autogenerated1" /> The language of this letter, which is saturated with biblical quotations and which represents Cromwell as having been saved from sin by God's mercy, places his faith firmly within the ] beliefs that the ] had not gone far enough, that much of England was still living in sin, and that ] beliefs and practices needed to be fully removed from the church. | |||
| ]]] | |||
| In 1636, Cromwell inherited control of various properties in ] from his uncle on his mother's side, as well as that uncle's job as ] collector for Ely Cathedral. As a result, his income is likely to have risen to around £300-400 per year;<ref>Gaunt, p.34.</ref> and, by the end of the 1630s, Cromwell had returned to the ranks of acknowledged gentry. He had become a committed puritan and had also established important family links to leading families in London and ]. | |||
| ==Member of Parliament: 1628–1629 and 1640–1642== | |||
| Cromwell became the Member of Parliament for ] in the Parliament of 1628–1629, as a client of the Montagus. He made little impression: records for the Parliament show only one speech (against the ] Bishop ]), which was poorly received.<ref>Morrill, pp.25-26.</ref> After dissolving this Parliament, ] ruled without a Parliament for the next eleven years. When Charles faced the Scottish rebellion known as the ], shortage of funds forced him to call a Parliament again in 1640. Cromwell was returned to this Parliament as member for ], but it lasted for only three weeks and became known as the ]. | |||
| A second Parliament was called later the same year. This was to become known as the ]. Cromwell was again returned to this Parliament as member for Cambridge. As with the Parliament of 1628-9, it is likely that Cromwell owed his position to the patronage of others, which would explain the fact that in the first week of the Parliament he was in charge of presenting a petition for the release of ], who had become a puritan ] after being arrested for importing religious tracts from Holland. Otherwise it is unlikely that a relatively unknown member would have been given this task. For the first two years of the Long Parliament, Cromwell was linked to the godly group of aristocrats in the ] and MPs in the Commons with which he had already established familial and religious links in the 1630s, such as the earls of ], ] and ], Oliver St John, and ].<ref>Adamson, John (1990). "Oliver Cromwell and the Long Parliament", in Morrill, p.57.</ref> At this stage, the group had an agenda of godly reformation: the executive checked by regular parliaments, and the moderate extension of liberty of conscience. Cromwell appears to have taken a role in some of this group's political manoeuvres. In May 1641, for example, it was Cromwell who put forward the second reading of the Annual Parliaments Bill, and who later took a role in drafting the ] for the abolition of ].<ref>Adamson, p.53.</ref>. | |||
| ] | |||
| ==Military commander: 1642–1646== | |||
| Failure to resolve the issues before the Long Parliament led to armed conflict between Parliament and Charles I in the autumn of 1642. Before joining Parliament's forces, Cromwell's only military experience was in the trained bands, the local county militia. Now 43 years old, he recruited a cavalry troop in Cambridgeshire after blocking a shipment of silver from Cambridge colleges that was meant for the king. Cromwell and his troop then fought at the indecisive ] in October 1642. The troop was recruited to be a full regiment in the winter of 1642/43, making up part of the ] under the ]. Cromwell gained experience and victories in a number of successful actions in ] in 1643, notably at the ] on 28 July.<ref>{{cite web|author=David Plant |url=http://www.british-civil-wars.co.uk/military/1643-lincolnshire.htm#gainsborough |title=1643: Civil War in Lincolnshire |publisher=British-civil-wars.co.uk |date= |accessdate=2008-11-27}}</ref> After this he was made governor of Ely and made a colonel in the Eastern Association. | |||
| By the time of the ] in July 1644, Cromwell had risen to the rank of Lieutenant General of horse in Manchester's army. The success of his cavalry in breaking the ranks of the Royalist horse and then attacking their infantry from the rear at Marston Moor was a major factor in the Parliamentarian victory in the battle. Cromwell fought at the head of his troops in the battle and was wounded in the head. Cromwell's nephew, ], was killed at Marston Moor, and Cromwell wrote a ] to the soldier's father, Cromwell's brother-in-law, telling him of the soldier's death. Marston Moor secured the north of England for the Parliamentarians, but failed to end Royalist resistance. | |||
| The indecisive outcome of the ] in October meant that by the end of 1644, the war still showed no signs of ending. Cromwell's experience at Newbury, where Manchester had let the King's army slip out of an encircling manoeuvre, led to a serious dispute with Manchester, whom he believed to be less than enthusiastic in his conduct of the war. Manchester later accused Cromwell of recruiting men of "low birth" as officers in the army, to which he replied: "If you choose godly honest men to be captains of horse, honest men will follow them... I would rather have a plain russet-coated captain who knows what he fights for and loves what he knows than that which you call a gentleman and is nothing else".<ref>Letter to Sir William Spring, September 1643, quoted in Carlyle, Thomas (ed.) (1904 edition). ''Oliver Cromwell's letters and speeches, with elucidations'', vol I, p.154; also quoted in Young and Holmes (2000). ''The English Civil War,'' (Wordsworth), ISBN 1840222220, p.107.</ref> At this time, Cromwell also fell into dispute with Major-General ], a Scottish ] Presbyterian attached to Manchester's army, who objected to Cromwell's encouragement of unorthodox Independents and Anabaptists.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://trinitychurchsutton.org.uk/Sermons/Sermon_999.htm|title=Sermons of Rev Martin Camoux: Oliver Cromwell}}</ref> Cromwell's differences with the Scots, at that time allies of the Parliament, would later develop into outright enmity in 1648 and in 1650-51. | |||
| Partly in response to the failure to capitalise on their victory at Marston Moor, Parliament passed the ] in early 1645. This forced members of the ] and the ], such as ], to choose between civil office and military command. All of them — with the exception of Cromwell, whose commission was given continued extensions and was allowed to remain an MP — chose to renounce their military positions. The Ordinance also decreed that the army be "remodeled" on a national basis, replacing the old county associations. In April 1645 the ] finally took to the field, with ] in command and Cromwell as Lieutenant-General of cavalry, and second-in-command. By this time, the Parliamentarian's field army outnumbered the King's by roughly two to one. At the ] in June 1645, the New Model smashed the King's major army. Cromwell led his wing with great success at Naseby, again routing the Royalist cavalry. At the ] on 10 July, Cromwell participated in the defeat of the last sizable Royalist field army. Naseby and Langport effectively ended the King's hopes of victory and the subsequent Parliamentarian campaigns involved taking the remaining fortified Royalist positions in the west of England. In October 1645, Cromwell besieged and took ], later to be accused of killing a hundred of its three-hundred-man Royalist garrison there after its surrender.<ref>Kenyon, John & Ohlmeyer, Jane (eds.) (2000). ''The Civil Wars: A Military History of England, Scotland, and Ireland 1638-1660'' (Oxford University Press), ISBN 0-19-280278-X, p.141</ref> Cromwell also took part in sieges at ], ], ], ], and ], then spent the first half of 1646 mopping up resistance in Devon and Cornwall. Charles I surrendered to the Scots on 5 May 1646, effectively ending the ]. Cromwell and Fairfax took the formal surrender of the Royalists at ] in June. | |||
| Cromwell had no formal training in military tactics, and followed the common practice of ranging his ] in three ranks and pressing forward. This method relied on impact rather than firepower. His strengths were in an instinctive ability to lead and train his men, and in his moral authority. In a war fought mostly by amateurs, these strengths were significant and are likely to have contributed to the discipline of his cavalry.<ref>] (1990). ''Cromwell as a soldier'', in Morrill, pp.117–118.</ref> | |||
| ==Politics: 1647–1649== | |||
| In February 1647 Cromwell suffered from an illness that kept him out of political life for over a month. By the time of his recovery, the Parliamentarians were split over the issue of the king. A majority in both Houses pushed for a settlement that would pay off the Scottish army, disband much of the New Model Army, and restore Charles I in return for a ] settlement of the Church. Cromwell rejected the Scottish model of Presbyterianism, which threatened to replace one authoritarian hierarchy with another. The New Model Army, radicalised by the failure of the Parliament to pay the wages it was owed, petitioned against these changes, but the Commons declared the petition unlawful. During May 1647, Cromwell was sent to the army's headquarters in ] to negotiate with them, but failed to reach agreement. In June 1647, a troop of cavalry under Cornet George Joyce seized the king from Parliament's imprisonment. Although Cromwell is known to have met with Joyce on 31 May, it is impossible to be sure what Cromwell's role in this event was.<ref>Coward, pp.188-95.</ref> | |||
