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| {{Article for deletion/dated|page=Topkhana forest (Nagorno-Karabakh)|timestamp=20141122073023|year=2014|month=November|day=22|substed=yes}} | {{Article for deletion/dated|page=Topkhana forest (Nagorno-Karabakh)|timestamp=20141122073023|year=2014|month=November|day=22|substed=yes}} | ||
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| ==History== | ==History== | ||
| Topkhana or Topkhan is the name of a hillside opposite (and visible from) the town of Shusha, but separated from the town by deep gorge containing the Karkar (also known as the Dashalti) river. In early November 1988 it was described by ] as home to "just one rather spindly tree and some scrubby bushes".<ref>Yuri Rost, "Armenian Tragedy". London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1990. Page 78.</ref> |
Topkhana or Topkhan is the name of a hillside opposite (and visible from) the town of Shusha, but separated from the town by deep gorge containing the Karkar (also known as the Dashalti) river. In early November 1988 it was described by ] as home to "just one rather spindly tree and some scrubby bushes".<ref>Yuri Rost, "Armenian Tragedy". London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1990. Page 78.</ref> | ||
| On the 9th November 1988 construction work began at Topkhana on a vacation resort for workers at ]'s ] aluminium factory. Permission for the work had been granted by the civic authorities of nearby ], who had designated 15 acres of land for the project. However, the authorities in ] were incensed that they had not been asked to give permission and the Azerbaijani government halted the construction<ref>Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p169. Wayne State University Press, 1996.</ref> and had the building materials removed from the site. Yuri Rost considered that this demonstration of control from Baku indicated to even the most passive inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh that there would be no political or economic reforms without secession from Azerbaijan. Marc Malkasian describes it as a "major symbolic skirmish". | On the 9th November 1988 construction work began at Topkhana on a vacation resort for workers at ]'s ] aluminium factory. Permission for the work had been granted by the civic authorities of nearby ], who had designated 15 acres of land for the project. However, the authorities in ] were incensed that they had not been asked to give permission and the Azerbaijani government halted the construction<ref>Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p169. Wayne State University Press, 1996.</ref> and had the building materials removed from the site. Yuri Rost considered that this demonstration of control from Baku indicated to even the most passive inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh that there would be no political or economic reforms without secession from Azerbaijan. Marc Malkasian describes it as a "major symbolic skirmish". | ||
| The halting of the construction was accompanied by an "atmosphere of hysteria" erupting in Baku, fed by inaccurate information printed in a series of newspapers, none of which had actually sent a reporter to Shusha. Nationalists had taken control of the Azerbaijani press, publishing stories that a "sacred grove" had been destroyed by Armenians who were going to build an aluminium plant. The aim was to stir up popular pro-Azerbaijani and anti-Armenian sentiments - one report asserted that for Azerbaijanis "Topkhana was the final drop that made the cup of patience overflow".<ref>Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War". p67.</ref> Azerbaijan radio claimed that Topkhane was a "historical natural monument" and the site of an Azerbaijani fortress. In the words of Malkasian "a rather nondescript hill became a sacred forest in Baku media" as a "product of Transcaucasia's overheated political atmosphere". This resulted in an organized Azerbaijani popular movement emerging for the first time in the growing Nagorno-Karabagh crisis<ref>Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War", p66.</ref> and, starting on November |
