| Revision as of 19:12, 12 February 2013 editGrandmaster (talk | contribs)Extended confirmed users, Pending changes reviewers25,547 edits There's info about demolition of a mosque with bulldozer, and then statement by Kohl that absence of monuments is for a reason. Please read carefully← Previous edit | Revision as of 20:07, 12 February 2013 edit undoGrandmaster (talk | contribs)Extended confirmed users, Pending changes reviewers25,547 editsNo edit summaryNext edit → | ||
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| According to 1869 data, there were a total of 60 mosques in Erivan uyezd of Erivan Governorate.<ref>{{cite book|last=Воронов|first=Н.И|title=Сборник статистических свѣдѣній о Кавказѣ. Т.1.|year=1869|publisher=Императорское русское географическое общество. Кавказскій отдѣл|pages=71}}</ref> | According to 1869 data, there were a total of 60 mosques in Erivan uyezd of Erivan Governorate.<ref>{{cite book|last=Воронов|first=Н.И|title=Сборник статистических свѣдѣній о Кавказѣ. Т.1.|year=1869|publisher=Императорское русское географическое общество. Кавказскій отдѣл|pages=71}}</ref> | ||
| In the opinion of Thomas de Waal, the destruction of a mosque in Armenia was facilitated by a linguistic sleight of hand, as the name “Azeri” or “Azerbaijani” was not in common usage before the twentieth century, and these people were referred to to as “Tartars”, “Turks” or simply “Muslims”. Azerbaijanis are being written out of the history of Armenia, and Armenians refer to Muslim monuments as "Persian", even though the worshippers in a mosque built in 1760 would have been Turkic-speaking Shiite subjects of Safavid dynasty, i.e. the ancestors of Azerbaijanis.<ref name=dewaal>{{cite book|last=de Waal|first=Thomas|title=Black garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war|year=2003|publisher=New York University Press|page=80|quote=That the Armenians could erase an Azerbaijani mosque inside their capital city was made easier by a linguistic sleight of hand: the Azerbaijanis of Armenia can be more easily written out of history because the name “Azeri” or “Azerbaijani” was not in common usage before the twentieth century. In the premodern era these people were generally referred to as “Tartars”, “Turks” or simply “Muslims”. Yet they were neither Persians nor Turks; they were Turkic-speaking Shiite subjects of Safavid dynasty of the Iranian Empire – in other words, the ancestors of people, whom we would now call “Azerbaijanis”. So when the Armenians refer to the “Persian mosque” in Yerevan, the name obscures the fact that most of the worshippers there, when it was built in the 1760s, would have been, in effect, Azerbaijanis.}}</ref> | |||
| == During Nagorno-Karabakh War == | == During Nagorno-Karabakh War == | ||
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The anti-Azerbaijani sentiment in Armenia has been mainly rooted in the unresolved territorial conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. In the absence of satisfying solution Armenian nationalism was radicalized and anti-Azerbaijani feelings were further entrenched. Manipulative government policies that pit one group against the other for political gain have been invoked to explain the origin of the conflict. Specifically, it was argued that both Russian Tsarist and Soviet administration manipulated the people in the region to fortify central control and that subsequent perestroyka inherited this.
Background
Further information: Armenian–Tatar massacres of 1905–1907, March Days, and Armenian–Azerbaijani WarAt the early stage the Transcaucasian Armenians began to equate the Azerbaijani people with the perpetrators of anti-Armenian policies in the Ottoman Empire. The promotion of Armenian ethno-linguistic distinctiveness by the budding Armenian nationalism in the late 19th century resulted in the proliferation of feelings of mistrust, suspicion and enmity towards the Azerbaijanis. In early February 1905 the city of Baku saw riots after the death of an Azerbaijani at the hands of an Armenian policeman. Similar confrontations soon flared up in Yerevan, where ethnic Azerbaijanis were murdered by armed Armenians. In August, 1905 an Armenian nationalist manifesto, which called for the expulsion of Turkic people from "the holy place of Armenia", contributed to violence, that left several hundreds of Azerbaijanis dead in Shusha. Following the British intervention in Azerbaijan to prevent the complete Armenian takeover of Karabakh, in 1919 the British Governor-General appointed Azerbaijani landowner Khosrov bey Sultanov as Governor of Nagorno-Karabakh. Sultanov's ceasefire proposal went unheeded and much of the region was retaken by Armenians.