| Cromwell and Henry Ireton then drafted a ] — the "]" — designed to check the powers of the ], set up regularly elected parliaments, and restore a non-compulsory ] settlement.<ref>Although there is debate over whether Cromwell and Ireton were the authors of the Heads of Proposals or acting on behalf of Saye and Sele: Adamson, John (1987). "The English Nobility and the Projected Settlement of 1647", in ''Historical Journal'', 30, 3; Kishlansky, Mark (1990). "Saye What?" in ''Historical Journal'' 33, 4.</ref> Many in the army, such as the ] led by ], thought this was insufficient, demanding full political equality for all men, leading to tense debates in Putney during the autumn of 1647 between Fairfax, Cromwell and Ireton on the one hand, and radical Levellers like ] on the other. The ] ultimately broke up without reaching a resolution.<ref>] (1987). ''Soldiers and Statesmen: the General Council of the Army and its Debates'' (Clarendon Press), ISBN 0-19-822752-3, ch.2–5.</ref> The debates, and the escape of Charles I from Hampton Court on 12 November, are likely to have hardened Cromwell's resolve against the king. | |||
| The failure to conclude a political agreement with the king eventually led to the outbreak of the ] in 1648, when the King tried to regain power by force of arms. Cromwell first put down a Royalist uprising in south Wales led by ], winning back ] on May 25 and six days later forcing the surrender of ]. The castle at ] was destroyed by burning. The much stronger castle at ], however, fell only after a siege of eight weeks. Cromwell dealt leniently with the ex-royalist soldiers, less so with those who had previously been members of the parliamentary army, with ] eventually being executed in London after the drawing of lots.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/STUlaugharneJ.htm|title=Spartacus: Rowland Laugharne at www.Spartacus.Schoolnet.co.uk}}</ref> | |||
| Cromwell then marched north to deal with a pro-Royalist Scottish army (the ]) who had invaded England. At ], Cromwell, in sole command for the first time with an army of 9,000, won a brilliant victory against an army twice that size.<ref>Gardiner, pp.144–47; Gaunt (1997) 94-97.</ref> | |||
| During 1648, Cromwell's letters and speeches started to become heavily based on biblical imagery, many of them meditations on the meaning of particular passages. For example, after the battle of Preston, study of Psalms 17 and 105 led him to tell Parliament that "they that are implacable and will not leave troubling the land may be speedily destroyed out of the land". A letter to Oliver St John in September 1648 urged him to read ] 8, in which the kingdom falls and only the godly survive. This letter suggests that it was Cromwell's faith, rather than a commitment to radical politics, coupled with Parliament's decision to engage in negotiations with the king at the ], that convinced him that God had spoken against both the king and Parliament as lawful authorities. For Cromwell, the army was now God's chosen instrument.<ref>Adamson, pp.76–84.</ref> The episode shows Cromwell’s firm belief in "]"—that God was actively directing the affairs of the world, through the actions of "chosen people" (whom God had "provided" for such purposes). Cromwell believed, during the Civil Wars, that he was one of these people, and he interpreted victories as indications of God's approval of his actions, and defeats as signs that God was directing him in another direction. | |||
| In December 1648, those MPs who wished to continue negotiations with the king were prevented from sitting by a troop of soldiers headed by ], an episode soon to be known as ]. Thus gerrymandered, the remaining body of MPs, known as the ], agreed that Charles should be tried on a charge of treason. Cromwell was still in the north of England, dealing with Royalist resistance when these events took place. However, after he returned to London, on the day after Pride's Purge, he became a determined supporter of those pushing for the king's trial and execution. He believed that killing Charles was the only way to bring the civil wars to an end. The death warrant for Charles was eventually signed by 59 of the trying court's members, including Cromwell (who was the third to sign it); Fairfax conspicuously refused to sign. Charles was executed on 30 January 1649. | |||
| ==Establishment of the Commonwealth: 1649== | |||
| ] | |||
| After the execution of the King, a republic was declared, known as the ]. The Rump Parliament exercised both executive and legislative powers, with a smaller ] also having some executive functions. Cromwell remained a member of the Rump and was appointed a member of the Council. In the early months after the execution of Charles I, Cromwell tried but failed to unite the original group of 'Royal Independents' centred around St John and Saye and Sele, which had fractured during 1648. Cromwell had been connected to this group since before the outbreak of war in 1642 and had been closely associated with them during the 1640s. However only St John was persuaded to retain his seat in Parliament. The Royalists, meanwhile, had regrouped in ], having signed a treaty with the Irish ]. In March, Cromwell was chosen by the Rump to command a campaign against them. Preparations for an invasion of Ireland occupied Cromwell in the subsequent months. After quelling ] mutinies within the English army at ] and ] in May, Cromwell departed for Ireland from ] at the end of July. | |||
| ==Irish Campaign: 1649–1650== | |||
| ''See also: ] and ]'' | |||
| Cromwell led a Parliamentary invasion of Ireland from 1649–50. Parliament's key opposition was the military threat posed by the alliance of the ] and English royalists (signed in 1649). The Confederate-Royalist alliance was judged to be the biggest single threat facing the Commonwealth. However, the political situation in Ireland in 1649 was extremely fractured: there were also separate forces of Irish Catholics who were opposed to the royalist alliance, and Protestant royalist forces that were gradually moving towards Parliament. Cromwell said in a speech to the army Council on 23 March that "I had rather be overthrown by a Cavalierish interest than a Scotch interest; I had rather be overthrown by a Scotch interest than an Irish interest and I think of all this is the most dangerous".<ref>Quoted in Lenihan, Padraig (2000). ''Confederate Catholics at War'' (Cork University Press), ISBN 1-85918-244-5, p.115.</ref> | |||
| Cromwell's hostility to the Irish was religious as well as political. He was passionately opposed to the ], which he saw as denying the primacy of the Bible in favour of papal and clerical authority, and which he blamed for suspected tyranny and persecution of Protestants in Europe.<ref>Fraser, pp.74-76.</ref> Cromwell's association of Catholicism with persecution was deepened with the ]. This rebellion was marked by execution of English and Scottish Protestant settlers by native ]s in Ireland (these settlers had settled on land seized from former, native Catholic owners to make way for the non-native Protestants). These factors contributed to Cromwell's harshness in his military campaign in Ireland.<ref>Fraser, pp.326-328.</ref> | |||
| Parliament had planned to re-conquer Ireland since 1641 and had already sent an invasion force there in 1647. Cromwell's invasion of 1649 was much larger and, with the civil war in England over, could be regularly reinforced and re-supplied. His nine month military campaign was brief and effective, though it did not end the war in Ireland. Before his invasion, Parliamentarian forces held only outposts in ] and ]. When he departed Ireland, they occupied most of the eastern and northern parts of the country. After his landing at Dublin on 15 August 1649 (itself only recently secured for the Parliament at the ]), Cromwell took the fortified port towns of ] and ] to secure logistical supply from England. At the ] in September 1649, Cromwell's troops massacred nearly 3,500 people after the town's capture—comprising around 2,700 Royalist soldiers and all the men in the town carrying arms, including some civilians, prisoners, and ] priests.<ref name="autogenerated2">Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.98.</ref> At the ] in October, another massacre took place under confused circumstances. While Cromwell himself was trying to negotiate surrender terms, some of his soldiers broke into the town, killed 2,000 Irish troops and up to 1,500 civilians, and burned much of the town.<ref>Fraser, Antonia (1973). ''Cromwell, Our Chief of Men,'' and ''Cromwell: the Lord Protector'' (Phoenix Press), ISBN 0-7538-1331-9 pp.344-46.</ref> | |||