The halting of the construction was accompanied by an "atmosphere of hysteria" erupting in Baku, fed by inaccurate information printed in a series of newspapers, none of which had actually sent a reporter to Shusha. Nationalists had taken control of the Azerbaijani press, publishing stories that a "sacred grove" had been destroyed by Armenians who were going to build an aluminium plant. The aim was to stir up popular pro-Azerbaijani and anti-Armenian sentiments - one report asserted that for Azerbaijanis "Topkhana was the final drop that made the cup of patience overflow".<ref>Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War". p67.</ref> Azerbaijan radio claimed that Topkhane was a "historical natural monument" and the site of an Azerbaijani fortress. In the words of Malkasian "a rather nondescript hill became a sacred forest in Baku media" as a "product of Transcaucasia's overheated political atmosphere". This resulted in an organized Azerbaijani popular movement emerging for the first time in the growing Nagorno-Karabagh crisis<ref>Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War", p66.</ref> and, starting on November 17, large-scale demonstrations began in Baku's ] to protest against the supposed destruction at Topkhana. The November 17th event is now commemorated as a national holiday in Azerbaijan, known as "National Revival Day".<ref>1992 Azerbaijani law defining official holidays: AZƏRBAYCAN RESPUBLİKASININ QANUNU. 1992-ci il, 27 oktyabr </ref> | ||
| As the Baku demonstrations continued, they became increasingly Islamic and increasingly anti-Armenian, with chants of "death to the Armenians"<ref>Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p170. Wayne State University Press, 1996.</ref> and demands that those convicted of the murder of Armenians during the ] be released. The demonstrations also developed into an anti-central government, anti-Soviet protest. On November |
As the Baku demonstrations continued, they became increasingly Islamic and increasingly anti-Armenian, with chants of "death to the Armenians"<ref>Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p170. Wayne State University Press, 1996.</ref> and demands that those convicted of the murder of Armenians during the ] be released. The demonstrations also developed into an anti-central government, anti-Soviet protest. On November 23 a curfew was imposed in Baku: as troops tried unsuccessfully to disperse the crowds, attacks on Armenians and their homes became more numerous. Civil unrest also spread to other towns in Azerbaijan with Armenian minorities, particularly ]. | ||
| Azerbaijani sources still maintain that the Baku reports of November 1988 about Topkhana are true, describing the alleged forest as "a true miracle of nature", claiming "here relict plants living bears, wolves, wild boars, foxes, hares, deer, quail, pigeons, a variety of other animals and birds. Along the forest stretched subalpine and alpine meadows, deep gorges boggle the imagination and springs. It is estimated that more than 2,000 oak trees and other rare species of trees have been felled and Topkhana transported to Armenia. Its rich flora and fauna continue to destroyed."<ref>http://portal.azertag.az/ru/node/1085#.VE5HI_msVr8</ref> |
Azerbaijani sources still maintain that the Baku reports of November 1988 about Topkhana are true, describing the alleged forest as "a true miracle of nature", claiming "here relict plants living bears, wolves, wild boars, foxes, hares, deer, quail, pigeons, a variety of other animals and birds. Along the forest stretched subalpine and alpine meadows, deep gorges boggle the imagination and springs. It is estimated that more than 2,000 oak trees and other rare species of trees have been felled and Topkhana transported to Armenia. Its rich flora and fauna continue to destroyed."<ref>http://portal.azertag.az/ru/node/1085#.VE5HI_msVr8</ref> | ||
| The gorge below Shusha containing the Karkar river is called the Hunot gorge and is a heavily-forested area: it now forms part of the Hunot Gorge State Reserve and is a popular tourist attraction for hikers. Photographs of the Hunot Gorge Reserve's forest are often presented as images of Topkhana forest in Azerbaijani sources. | The gorge below Shusha containing the Karkar river is called the Hunot gorge and is a heavily-forested area: it now forms part of the Hunot Gorge State Reserve and is a popular tourist attraction for hikers. Photographs of the Hunot Gorge Reserve's forest are often presented as images of Topkhana forest in Azerbaijani sources. | ||
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| ==Notes== | ==Notes== | ||
| {{Reflist}} | {{Reflist}} | ||
| ⚫ | ==External links== | ||
| ⚫ | Citizens of Baku in 2013 are asked what Topkhana forest is. Topxana meşəsi harada yerləşir? | ||
| ] | ] | ||
| ] | ] | ||
| ] | ] | ||
| ⚫ | ==External links== | ||
| ⚫ | Citizens of Baku in 2013 are asked what Topkhana forest is. Topxana meşəsi harada yerləşir? | ||
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Topkhana forest is an imaginary forest claimed to have been located near Shusha in the Nagorno-Karabakh region of the South Caucasus and destroyed by Armenians in 1988. The claim of its existence was created for propaganda purposes by Azerbaijan. The background to its creation was tensions over the political future of Nagorno-Karabakh, and it precipitated and encouraged civil and interethnic unrest that would eventually erupt into the Nagorno-Karabakh War.