The territory and borders of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO), which was established in 1923, were defined with an intention to provide the Armenian population through including the villages and settlements populated by the Armenians and excluding the Azerbaijani ones. Quoting Stepan Shahumyan's works, Azerbaijani authors wrote that he was a staunch opponent of Azerbaijan's independence and that he labelled the pro-independence aspirations as a "dream of Azerbaijani nationalists", who wanted to make Baku "the capital of Azerbaijani khanate". The way of thinking like that of Zori Balayan resulted in repeated Armenian expressions of hostility toward Azerbaijanis in Soviet political discourse. The 1964 Armenian petition to Nikita Khrushchev on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue wrote about Azerbaijan's "chauvinistic, pan-Turkic policy". Subsequent 1967 appeal by Karabakh Armenian activists called Azerbaijani leaders "traitors, spies and their like" in particular. However, according to Melita Kuburas, the claim that Nagorno-Karabakh suffered regional economic deprivation was likely exaggerated by the Armenians as "according to most economic indicators" the region "was more prosperous than other regions in Azerbaijan". Although in his 1988 speech Henrik Pogosian, first Secretary of the Karabakh regional committee, portrayed Nagorno-Karabakh as a region that was, in fact, financially supported by Azerbaijan at large, he eventually supported the separation of Karabakh from Azerbaijan. In Kubura's view, nomenklatura played a central role in the outburst of ethnic conflict, when incumbent elites, "using the institutional power officially afforded to them but never before exercised in the Soviet Union, called for the annexation of Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia". Meanwhile Armenian primordialist scholars alleged that the Azerbaijani national identity is merely a product of Soviet nation-building.
In October, 1987 Armenians in the Azerbaijani village of Chardagly rejected the appointment of an ethnic Azerbaijani sovkhoz director. In the same year an expulsion of 300,000 ethnic Azerbaijanis was commenced in Armenia. After the event in Chardagly anti-Azerbaijani sentiment grew rapidly in Armenia, leading to systematic harrasment of Azerbaijanis there. In the beginning of 1988 the first refugee waves from Armenia reached Baku. In 1988, Azerbaijanis and Kurds (around 167,000 people) were expelled from the Armenian SSR. Initial violence erupted in the form of the murder of Azerbaijanis in Armenia and border skirmishes.
Destruction of mosques in Armenia
Further information: Islam in Armenia and List of mosques in Armenia
Light green - Shias
Dark green - Sunnis
By the turn of the twentieth century, the population of Yerevan, now the capital of Armenia, was over 29,000; of this number 49% were Tatars (Turkic tribes, Azerbaijanis were also formerly called Tatars by Russians) and Kurds (Muslims), both nomadic and semi-nomadic; 48% were Armenians; and 2% were Russians. According to Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary, at that time the town of Yerevan had seven Shia mosques. The Blue Mosque is the only one that remains in present day Yerevan. In 1990 a mosque in Yerevan was pulled down with a bulldozer. Archaeologist Philip L. Kohl notes the "paucity of surviving Islamic remains in Armenia, including the capital of Yerevan". Citing the information on demography of Armenia before the Russian conquest, Kohl concludes:
No matter what demographic statistics one consults, it is simply unquestionable that considerable material remains of Islam must once have existed in this area. Their near total absence today cannot be fortuitous.
According to Ivan Chopin, there were eight mosques in Yerevan in the middle of the nineteenth century:
- Abbas Mirza Mosque (in the fortress)
- Mohammad Khan Mosque (in the fortress)
- Zali Khan Mosque
- Novruz Ali Beg Mosque
- Sartip Khan Mosque
- Hussein Ali Khan Mosque (Blue Mosque)
- Hajji Imam Vardi Mosque
- Hajji Jafar Beg Mosque (Hajji Nasrollah Beg)
Of those mosques, the Blue Mosque is the only one that survived to present time.
According to 1869 data, there were a total of 60 mosques in Erivan uyezd of Erivan Governorate.