| After the fall of Drogheda, Cromwell sent a column north to ] to secure the north of the country and went on to ], ] and ] in Ireland's south-east. Kilkenny surrendered on terms, as did many other towns like ] and ], but Cromwell failed to take ] and at the ] in May 1650, he lost up to 2,000 men in abortive assaults before the town surrendered.<ref name="autogenerated4">Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.100.</ref> One of his major victories in Ireland was diplomatic rather than military. With the help of ], Cromwell persuaded the Protestant Royalist troops in ] to change sides and fight with the Parliament<ref> Fraser, pp.321-322; Lenihan, p.113.</ref> At this point, word reached Cromwell that ] had landed in Scotland and been proclaimed king by the ] regime. Cromwell therefore returned to England from ] on 26 May 1650 to counter this threat.<ref>Fraser, p.355.</ref> | |||
| The Parliamentarian conquest of Ireland dragged on for almost three years after Cromwell's departure. The campaigns under Cromwell's successors ] and ] mostly consisted of long sieges of fortified cities and guerrilla warfare in the countryside. The last Catholic held town, ], surrendered in April 1652 and the last Irish troops capitulated in April of the following year.<ref name="autogenerated4" /> | |||
| In the wake of the Commonwealth's conquest, the public practice of Catholicism was banned and Catholic priests were murdered when captured. In addition, roughly 12,000 Irish people were sold into slavery under the Commonwealth.<ref>Kenyon, Ohlmeyer, p.314.</ref> All Catholic-owned land was confiscated in the ] and given to Scottish and English settlers, the Parliament's financial creditors and Parliamentary soldiers. The remaining Catholic landowners were allocated poorer land in the province of ] - this led to the Cromwellian attributed phrase "To hell or to Connacht". Under the Commonwealth, Catholic landownership dropped from 60% of the total to just 8%. | |||
| ==Debate over Cromwell's effect on Ireland== | |||
| The extent of Cromwell's brutality<ref>Christopher Hill, 1972, God's Englishman: Oliver Cromwell and the '''L''' English Revolution, Penguin Books: London, p.108: "The brutality of the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland is not one of the pleasanter aspects of our hero's career ..."</ref><ref>Barry Coward, 1991, Oliver Cromwell, Pearson Education: Rugby, p.74: "Revenge was not Cromwell's only motive for the brutality he condoned at Wexford and Drogheda, but it was the dominant one ..."</ref> in Ireland has been strongly debated. Cromwell never accepted that he was responsible for the killing of civilians in Ireland, claiming that he had acted harshly, but only against those "in arms".<ref>Philip McKeiver, 2007, "A New History of Cromwell's Irish Campaign"</ref> In September 1649, he justified his sack of Drogheda as revenge for the massacres of Protestant settlers in ] in 1641, calling the massacre "the righteous judgement of God on these barbarous wretches, who have imbued their hands with so much innocent blood."<ref name="autogenerated2" /> However, Drogheda had never been held by the rebels in 1641—many of its garrison were in fact English royalists. On the other hand, the worst atrocities committed in Ireland, such as mass evictions, killings and deportation of over 50,000 men, women and children for ]<ref>{{cite book|title=To Hell or Barbados|first=Sean|last=O'Callaghan|year=2000|publisher=Brandon|isbn=0863222870}}</ref> to ] and ], were carried out under the command of other generals after Cromwell had left for England.<ref>Lenihan, p.1O22; "After Cromwell returned to England in 1650, the conflict degenerated into a grindingly slow counter insurgency campaign punctuated by some quite protracted sieges...the famine of 1651 onwards was a man made response to stubborn guerrilla warfare. Collective reprisals against the civilian population included forcing them out of designated 'no man's lands' and the systematic destruction of foodstuffs".</ref> On entering Ireland, Cromwell demanded that no supplies were to be seized from the civilian inhabitants, and that everything should be fairly purchased; "I do hereby warn....all Officers, Soldiers and others under my command not to do any wrong or violence toward Country People or any persons whatsoever, unless they be actually in arms or office with the enemy.....as they shall answer to the contrary at their utmost peril." Several English soldiers were hanged for disobeying these orders.<ref name="autogenerated5">Reilly, Tom, ''Cromwell - An Honourable Enemy: The Untold Story of the Cromwellian Invasion of Ireland'' (2000).</ref> | |||
| While the massacres at Drogheda and Wexford were in some ways typical of the day, especially in the context of the recently ended ]<ref>] (1990). ''Cromwell as soldier'', in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (Longman), ISBN 0-582-01675-4, p. 112: "viewed in the context of the German wars that had just ended after thirty years of fighting, the massacres at Drogheda and Wexford shrink to typical casualties of seventeenth-century warfare".</ref> which reduced the male population of Germany by up to half, there are few comparable incidents during Parliament's campaigns in England or Scotland. One possible comparison is Cromwell's siege of ] in 1645 - the seat of the prominent Catholic the Marquess of Winchester - which resulted in about 300 of the garrison of 1,200 being killed after being refused quarter. Contemporaries also reported civilian casualties. However, the scale of the deaths at Basing House was much smaller.<ref>J.C. Davis, ''Oliver Cromwell'', pp. 108-110.</ref> Cromwell himself said of the slaughter at Drogheda in his first letter back to the Council of State: "I believe we put to the sword the whole number of the defendants. I do not think thirty of the whole number escaped with their lives."<ref>Abbott, ''Writings and Speeches'', vol II, p.124.</ref> Cromwell's orders — "in the heat of the action, I forbade them to spare any that were in arms in the town" — followed a request for surrender at the start of the siege, which was refused. The military protocol of the day was that a town or garrison that rejected the chance to surrender was not entitled to ].<ref>] (1990). ''Cromwell as soldier'', p. 111; Gaunt, p. 117.</ref> The refusal of the garrison at Drogheda to do this, even after the walls had been breached, was to Cromwell justification for the massacre.<ref>Lenihan, p.168.</ref> Where Cromwell negotiated the surrender of fortified towns, as at Carlow, New Ross, and Clonmel, he respected the terms of surrender and protected the lives and property of the townspeople.<ref>Gaunt, p.116.</ref> At Wexford, Cromwell again began negotiations for surrender. However, the captain of Wexford castle surrendered during the middle of the negotiations, and in the confusion some of his troops began indiscriminate killing and looting.<ref>Stevenson, ''Cromwell, Scotland and Ireland'', in Morrill, p.151.</ref> Amateur<ref> ''"From the Author"''..."The reaction - among the under forties on the whole - was good, but among historians and the over forties it was bad. They can't seem to accept that an amateur could discover such a fundamental flaw in Irish history, i.e. that neither Cromwell or his men ever engaged in the killing of any unarmed civilians throughout his entire nine month campaign." </ref> Irish historian (and Drogheda native) ] has taken this argument further, claiming that the accepted versions of the campaigns in Drogheda and Wexford in which wholesale killings of civilians on Cromwell's orders took place "were a 19th century fiction".<ref name="autogenerated5" /> However, Reilly's conclusions have been rejected by some other scholars.<ref>]. "Rewriting Cromwell: A Case of Deafening Silences." ''Canadian Journal of History.'' Dec 2003: 19.</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://web.archive.org/web/20010221184835/http://www.historyireland.com/resources/reviews/review1.html|title=Eugene Coyle. Review of ''Cromwell - An Honourable Enemy.'' ''History Ireland''}}</ref> | |||
| Although Cromwell's time spent on campaign in Ireland was limited, and although he did not take on executive powers until 1653, he is often the central focus of wider debates about whether, as historians such as Mark Levene and ] suggest, the Commonwealth conducted a deliberate programme of ] in Ireland.<!-- GENOCIDE RFF TAG START--><ref name=genocide>Citations for genocide, near genocide and ethnic cleansing: | |||
| * Albert Breton (Editor, 1995). ''Nationalism and Rationality''. Cambridge University Press 1995. Page 248. "Oliver Cromwell offered Irish Catholics a choice between genocide and forced mass population transfer" | |||
| * ''Ukrainian Quarterly''. Ukrainian Society of America 1944. "Therefore, we are entitled to accuse the England of Oliver Cromwell of the genocide of the Irish civilian population.." | |||
| *David Norbrook (2000).''Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric and Politics, 1627-1660''. Cambridge University Press. 2000. In interpreting Andrew Marvell's contemporarily expressed views on Cromwell Norbrook says; "He (Cromwell) laid the foundation for a ruthless programme of resettling the Irish Catholics which amounted to large scale ethnic cleansing." | |||
| * (2002). ''Profiles in Leadership'', Prentice-Hall. 2002. Page 122. "As a leader Cromwell was entirely unyielding. He was willing to act on his beliefs, even if this meant killing the king and perpetrating, against the Irish, something very nearly approaching genocide" | |||