History
Topkhana or Topkhan is the name of a hillside opposite (and visible from) the town of Shusha, but separated from the town by deep gorge containing the Karkar (also known as the Dashalti) river. In early November 1988 it was described by Galina Starovoitova as home to "just one rather spindly tree and some scrubby bushes".
On the 9th November 1988 construction work began at Topkhana on a vacation resort for workers at Yerevan's Kanaker aluminium factory. Permission for the work had been granted by the civic authorities of nearby Askeran, who had designated 15 acres of land for the project. However, the authorities in Baku were incensed that they had not been asked to give permission and the Azerbaijani government halted the construction and had the building materials removed from the site. Yuri Rost considered that this demonstration of control from Baku indicated to even the most passive inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh that there would be no political or economic reforms without secession from Azerbaijan. Marc Malkasian describes it as a "major symbolic skirmish".
The halting of the construction was accompanied by an "atmosphere of hysteria" erupting in Baku, fed by inaccurate information printed in a series of newspapers, none of which had actually sent a reporter to Shusha. Nationalists had taken control of the Azerbaijani press, publishing stories that a "sacred grove" had been destroyed by Armenians who were going to build an aluminium plant. The aim was to stir up popular pro-Azerbaijani and anti-Armenian sentiments - one report asserted that for Azerbaijanis "Topkhana was the final drop that made the cup of patience overflow". Azerbaijan radio claimed that Topkhane was a "historical natural monument" and the site of an Azerbaijani fortress. In the words of Malkasian "a rather nondescript hill became a sacred forest in Baku media" as a "product of Transcaucasia's overheated political atmosphere". This resulted in an organized Azerbaijani popular movement emerging for the first time in the growing Nagorno-Karabagh crisis and, starting on November 17, large-scale demonstrations began in Baku's Lenin Square to protest against the supposed destruction at Topkhana. The November 17th event is now commemorated as a national holiday in Azerbaijan, known as "National Revival Day".
As the Baku demonstrations continued, they became increasingly Islamic and increasingly anti-Armenian, with chants of "death to the Armenians" and demands that those convicted of the murder of Armenians during the Sumgait pogrom be released. The demonstrations also developed into an anti-central government, anti-Soviet protest. On November 23 a curfew was imposed in Baku: as troops tried unsuccessfully to disperse the crowds, attacks on Armenians and their homes became more numerous. Civil unrest also spread to other towns in Azerbaijan with Armenian minorities, particularly Kirovabad.
Azerbaijani sources still maintain that the Baku reports of November 1988 about Topkhana are true, describing the alleged forest as "a true miracle of nature", claiming "here relict plants living bears, wolves, wild boars, foxes, hares, deer, quail, pigeons, a variety of other animals and birds. Along the forest stretched subalpine and alpine meadows, deep gorges boggle the imagination and springs. It is estimated that more than 2,000 oak trees and other rare species of trees have been felled and Topkhana transported to Armenia. Its rich flora and fauna continue to destroyed."
The gorge below Shusha containing the Karkar river is called the Hunot gorge and is a heavily-forested area: it now forms part of the Hunot Gorge State Reserve and is a popular tourist attraction for hikers. Photographs of the Hunot Gorge Reserve's forest are often presented as images of Topkhana forest in Azerbaijani sources.
Notes
- Yuri Rost, "Armenian Tragedy". London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1990. Page 78.
- Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p169. Wayne State University Press, 1996.
- Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War". p67.
- Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War", p66.
- 1992 Azerbaijani law defining official holidays: AZƏRBAYCAN RESPUBLİKASININ QANUNU. 1992-ci il, 27 oktyabr
- Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p170. Wayne State University Press, 1996.
- http://portal.azertag.az/ru/node/1085#.VE5HI_msVr8
External links
Citizens of Baku in 2013 are asked what Topkhana forest is. Topxana meşəsi harada yerləşir?
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