In the opinion of Thomas de Waal, the destruction of a mosque in Armenia was facilitated by a linguistic sleight of hand, as the name “Azeri” or “Azerbaijani” was not in common usage before the twentieth century, and these people were referred to to as “Tartars”, “Turks” or simply “Muslims”. Azerbaijanis are being written out of the history of Armenia, and Armenians refer to Muslim monuments as "Persian", even though the worshippers in a mosque built in 1760 would have been Turkic-speaking Shiite subjects of Safavid dynasty, i.e. the ancestors of Azerbaijanis.
During Nagorno-Karabakh War
Further information: Askeran clash, Nagorno-Karabakh War, and Khojaly MassacreThomas de Waal characterised Armenia as more violent and chaotic at the beginning of Nagorno-Karabakh War in 1988, when Azerbaijanis were killed during pogroms in November and December. Following massive Armenian demonstrations in Nagorno-Karabakh on February 12, 1988 Azerbaijanis were expelled from Stepanakert. In that year Azerbaijanis were reportedly prevented from working in Stepanakert enterprises and were refused to buy bread or using the public transport. On June 7, 1988 Azerbaijanis were evicted from the town of Masis near the Armenian–Turkish border, and on June 20 five Azerbaijani villages were cleansed in the Ararat Province. Henrik Pogosian was ultimately forced to retire, blamed for letting nationalism develop freely. Although purges of the Armenian and Azerbaijani party structures were made against those who had fanned or not seeked to prevent ethnic strife, as a whole, the measures taken are believed to be meager. In the emerging conflict reports surfaced that there had been acts of sabotage in Baku perpetrated by the Beirut-based Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA).
The year 1993 was marked by the highest wave of the Azerbaijani internally displaced persons, when the Karabakh Armenian forces occupied territories beyond the Nagorno-Karabakh borders. The Karabakhi Armenians ultimately succeeded in removing Azerbaijanis from Nagorno-Karabakh.
After Nagorno-Karabakh War
In the course of pre-election campaign on the eve of 1998 Armenian presidential election the Armenian opposition raised the issue of Robert Kocharian's citizenship, claiming that Kocharian is from NKAO and legally the collapse of the Soviet Union led to de jure automatic granting of Azerbaijani citizenship to him.
On January 16, 2003 Robert Kocharian said that Azerbaijanis and Armenians were "ethnically incompatible" and it was impossible for the Armenian population of Karabakh to live within an Azerbaijani state. Speaking on 30 January in Strasbourg, Council of Europe Secretary-General Walter Schwimmer said Kocharian's comment was tantamount to warmongering. Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe President Peter Schieder said he hopes Kocharian's remark was incorrectly translated, adding that "since its creation, the Council of Europe has never heard the phrase "ethnic incompatibility"".
In 2010 there was an unsuccessful initiative to hold a festival of Azerbaijani films in Yerevan.
Similarly, in 2012 a festival of Azerbaijani films, organized by the Armenia-based Caucasus Center for Peace-Making Initiatives and scheduled to open on April 12, was canceled in Gyumri after protesters blocked the festival venue. In July of the same year Azerbaijani sources dismissed a reportedly bogus report, allegedly made by Ban Ki-moon and disseminated by Armenian media, where he criticizes Azerbaijan for violating the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe.
According to Thomas de Waal, Serzh Sargsyan, long-time Defense Minister and Chairman of Security Council of Armenia and the current President of Armenia, said that “a lot was exaggerated” in the casualties, and the fleeing Azerbaijanis had put up armed resistance. At the same time Sargsyan stated: “Before Khojali, the Azerbaijanis thought that they were joking with us, they thought that the Armenians were people who could not raise their hand against the civilian population. We were able to break that . And that's what happened".
See also
References
- ^ Barrington, Lowell (2006). After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial & Postcommunist States. University of Michigan Press. p. 231. ISBN 0472068989.
- Playing the "Communal Card": Communal Violence and Human Rights. Human Rights Watch. 1995. p. 153. ISBN 1564321525.
- Croissant, Michael (1998). The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 8. ISBN 0275962415.