| * (2003). ''Rewriting Cromwell - A Case of Deafening Silences'', Canadian Journal of History. Dec 2003. "Of course, this has never been the Irish view of Cromwell.<br> Most Irish remember him as the man responsible for the mass slaughter of civilians at Drogheda and Wexford and as the agent of the greatest episode of ethnic cleansing ever attempted in Western Europe as, within a decade, the percentage of land possessed by Catholics born in Ireland dropped from sixty to twenty. In a decade, the ownership of two-fifths of the land mass was transferred from several thousand Irish Catholic landowners to British Protestants. The gap between Irish and the English views of the seventeenth-century conquest remains unbridgeable and is governed by O.K. Chesterton's mirthless epigram of 1917, that "it was a tragic necessity that the Irish should remember it; but it was far more tragic that the English forgot it." | |||
| *, Brenda J Lutz, (2004). ''Global Terrorism'', Routledge:London, p.193: "The draconian laws applied by Oliver Cromwell in Ireland were an early version of ethnic cleansing. The Catholic Irish were to be expelled to the northwestern areas of the island. Relocation rather than extermination was the goal." | |||
| * (2005). ''Genocide in the Age of the Nation State: Volume 2''. ISBN-13: 978-1845110574 Page 55, 56 & 57. A sample quote describes the Cromwellian campaign and settlement as "a conscious attempt to reduce a distinct ethnic population". | |||
| *Mark Levene (2005). ''Genocide in the Age of the Nation-State'', I.B.Tauris: London: <blockquote>, and the parliamentary legislation which succeeded it the following year, is the nearest thing on paper in the English, and more broadly British, domestic record, to a programme of state-sanctioned and systematic ethnic cleansing of another people. The fact that it did not include 'total' genocide in its remit, or that it failed to put into practice the vast majority of its proposed expulsions, ultimately, however, says less about the lethal determination of its makers and more about the political, structural and financial weakness of the early modern English state.</blockquote></ref><!-- GENOCIDE REF TAG END--> By the end, of the Cromwellian campaign and settlement there had been extensive dispossession of landowners who were Catholic, and a huge, drop in population.<ref> (2000). ''War and Underdevelopment: Economic and Social Consequences of Conflict v. 1'' (Queen Elizabeth House Series in Development Studies), Oxford University Press. 2000. "Faced with the prospect of an Irish alliance with Charles II, Cromwell carried out a series of massacres to subdue the Irish. Then, once Cromwell had returned to England, the English Commissary, General Henry Ireton, adopted a deliberate policy of crop burning and starvation, which was responsible for the majority of an estimated 600,000 deaths out of a total Irish population of 1,400,000."</ref> | |||
| The sieges of Drogheda and Wexford have been prominently mentioned in histories and literature up to the present day. ], for example, mentioned Drogheda in his novel ]: "What about sanctimonious Cromwell and his ironsides that put the women and children of Drogheda to the sword with the ] text God is love pasted round the mouth of his cannon?" Similarly, ] described the impact of Cromwell on Anglo-Irish relations: "upon all of these Cromwell's record was a lasting bane. By an uncompleted process of terror, by an iniquitous land settlement, by the virtual proscription of the Catholic religion, by the bloody deeds already described, he cut new gulfs between the nations and the creeds. 'Hell or Connaught' were the terms he thrust upon the native inhabitants, and they for their part, across three hundred years, have used as their keenest expression of hatred 'The Curse of Cromwell on you.' ... Upon all of us there still lies 'the curse of Cromwell'."<ref>Winston S. Churchill, 1957, ''A History of the English Speaking Peoples: The Age of Revolution'', Dodd, Mead and Company: New York (p. 9): "We have seen the many ties which at one time or another have joined the inhabitants of the Western islands, and even in Ireland itself offered a tolerable way of life to Protestants and Catholics alike. Upon all of these Cromwell's record was a lasting bane. By an uncompleted process of terror, by an iniquitous land settlement, by the virtual proscription of the Catholic religion, by the bloody deeds already described, he cut new gulfs between the nations and the creeds. "Hell or Connaught" were the terms he thrust upon the native inhabitants, and they for their part, across three hundred years, have used as their keenest expression of hatred "The Curse of Cromwell on you." The consequences of Cromwell's rule in Ireland have distressed and at times distracted English politics down even to the present day. To heal them baffled the skill and loyalties of successive generations. They became for a time a potent obstacle to the harmony of the ]-speaking people through-out the world. Upon all of us there still lies 'the curse of Cromwell'."</ref> Cromwell is still a figure of hatred in Ireland, his name being associated with massacre, religious persecution, and mass dispossession of the Catholic community there. A traditional Irish curse was ''malacht Cromail ort'' or "the curse of Cromwell upon you". | |||
| The key surviving statement of Cromwell's own views on the conquest of Ireland is his ''Declaration of the lord lieutenant of Ireland for the undeceiving of deluded and seduced people'' of January 1650.<ref>Abbott, W.C. (1929). ''Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell'', Harvard University Press, pp.196-205.</ref> In this he was scathing about Catholicism, saying that "I shall not, where I have the power... suffer the exercise of the Mass."<ref name="autogenerated6">Abbott, p.202.</ref> However, he also declared that: "as for the people, what thoughts they have in the matter of religion in their own breasts I cannot reach; but I shall think it my duty, if they walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least to suffer for the same."<ref name="autogenerated6" /> Private soldiers who surrendered their arms "and shall live peaceably and honestly at their several homes, they shall be permitted so to do."<ref>Abbott, p.205.</ref> As with many incidents in Cromwell's career, there is debate about the extent of his sincerity in making these public statements: the Rump Parliament's later ] of 1652 set out a much harsher policy of execution and confiscation of property of anyone who had supported the uprisings. | |||
| ==Scottish Campaign: 1650–1651== | |||
| Cromwell left Ireland in May 1650 and several months later, invaded Scotland after the Scots had proclaimed Charles I's son as ]. Cromwell was much less hostile to Scottish ]s, some of whom had been his allies in the First English Civil War, than he was to Irish Catholics. He described the Scots as | |||
| a people fearing His name, though deceived".<ref>Lenihan, p.115.</ref> He made a famous appeal to the General Assembly of the ], urging them to see the error of the royal alliance—"I beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken."<ref>Gardiner, p.194.</ref> The Scots' reply was robust: "would you have us to be sceptics in our religion?" This decision to negotiate with Charles II led Cromwell to believe that war was necessary.<ref>Stevenson, David (1990). ''Cromwell, Scotland and Ireland'', in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' (Longman), ISBN 0-582-01675-4, p.155.</ref> | |||
| His appeal rejected, Cromwell's veteran troops went on to invade Scotland. At first, the campaign went badly, as Cromwell's men were short of supplies and held up at fortifications manned by Scottish troops under ]. Cromwell was on the brink of evacuating his army by sea from ]. However, on 3 September 1650, in an unexpected battle, Cromwell smashed the main Covenanter army at the ], killing 4,000 Scottish soldiers, taking another 10,000 prisoner and then capturing the Scottish capital of ].<ref name="autogenerated3">Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.66.</ref> The victory was of such a magnitude that Cromwell called it, "A high act of the Lord's Providence to us one of the most signal mercies God hath done for England and His people".<ref name="autogenerated3" /> The following year, Charles II and his Scottish allies made a desperate attempt to invade England and capture London while Cromwell was engaged in Scotland. Cromwell followed them south and caught them at ] on 3 September 1651. At the subsequent ], Cromwell's forces destroyed the last major Scottish Royalist army. Many of the Scottish prisoners of war taken in the campaigns died of disease, and others were sent to penal colonies in ]. In the final stages of the Scottish campaign, Cromwell's men, under ], sacked the town of ], killing up to 2,000 of its population of 12,000 and destroying the 60 ships in the city's harbour.<ref>{{Dead link|date=November 2008}}</ref> During the Commonwealth, Scotland was ruled from England, and was kept under military occupation, with a line of fortifications sealing off the ], which had provided manpower for Royalist armies in Scotland, from the rest of the country. The north west Highlands was the scene of another pro-royalist uprising in 1653-55, which was only put down with deployment of 6,000 English troops there.<ref>Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.306.</ref> ] was allowed to be practised as before, but the ] (the Scottish church) did not have the backing of the civil courts to impose its rulings, as it had previously.<ref>Parker, Geoffrey (2003). ''Empire, War and Faith in Early Modern Europe'', p.281.</ref> | |||
| Cromwell's conquest, unwelcome as it was, left no significant lasting legacy of bitterness in Scotland. The rule of the Commonwealth and Protectorate was, the Highlands aside, largely peaceful. Moreover, there was no wholesale confiscations of land or property. Three out of every four ] in Commonwealth Scotland were Scots and the country was governed jointly by the English military authorities and a Scottish Council of State.<ref>Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.320.</ref> Although not often favourably regarded, Cromwell's name rarely meets the hatred in Scotland that it does in Ireland. | |||
| ==Return to England and dissolution of the ]: 1651-53== | |||
| ] | |||
| From the middle of 1649 until 1651, Cromwell was away on campaign. In the meantime, with the king gone (and with him their common cause), the various factions in Parliament began to engage in infighting. On his return, Cromwell tried to galvanise the Rump into setting dates for new elections, uniting the three kingdoms under one polity, and to put in place a broad-brush, tolerant national church. However, the Rump vacillated in setting election dates, and although it put in place a basic liberty of conscience, it failed to produce an alternative for tithes or dismantle other aspects of the existing religious settlement. In frustration, in April 1653 Cromwell demanded that the Rump establish a caretaker government of 40 members (drawn both from the Rump and the army) and then abdicate. However, the Rump returned to debating its own bill for a new government.<ref>Worden, Blair (1977). ''The Rump Parliament'' (Cambridge University Press), ISBN 0-521-29213-1, ch.16-17.</ref> Cromwell was so angered by this that on 20 April 1653, supported by about forty musketeers, he cleared the chamber and dissolved the Parliament by force. Several accounts exist of this incident: in one, Cromwell is supposed to have said "you are no Parliament, I say you are no Parliament; I will put an end to your sitting".<ref>Abbot, p.643</ref> At least two accounts agree that Cromwell snatched up the ], symbol of Parliament's power, and demanded that the "bauble" be taken away.<ref>Abbott, p.642-643.</ref> Cromwell's troops were commanded by ], later one of his Major Generals and one of his most trusted advisors, to whom he entrusted the mace. | |||
| ==The establishment of Barebones Parliament: 1653== | |||
| After the dissolution of the Rump, power passed temporarily to a council that debated what form the constitution should take. They took up the suggestion of ] for a "]" of ]s. Although Cromwell did not subscribe to Harrison's ], ] beliefs – which saw a sanhedrin as the starting point for ]'s rule on earth – he was attracted by the idea of an assembly made up of men chosen for their religious credentials. In his speech at the opening of the assembly on 4 July 1653, Cromwell thanked God’s providence that he believed had brought England to this point and set out their divine mission: “truly God hath called you to this work by, I think, as wonderful providences as ever passed upon the sons of men in so short a time”.<ref>Roots, Ivan (1989). ''Speeches of Oliver Cromwell'' (Everyman classics), ISBN 0-460-01254-1, pp.8-27.</ref> Sometimes known as the Parliament of Saints or more commonly the Nominated Assembly, it was also called the ] after one of its members, ]. The assembly was tasked with finding a permanent constitutional and religious settlement (Cromwell was invited to be a member but declined). However, the revelation that a considerably larger segment of the membership than had been believed were the radical Fifth Monarchists led to its members voting to dissolve it on 12 December 1653, out of fear of what the radicals might do if they took control of the Assembly.<ref>] (1982). ''Commonwealth to Protectorate'' (Clarendon Press), ISBN 0-19-822659-4, ch.5-10.</ref> | |||
| ==The Protectorate: 1653-1658== | |||
| {{Infobox British Royalty styles|republic | |||
| |name=Oliver Cromwell <br /> Lord Protector of the Commonwealth | |||
| |dipstyle=] | |||
| |offstyle=Your Highness | |||
| |altstyle=Sir | |||
| }} | |||
| After the dissolution of the Barebones Parliament, ] put forward a new constitution known as the ], closely modelled on the ]. It made Cromwell Lord Protector for life to undertake “the chief magistracy and the administration of government”. Cromwell was sworn in as Lord Protector on 16 December 1653, with a ceremony in which he wore plain black clothing, rather than any monarchical regalia.<ref>Gaunt, p.155.</ref> However, from this point on Cromwell signed his name 'Oliver P', standing for Oliver Protector - in a similar style to that used by English monarchs - and it soon became the norm for others to address him as "Your highness".<ref>Gaunt, p.156.</ref> As Protector, he had the power to call and dissolve parliaments but was obliged under the Instrument to seek the majority vote of a Council of State. Nevertheless, Cromwell's power was buttressed by his continuing popularity among the army. As the Lord Protector he was paid £100,000 a year.<ref><tt>{{cite book |last= |first= |title= A History of Britain - The ] |publisher= ] |year= 1991|month= |isbn= 0-7214-3370-7 |author= }}</tt></ref> | |||
| Cromwell had two key objectives as Lord Protector. The first was "healing and settling" the nation after the chaos of the civil wars and the regicide, which meant establishing a stable form for the new government to take<ref>Hirst, Derek (1990). "The Lord Protector, 1653–8", in Morrill, p.172.</ref> Although Cromwell declared to the first Protectorate Parliament that, "Government by one man and a parliament is fundamental," in practice social priorities took precedence over forms of government. Such forms were, he said, "but... dross and dung in comparison of Christ".<ref>Quoted in Hirst, p.127.</ref> The social priorities did not, despite the revolutionary nature of the government, include any meaningful attempt to reform the social order. Cromwell declared, "A nobleman, a gentleman, a yeoman; the distinction of these: that is a good interest of the nation, and a great one!",<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.strecorsoc.org/docs/cromwell.html |title=Cromwell, At the Opening of Parliament Under the Protectorate (1654) |publisher=Strecorsoc.org |date= |accessdate=2008-11-27}}</ref> Small-scale reform such as that carried out on the ] were outweighed by attempts to restore order to English politics. Direct taxation was reduced slightly and peace was made with the ], ending the ]. | |||
| England's American colonies in this period consisted of the ], the ] and the ]. Cromwell soon secured the submission of these and largely left them to their own affairs, intervening only to ], by his confirming the former Catholic proprietorship and edict of tolerance there. Of all the English dominions, Virginia was the most resentful of Cromwell's rule, and Cavalier emigration there mushroomed during the Protectorate. | |||
| Cromwell famously stressed the quest to restore order in his speech to the ] at its inaugural meeting on 3 September 1654. He declared that "healing and settling" were the "great end of your meeting".<ref>Roots, pp.41-56.</ref> However, the Parliament was quickly dominated by those pushing for more radical, properly republican reforms. After some initial gestures approving appointments previously made by Cromwell, the Parliament began to work on a radical programme of constitutional reform. Rather than opposing Parliament’s bill, Cromwell dissolved them on 22 January 1655. | |||
| ].]] | |||
| Cromwell's second objective was spiritual and moral reform. He aimed to restore liberty of conscience and promote both outward and inly godliness throughout England.<ref>Hirst, p.173.</ref> During the early months of the Protectorate, a set of "triers" was established to assess the suitability of future parish ministers, and a related set of "ejectors" was set up dismiss ministers and schoolmasters who were deemed unsuitable for office. The triers and the ejectors were intended to be at the vanguard of Cromwell's reform of parish worship. This second objective is also the context in which to see the constitutional experiment of the ] that followed the dissolution of the first Protectorate Parliament. After a ] in March 1655, led by ], Cromwell (influenced by Lambert) divided England into military districts ruled by Army Major Generals who answered only to him. The 15 major generals and deputy major generals — called "godly governors" — were central not only to ], but Cromwell's crusade to reform the nation's morals. The generals not only supervised ] forces and security commissions, but collected taxes and ensured support for the government in the English and ] provinces. Commissioners for securing the peace of the commonwealth were appointed to work with them in every county. While a few of these commissioners were career politicians, most were zealous puritans who welcomed the major-generals with open arms and embraced their work with enthusiasm. However, the major-generals lasted less than a year. Many feared they threatened their reform efforts and authority. Their position was further harmed by a tax proposal by Major General John Desborough to provide financial backing for their work, which the ]—instated in September 1656—voted down for fear of a permanent military state. Ultimately, however, Cromwell's failure to support his men, sacrificing them to his opponents, caused their demise. Their activities between November 1655 and September 1656 had, however, reopened the wounds of the 1640s and deepened antipathies to the regime.<ref>Durston, Christopher (1998). ''The Fall of Cromwell's Major-Generals'' in ''English Historical Review'' 1998 113(450): pp.18–37, ISSN 0013-8266 .</ref> | |||