- Croissant, pp. 8-9
- Croissant, p. 9
- Eichensehr, Kristen (2009). Stopping Wars and Making Peace: Studies in International Intervention. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 46. ISBN 9004178554.
{{cite book}}: Unknown parameter|coauthors=ignored (|author=suggested) (help) - Eastern Europe, Russia and Central Asia 2004. Vol. 4. Routledge. 2003. p. 107. ISBN 1857431871.
- ^ International Law, Conventions and Justice. ATINER. 2011. p. 120.
- "Historical facts of Armenia's actions in Azerbaijan land" (PDF). Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences History Institute. 2003. p. 202. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
- Stuart J. Kaufman (October 1998). "Ethnic Fears and Ethnic War In Karabagh" (PDF). CSIS. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
- ^ Kaufman, Stuart (2001). Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. Cornell University Press. p. 54. ISBN 0801487366.
- ^ Melita Kuburas (2011). "Ethnic Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh" (PDF). Review of European and Russian Affairs. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
- ^ Cornell, Svante (2010). Azerbaijan Since Independence. M.E. Sharpe. p. 48. ISBN 0765630036.
- Barrington, p. 230
- Template:Ru icon Erivan in the Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary, St. Petersburg, Russia, 1890-1907.
- Robert Cullen, A Reporter at Large, “Roots,” The New Yorker, April 15, 1991, p. 55
- Thomas De Waal. Black garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war. NYU Press, 2003. ISBN 0-8147-1945-7, ISBN 978-0-8147-1945-9, p. 79.
- Philip L. Kohl, Clare Fawcett. Nationalism, Politics and the Practice of Archaeology (New Directions in Archaeology). p. 155. ISBN 0-521-55839-5
- Шопен, Иван (1852). Исторический памятник состояния Армянской области в эпоху ея присоединения к Российской Империи. Императорская Академия Наук. p. 468.
- Bournoutian, George A. (1992). The khanate of Erevan under Qajar rule, 1795-1828. Mazda Publishers. p. 173. ISBN 0939214180, 9780939214181.
{{cite book}}: Check|isbn=value: invalid character (help) - Воронов, Н.И (1869). Сборник статистических свѣдѣній о Кавказѣ. Т.1. Императорское русское географическое общество. Кавказскій отдѣл. p. 71.
- de Waal, Thomas (2003). Black garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war. New York University Press. p. 80.
That the Armenians could erase an Azerbaijani mosque inside their capital city was made easier by a linguistic sleight of hand: the Azerbaijanis of Armenia can be more easily written out of history because the name "Azeri" or "Azerbaijani" was not in common usage before the twentieth century. In the premodern era these people were generally referred to as "Tartars", "Turks" or simply "Muslims". Yet they were neither Persians nor Turks; they were Turkic-speaking Shiite subjects of Safavid dynasty of the Iranian Empire – in other words, the ancestors of people, whom we would now call "Azerbaijanis". So when the Armenians refer to the "Persian mosque" in Yerevan, the name obscures the fact that most of the worshippers there, when it was built in the 1760s, would have been, in effect, Azerbaijanis.
- Record of proceedings. International Labour Organization. 1993. p. 19/17. ISBN 9221079767.
- ^ Svante E. Cornell (1999). "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict" (PDF). Silkroadstudies. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
- Geukjian, Ohannes (2012). Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict in the South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh and the Legacy of Soviet Nationalities Policy. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 199. ISBN 1409436306.
- Rferl.org: Nagorno-Karabakh: Timeline Of The Long Road To Peace
- ^ "Newsline". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. February 3, 2003. Retrieved 31 January 2013.
- ^ "Azerbaijani Film Festival Canceled In Armenia After Protests". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. April 13, 2012. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
- "Армянские СМИ приписали Генсеку ООН антиазербайджанский отчет, которого он никогда в глаза не видел" (in Russian). 1news.az. 25 July 2012. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
- Thomas De Waal, Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War, NYU Press, 2004, ISBN 0-8147-1945-7. Chapter 11. August 1991 – May 1992: War Breaks Out. Online (In Russian):
- de Waal, Thomas (2004). Black garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war. ABC-CLIO. pp. 172–173. ISBN 0-8147-1945-7.
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