| ] coin of Oliver Cromwell, 1658. The Latin inscription reads: OLIVAR.D.G.RP.ANG. | |||
| - SCO.ET.HIB&cPRO (OLIVARIUS DEI GRATIA REIPUBLICAE ANGLIAE SCOTIAE ET HIBERNIAE ET CETERORUM PROTECTOR), meaning "Oliver, by the Grace of God Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland and other (territories)". <!--Unsupported statement:The "et cetera" refers to the ]; which even Cromwell was not prepared to renounce.-->]] | |||
| As Lord Protector, Cromwell was aware of the contribution the ] community made to the economic success of ], now England's leading commercial rival. It was this—allied to Cromwell’s toleration of the right to private worship of those who fell outside evangelical puritanism—that led to his ] in 1657, over 350 years after their banishment by ], in the hope that they would help speed up the recovery of the country after the disruption of the Civil Wars.<ref>Hirst, p.137.</ref> | |||
| In 1657, Cromwell was offered the crown by Parliament as part of a revised constitutional settlement, presenting him with a dilemma, since he had been "instrumental" in abolishing the monarchy. Cromwell agonised for six weeks over the offer. He was attracted by the prospect of stability it held out, but in a speech on 13 April 1657 he made clear that God's providence had spoken against the office of king: “I would not seek to set up that which Providence hath destroyed and laid in the dust, and I would not build ] again”.<ref>Roots, p.128.</ref> The reference to Jericho harks back to a previous occasion on which Cromwell had wrestled with his conscience when the news reached England of the defeat of an expedition against the Spanish-held island of ] in the ] in 1655 — comparing himself to ], who had brought the ] defeat after bringing plunder back to camp after the capture of ].<ref>Worden, Blair (1985). "Oliver Cromwell and the sin of Achan", in Beales, D. and Best, G. (eds.) ''History, Society and the Churches'', ISBN 0-521-02189-8, pp.141–145.</ref> | |||
| Instead, Cromwell was ceremonially re-installed as Lord Protector on 26 June 1657 (with greater powers than had previously been granted him under this title) at ], sitting upon ] which was specially moved from ] for the occasion. The event in part echoed a ], utilising many of its symbols and regalia, such as a purple ermine-lined robe, a sword of justice and a sceptre (but not a crown or an orb). But, most notably, the office of Lord Protector was still not to become hereditary, though Cromwell was now able to nominate his own successor. Cromwell's new rights and powers were laid out in the ], a legislative instrument which replaced the Instrument of Government. Despite failing to restore the Crown, this new constitution did set up many of the vestiges of the ancient constitution including a pseudo-House of Lords known as the 'Other House' of Parliament. Furthermore, Oliver Cromwell increasingly took on more of the trappings of monarchy. In particular, he created two baronages after the acceptance of the Humble Petition and Advice- Charles Howard was made Viscount Morpeth and Baron Gisland in July 1657 and Edmund Dunch was created Baron Burnell of East Wittenham in April 1658. Cromwell himself, however, was at pains to minimise his role, describing himself as a constable or watchman. | |||
| == Death and posthumous execution == | |||
| ] at ]]] | |||
| Cromwell is thought to have suffered from ] (probably first contracted while on campaign in Ireland) and from "]", a common term for ]/] infections. In 1658 he was struck by a sudden bout of malarial fever, followed directly by an attack of urinary/kidney symptoms. A ] physician tracked Cromwell's final illness, saying Cromwell's personal physicians were mismanaging his health, leading to a rapid decline and death. The decline may also have been hastened by the death of his favourite daughter, Elizabeth Claypole, in August at the age of 29. He died at Whitehall on Friday 3 September 1658, the anniversary of his great victories at ] and ].<ref>Gaunt, p.204.</ref> The most likely cause of Cromwell's death was ] following his urinary infection. He was buried with great ceremony, with an elaborate funeral based on that of James I, at ], his daughter Elizabeth also being buried there.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.cambridgeshire.gov.uk/leisure/museums/cromwell/online/|title=Cambridge County Council website}}</ref> | |||
| He was succeeded as Lord Protector by his son Richard. Although Richard was not entirely without ability, he had no power base in either Parliament or the Army, and was forced to resign in May 1659, bringing the Protectorate to an end. There was no clear leadership from the various factions that jostled for power during the short lived reinstated ], so ], the English governor of Scotland, at the head of New Model Army regiments was able to march on London, and restore the ]. Under Monck's watchful eye the necessary constitutional adjustments were made so that in 1660 ] could be invited back from exile to be king under a ] monarchy. | |||
| In 1661, Oliver Cromwell's body was ] from Westminster Abbey, and was subjected to the ritual of a ], as were the remains of ] and ]. (The body of Cromwell's daughter was allowed to remain buried in the Abbey.) Symbolically, this took place on 30 January; the same date that Charles I had been executed. His body was hanged in chains at ]. Finally, his disinterred body was thrown into a pit, while his severed head was displayed on a pole outside ] until 1685. Afterwards the head changed hands several times, including the sale in 1814 to a man named Josiah Henry Wilkinson,<ref>Staff. ''', ], 6 May, 1957 </ref><ref>{{cite web|author=By Terri Schlichenmeyer |url=http://www.cnn.com/2007/LIVING/wayoflife/08/21/mf.missing.famous/index.html?imw=Y&iref=mpstoryemail |title=Missing body parts of famous people|publisher=CNN|accessdate=2008-11-27}}</ref> before eventually being buried in the grounds of ], in 1960.<ref>Gaunt, p.4.</ref><ref>, the Cromwell Museum, ]</ref> | |||
| ]]] | |||
| == Posthumous reputation == | |||
| During his lifetime, some tracts painted him as a hypocrite motivated by power — for example, ''The Machiavilian Cromwell'' and ''The Juglers Discovered'', both part of an attack on Cromwell by the ] after 1647, present him as a ] figure.<ref>Morrill, John (1990). "Cromwell and his contemporaries", in Morrill, pp.263–4. </ref> More positive contemporary assessments — for instance, John Spittlehouse in ''A Warning Piece Discharged'' — typically compared him to ], rescuing the English by taking them safely through the ] of the civil wars.<ref>Morrill, pp.271–2.</ref> Several biographies were published soon after his death. An example is ''The Perfect Politician'', which described how Cromwell "loved men more than books" and gave a nuanced assessment of him as an energetic campaigner for liberty of ] brought down by pride and ambition.<ref>Morrill, pp.279–281.</ref> An equally nuanced but less positive assessment was published in 1667 by ], in his ''History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England''. Clarendon famously declared that Cromwell "will be looked upon by posterity as a brave bad man".<ref name=g9>Gaunt, p.9.</ref> He argued that Cromwell's rise to power had been helped not only by his great spirit and energy, but also by his ruthlessness. Clarendon was not one of Cromwell's confidantes, and his account was written after the ] of the monarchy.<ref name=g9/> | |||
| During the early eighteenth century, Cromwell’s image began to be adopted and reshaped by the ], as part of a wider project to give their political objectives historical legitimacy. A version of ]’s ''Memoirs'', re-written by ] to excise the radical Puritanical elements and replace them with a ] brand of republicanism, presented the Cromwellian Protectorate as a military tyranny. Through Ludlow, Toland portrayed Cromwell as a ] who crushed the beginnings of ] rule in the 1640s.<ref>Worden, Blair (2001). ''Roundhead Reputations: The English Civil Wars and the Passions of Posterity'' (Penguin), ISBN 0141006943, pp.53–59</ref> | |||
| During the early nineteenth century, Cromwell began to be adopted by ] artists and poets. ]'s 1827 play '']'' is often considered to be symbolic of the French romantic movement, and represents Cromwell as a ruthless yet dynamic Romantic hero. A similar impression of a world-changing individual with a strong ] and personality was provided in 1831 by a picture painted by the Frenchman ], who depicted the legend of Cromwell visiting the body of Charles I after his execution. ] continued this reassessment of Cromwell in the 1840s by presenting him as a hero in the battle between good and evil and a model for restoring morality to an age that Carlyle believed to have been dominated by timidity, meaningless rhetoric, and moral compromise. Cromwell's actions, including his campaigns in Ireland and his dissolution of the Long Parliament, according to Carlyle, had to be appreciated and praised as a whole. | |||
| In ] the site of Cromwell's burial was marked by a floor stone, laid in what is now the Air Force Chapel, reading "'''THE BURIAL PLACE OF OLIVER CROMWELL 1658 - 1661'''"<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.westminster-abbey.org/history-research/monuments-gravestones/people/27830|title=Westminster Abbey site: Oliver Cromwell}}</ref> | |||
| By the late nineteenth century, Carlyle’s portrayal of Cromwell, stressing the centrality of puritan morality and earnestness, had become assimilated into ] and ] ]. The ] civil war historian ] concluded that "the man — it is ever so with the noblest — was greater than his work".<ref>Gardiner, p.315.</ref> Gardiner stressed Cromwell’s dynamic and mercurial character, and his role in dismantling ], while underestimating Cromwell’s religious conviction.<ref>Worden, pp.256–260.</ref> Cromwell’s ] also provided an attractive forerunner of ] ], with Gardiner stressing his “constancy of effort to make England great by land and sea”.<ref>Gardiner, p.318.</ref> | |||
| In 1875, a statue of Cromwell by ] was erected in Manchester outside the cathedral, a gift to the city by Mrs Abel Heywood in memory of her first husband.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.francisfrith.com/pageloader.asp?page=/shop/books/bookcontent.asp&isbn=1-85937-266-X&start=61|title=Francis Frith Manchester: selected extracts}}</ref> It was the first such large-scale statue to be erected in the open anywhere in England and was a realistic likeness, based the painting by ] and showing Cromwell in battledress with drawn sword and leather body armour. The statue was unpopular with the local Conservatives and with the large Irish immigrant population alike. When ] was invited to open the new ], she is alleged to have consented on condition that the statue of Cromwell be removed. The statue remained; Victoria declined; and the Town Hall was opened by the Lord Mayor. During the 1980s the statue was more appropriately relocated outside ], which had been occupied by Cromwell and his troops.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.manchester2002-uk.com/history/history2.html|title=Papillon Graphics' Virtual Encyclopaedia of Greater Manchester}}</ref> | |||
| ] outside the Palace of Westminster, London]] | |||
| During the 1890s plans to erect a statue of Cromwell outside Parliament caused considerable controversy. Pressure from the ]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1899/apr/25/statue-of-oliver-cromwell|title=Extract from Hansard}}</ref> forced the withdrawal of a motion to seek public funding for the project and eventually it was funded privately by ].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.icons.org.uk/nom/nominations/cromwell|title=icons.org: The Cromwell Statue at Westminster}}</ref> In 2008 the statue was restored in time for the 350th anniversary of Cromwell's death.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.parliament.uk/about/visiting/exhibitions/cromwell_conservation.cfm|title=Cromwell conservation work - www.parliament.uk}}</ref> | |||
| A statue of Cromwell also stands outside The Academy in Bridge Street, ] , a historic building which is now home to the Warrington Guardian newspaper. Cromwell fought the battle of Warrington Bridge against Scottish Royalists in the town in 1648. | |||
| During the first half of the twentieth century, Cromwell's reputation was often influenced by the rise of ] in ] and ]. ], for example — a ] historian — devoted much of his career to compiling and editing a multi-volume collection of Cromwell's letters and speeches. In the course of this work, which was published between 1937 and 1947, Abbott began to argue that Cromwell was a proto-fascist. However, subsequent historians such as ] have criticised both Abbott's interpretation of Cromwell and his editorial approach.<ref>Morrill, John (1990). "Textualising and Contextualising Cromwell", in ''Historical Journal'', 33, 3, pp.629-639.</ref> ] similarly compared the Independents to the ]s. Nevertheless, not all historical comparisons made at this time drew on contemporary ]s. | |||
| Late twentieth century historians have re-examined the nature of Cromwell’s faith and of his ] regime. ] explored the issue of "dictatorship" in depth, arguing that Cromwell was subject to two conflicting forces: his obligation to the army and his desire to achieve a lasting settlement by winning back the confidence of the political nation as a whole. Woolrych argued that the dictatorial elements of Cromwell's rule stemmed not so much from its military origins or the participation of army officers in civil government, as from his constant commitment to the interest of the people of God and his conviction that suppressing vice and encouraging virtue constituted the chief end of government.<ref>Woolrych, Austin (1990). "The Cromwellian Protectorate: a Military Dictatorship?" in ''History'' 1990 75(244): 207-231, ISSN 0018-2648.</ref> | |||
| Historians such as John Morrill, Blair Worden and J.C. Davis have developed this theme, revealing the extent to which Cromwell’s writing and speeches are suffused with biblical references, and arguing that his radical actions were driven by his zeal for godly reformation.<ref>Morrill (2004). "Cromwell, Oliver (1599–1658)", in ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' (Oxford University Press) ; Worden, Blair (1985). "Oliver Cromwell and the sin of Achan". In Beales, D. and Best, G., ''History, Society and the Churches''; Davis, J.C. (1990). "Cromwell’s religion", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' (Longman).</ref> | |||
| ==Footnotes== | |||
| {{reflist|2}} | |||
| ==References== | |||
| {{refbegin|2}} | |||
| *Adamson, John (1990). "Oliver Cromwell and the Long Parliament", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Adamson, John (1987). "The English Nobility and the Projected Settlement of 1647", in ''Historical Journal'', 30, 3. | |||
| *Carlyle, Thomas (ed.) (1904 edition). '''' {{PDFlink||40.2 MB}}; | |||
| *Coward, Barry (2003). ''The Stuart Age: England, 1603-1714,'' Longman, ISBN 0582772516 | |||
| *Durston, Christopher (1998). ''The Fall of Cromwell's Major-Generals'', in ''English Historical Review'' 1998 113(450): pp.18-37, ISSN 0013-8266 | |||
| *Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1901). '''', ISBN 1417949619 | |||
| *Gaunt, Peter (1996). ''Oliver Cromwell'' Blackwell, ISBN 0631183566 | |||
| *Hirst, Derek (1990). ''The Lord Protector, 1653-8'', in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Kenyon, John & Ohlmeyer, Jane (eds.) (2000). '''' Oxford University Press, ISBN 019280278X | |||
| *Kishlansky, Mark (1990), "Saye What?" in ''Historical Journal'' 33, 4. | |||
| *Lenihan, Padraig (2000). ''Confederate Catholics at War'' Cork University Press, ISBN 1859182445 | |||
| *Morrill, John (1990). '"Cromwell and his contemporaries", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Morrill, John (1990). "The Making of Oliver Cromwell", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Roots, Ivan (1989). ''Speeches of Oliver Cromwell'' Everyman classics, ISBN 0460012541 | |||
| *Woolrych, Austin (1982). ''Commonwealth to Protectorate'' Clarendon Press, ISBN 0198226594 | |||
| *Woolrych, Austin (1990). "Cromwell as a soldier" in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Woolrych, Austin (1987). ''Soldiers and Statesmen: the General Council of the Army and its Debates'' (Clarendon Press), ISBN 0198227523 | |||
| *Worden, Blair (1985). "Oliver Cromwell and the sin of Achan", in Beales, D. and Best, G. (eds.) ''History, Society and the Churches'', ISBN 0521021898 | |||
| *Worden, Blair (2001). ''Roundhead Reputations: the English Civil Wars and the passions of posterity'' Penguin, ISBN 0141006943 | |||
| *Worden, Blair (1977). ''The Rump Parliament'' Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521292131 | |||
| *Worden, Blair (2000). "Thomas Carlyle and Oliver Cromwell", in ''Proceedings Of The British Academy'' 105: pp.131-170. ISSN 0068-1202 | |||
| *Young, Peter and Holmes, Richard (2000). ''The English Civil War'' Wordsworth, ISBN 1840222220 | |||
| *BBC Radio 4 - This Sceptred Isle - The Execution of Charles I. , ''BBC Radio 4''. Accessed 4 November 2007. | |||
| {{refend}} | |||
| '''Biographies''' | |||
| *Adamson, John (1990). "Oliver Cromwell and the Long Parliament", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Ashley, Maurice (1958). '''' Macmillan | |||
| *Bennett, Martyn. ''Oliver Cromwell'' (2006), ISBN 0415319226 | |||
| *Clifford, Alan (1999). ''Oliver Cromwell: the lessons and legacy of the Protectorate'' Charenton Reformed Publishing, ISBN 095267162X. Religious study. | |||
| *Davis, J. C. (2001). ''Oliver Cromwell'' Hodder Arnold, ISBN 0340731184 | |||
| *Fraser, Antonia (1973). ''Cromwell, Our Chief of Men,'' and ''Cromwell: the Lord Protector'' Phoenix Press, ISBN 0753813319. Popular narrative. | |||
| *Firth, C.H. (1900). ''Oliver Cromwell and the Rule of the Puritans'' ISBN 1402144741 | |||
| *Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1901). '''', ISBN 1417949619. Classic biography. | |||
| *Gaunt, Peter (1996). ''Oliver Cromwell'' Blackwell, ISBN 0631183566. Short biography. | |||
| *] (1970). ''God's Englishman: Oliver Cromwell And The English Revolution'' Penguin, ISBN 0297000438. | |||
| *Hirst, Derek (1990). "The Lord Protector, 1653-8", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Mason, James and Angela Leonard (1998). ''Oliver Cromwell'' Longman, ISBN 0582297346 | |||
| *McKeiver, Philip (2007). "A New History of Cromwell's Irish Campaign", Advance Press, Manchester, ISBN 9780955466304 | |||
| *Morrill, John (2004). "", in ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' Oxford University Press | |||
| *Morrill, John (1990). "The Making of Oliver Cromwell", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754. | |||
| *Paul, Robert (1958). '''' | |||
| *Smith, David (ed.) (2003). ''Oliver Cromwell and the Interregnum'' Blackwell, ISBN 0631227253 | |||
| *Wedgwood, C.V. (1939). ''Oliver Cromwell'' Duckworth, ISBN 0715606565 | |||
| *Worden, Blair (1985). "Oliver Cromwell and the sin of Achan", in Beales, D. and Best, G. (eds.) ''History, Society and the Churches'', ISBN 0521021898 | |||
| '''Military studies''' | |||
| *Durston, Christopher (2000). "'Settling the Hearts and Quieting the Minds of All Good People': the Major-generals and the Puritan Minorities of Interregnum England", in ''History'' 2000 85(278): pp.247-267, ISSN 0018-2648 . Full text online at Ebsco. | |||
| *Durston, Christopher (1998). "The Fall of Cromwell's Major-Generals", in ''English Historical Review'' 1998 113(450): pp.18-37, ISSN 0013-8266 | |||
| *Firth, C.H. (1921). ''Cromwell's Army'' Greenhill Books, ISBN 1853671207 | |||
| *Gillingham, J. (1976). ''Portrait Of A Soldier: Cromwell'' Weidenfeld & Nicholson, ISBN 0297771485 | |||
| *Kenyon, John & Ohlmeyer, Jane (eds.) (2000). ''The Civil Wars: A Military History of England, Scotland, and Ireland 1638-1660'' Oxford University Press, ISBN 019280278X | |||
| *Kitson, Frank (2004). '''' Weidenfeld Military, ISBN 0297846884 | |||
| *Marshall, Alan (2004). ''Oliver Cromwell: Soldier: The Military Life of a Revolutionary at War'' Brassey's, ISBN 1857533437 | |||
| *McKeiver, Philip (2007). "A New History of Cromwell's Irish Campaign", Advance Press, Manchester, ISBN 9780955466304 | |||
| *Woolrych, Austin (1990). "The Cromwellian Protectorate: a Military Dictatorship?" in ''History'' 1990 75(244): 207-231, ISSN 0018-2648 . Full text online at Ebsco. | |||
| *Woolrych, Austin (1990). "Cromwell as a soldier", in Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Young, Peter and Holmes, Richard (2000). ''The English Civil War,'' Wordsworth, ISBN 1840222220 | |||
| '''Surveys of era''' | |||
| *Coward, Barry (2002). ''The Cromwellian Protectorate'' Manchester University Press, ISBN 0719043174 | |||
| *Coward, Barry (2003). ''The Stuart Age: England, 1603-1714,'' Longman, ISBN 0-582-77251-6. Survey of political history of the era. | |||
| *Davies, Godfrey (1959). '''' Oxford University Press, ISBN 0198217048. Political, religious, and diplomatic overview of the era. | |||
| * Korr, Charles P. (1975). '''' University of California Press, ISBN 0520022815 | |||
| *Macinnes, Allan (2005). ''The British Revolution, 1629-1660'' Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 0333597508 | |||
| *Morrill, John (1990). "Cromwell and his contemporaries". In Morrill, John (ed.), ''Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution'' Longman, ISBN 0582016754 | |||
| *Trevor-Roper, Hugh (1967). ''Oliver Cromwell and his Parliaments'', in his ''Religion, the Reformation and Social Change'' Macmillan. {{PDFlink||256 KB}} | |||
| *Venning, Timothy (1995). ''Cromwellian Foreign Policy'' Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 0333633881 | |||
| *Woolrych, Austin (1982). ''Commonwealth to Protectorate'' Clarendon Press, ISBN 0198226594 | |||
| *Woolrych, Austin (2002). ''Britain in Revolution 1625-1660'' Oxford University Press, ISBN 0199272686 | |||
| *Worden, Blair (2001). ''Roundhead Reputations: the English Civil Wars and the passions of posterity'' Penguin, ISBN 0141006943 | |||
| '''Primary sources''' | |||
| *Abbott, W.C. (ed.) (1937-47). ''Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell,'' 4 vols. The standard academic reference for Cromwell's own words. . | |||
| *Carlyle, Thomas (ed.) (1904 edition), ''''. {{PDFlink||40.2 MB}}; | |||
| *Haykin, Michael A. G. (ed.) (1999). ''To Honour God: The Spirituality of Oliver Cromwell'' Joshua Press, ISBN 1894400038. Excerpts from Cromwell's religious writings. | |||
| *Morrill, John (1990). "Textualizing and Contextualizing Cromwell", in ''Historical Journal'' 1990 33(3): pp.629-639. ISSN 0018-246X . Full text online at Jstor. Examines the Carlyle and Abbott editions. | |||
| *Roots, Ivan (1989). ''Speeches of Oliver Cromwell'' Everyman classics, ISBN 0460012541 | |||
| *Worden, Blair (2000). ''Thomas Carlyle and Oliver Cromwell'', in ''Proceedings Of The British Academy'' 105: pp.131-170, ISSN 0068-1202. | |||
| ==External links== | |||
| {{sisterlinks|s=Author:Oliver Cromwell}} | |||
| ===Books About Oliver Cromwell Available Online=== | |||
| *'''' by ] (1730) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1763) | |||
| *''The History of Remarkable Events in the Kingdom of Ireland'' by ] (1781): , | |||
| *'''' by John Prestwich (1787) | |||
| *''An Historical and Critical Account of the Lives and Writings of James I and Charles I, and the Lives of Oliver Cromwell and Charles II'' by William Harris (1814): , , , , | |||
| *''Memoirs of the Protector, Oliver Cromwell, and of His Sons Richard and Henry'' by Oliver Cromwell, Esq., A Descendant of the Family (1821): , | |||
| *''Diary of ], Member in the Parliaments of Oliver and Richard Cromwell'', ed. John Towill Rutt (1828): , | |||
| *''Life of Oliver Cromwell'' by Michael Russell (1833): , | |||
| *''The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, and the State of Europe During the Early Part of the Reign of Louis XIV'' by ] (1838): , | |||
| *''Oliver Cromwell: An Historical Romance'' by ] (1840): , , | |||
| *'''' by ] (1843) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1845) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1847) | |||
| *''Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches: With Elucidations'' by ] (1850): , , , | |||
| *'''' by Sherman B. Canfield (1850) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1851) | |||
| *'''' by Joseph Denham Smith (1851) | |||
| *''History of Oliver Cromwell and the English Commonwealth: From the Execution of Charles the First to the Death of Cromwell'' by ] (1854): , | |||
| *'''' by ] (1860) | |||
| *''Ecclesiastical History of England: From the Opening of the Long Parliament to the Death of Oliver Cromwell'' by ] (1867): , | |||
| *'''' by ] (1873) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1875) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1882) | |||
| *'''' by James Allanson Picton (1883) | |||
| *'''' by Edwin Paxton Hood (1883) | |||
| *'''' by Denis Murphy (1885) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1886) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1886) | |||
| *'''' by ] (c. 1888, published 1919) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1890) | |||
| *'''' by G. Holden Pike (1890) | |||
| *'''' by James Waylen (1890) | |||
| *'''' by George Henry Clark (1895) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1897) | |||
| *'''' by W. S. Douglas (1898) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1899) | |||
| *'''' by Samuel Harden Church (1900) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1900) | |||
| *'''' by Jakob N. Bowman (1900) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1901) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1902) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1902) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1912) | |||
| *'''' by ] (1921) | |||
| ===Other links=== | |||
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| * at ] (scanned books original editions color illustrated) | |||
| *Vallely, Paul. , ] 4 September 2008. | |||
| *{{worldcat id|id=lccn-n80-67079}} | |||
| *{{NRA|P7030}} | |||
| {{start box}} | |||
| {{s-off}} | |||
| {{succession box | title=] | before=] | after=] | years=16 December 1653-3 September 1658}} | |||
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| {{succession box|title=]|years=1650–1657|before=]|after=]}} | |||
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| {{English Monarchs}} | |||
| {{Persondata | |||
| |NAME=Cromwell, Oliver | |||
| |ALTERNATIVE NAMES= | |||
| |SHORT DESCRIPTION=English military and political leader | |||
| |DATE OF BIRTH=25 April 1599 | |||
| |PLACE OF BIRTH=], ] | |||
| |DATE OF DEATH=3 September 1658 | |||
| |PLACE OF DEATH=], ], ] | |||
| }} | |||
| {{Lifetime|1599|1658|Cromwell, Oliver}} | |||
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Revision as of 01:37, 20 February 2009
Oliver Cromwell was a homosexual...........fact.