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| ⚫ | '''Topkhana forest''' ({{lang-az|Topxana meşəsi}}) is an imaginary forest claimed to have been located near ] in the ] region of the ] and destroyed by Armenians in 1988. The claim of its existence and destruction was created for propaganda purposes by nationalist media in Azerbaijan. The background to its creation was tensions over the political future of ], and it precipitated and encouraged civil and inter-ethnic unrest that would eventually erupt into the ]. | ||
| ==Background== | ==Background== | ||
| In October 1988 ], the First Secretary of the ], announced in a speech that a bridge should be constructed across the Hunot |
In October 1988 ], the First Secretary of the ], announced in a speech that a bridge should be constructed across the Hunot gorge in order to expand the town of Shusha onto the opposite bank and link it to the surrounding countryside. Shusha was predominantly Azeri-populated but the opposite bank was inhabited exclusively by Armenians, who considered this was an attempt to expand Azeri-inhabited territory in Nagorno Karabakh at the expense of its Armenian population. The ] decided a symbolic Armenian-held structure should be erected on that opposite bank, and on 5th November consulted with the Central Committee of the ], who, in return for an assurance that the upcoming ] parade in ] would not be disrupted, agreed to send trucks loaded with building materials for the construction. The trucks and materials arrived in Shusha on 7th November. This (in the ]) was the anniversary of the October 1917 revolution - but Shusha had been placed under curfew and the usual Communist parades and ceremonies had been cancelled.<ref>Yuri Rost, "Armenian Tragedy". London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1990, pages 74-77.</ref> | ||
| In some sources the proposed structure is described as a workshop, in most it is described as a recreational facility for workers at Yerevan's ] aluminium factory. | In some sources the proposed structure is described as a workshop, in most it is described as a recreational facility for workers at Yerevan's ] aluminium factory. | ||
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| ==History== | ==History== | ||
| Topkhana is the name of a gently-sloping hillside opposite (and visible from) the town of Shusha, but separated from the town by deep gorge containing the Karkar (also known as the Dashalti) river. Its name derives from it being the location of cannons ("top" in Turkish) of ] during his siege of Shusha in 1795.<ref>Bakour Karapetyan, "The Roots of the Karabagh Problem", page 163.</ref> In early November 1988, before any construction had happened, the site was described by ] as home to "just one rather spindly tree and some scrubby bushes".<ref>Yuri Rost, "Armenian Tragedy". London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1990. Page 78.</ref> | Topkhana or Topkhan is the name of a gently-sloping hillside opposite (and visible from) the town of Shusha, but separated from the town by deep gorge containing the Karkar (also known as the Dashalti) river. Its name derives from it being the location of cannons ("top" in Turkish) of ] during his siege of Shusha in 1795.<ref>Bakour Karapetyan, "The Roots of the Karabagh Problem", page 163.</ref> In early November 1988, before any construction had happened, the site was described by ] as home to "just one rather spindly tree and some scrubby bushes".<ref>Yuri Rost, "Armenian Tragedy". London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1990. Page 78.</ref> | ||
| On the 9th November 1988 construction work began at Topkhana on a vacation resort for workers at Yerevan's Kanaker aluminium factory. Permission for the work had been granted by the civic authorities of nearby ], who had designated 15 acres of land for the project. However, the authorities in ] were incensed that they had not been asked to give permission and the Azerbaijani government halted the construction<ref>Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p169. Wayne State University Press, 1996.</ref> and had the building materials removed from the site. Yuri Rost considered that this demonstration of control from Baku indicated to even the most passive inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh that there would be no political or economic reforms without secession from Azerbaijan. Marc Malkasian describes it as a "major symbolic skirmish". | On the 9th November 1988 construction work began at Topkhana on a vacation resort for workers at Yerevan's Kanaker aluminium factory. Permission for the work had been granted by the civic authorities of nearby ], who had designated 15 acres of land for the project. However, the authorities in ] were incensed that they had not been asked to give permission and the Azerbaijani government halted the construction<ref>Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p169. Wayne State University Press, 1996.</ref> and had the building materials removed from the site. Yuri Rost considered that this demonstration of control from Baku indicated to even the most passive inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh that there would be no political or economic reforms without secession from Azerbaijan. Marc Malkasian describes it as a "major symbolic skirmish". | ||
| The halting of the construction was accompanied by an "atmosphere of hysteria" erupting in Baku, fed by inaccurate information printed in local Baku newspapers, none of which had actually sent a reporter to Shusha. Nationalists had taken control of the Azerbaijani press, publishing stories that a "sacred grove" had been destroyed by Armenians who were going to build an aluminium plant. The aim was to stir up popular pro-Azerbaijani and anti-Armenian sentiments. An editorial in Bakinskiy Rabochiy (Baku Worker) called the construction a "branch of the Kanakerskiy Aluminum Plant", the location the "Topkhan Natural History Museum of living nature", and asserted that for Azerbaijanis |
The halting of the construction was accompanied by an "atmosphere of hysteria" erupting in Baku, fed by inaccurate information printed in local Baku newspapers, none of which had actually sent a reporter to Shusha. Nationalists had taken control of the Azerbaijani press, publishing stories that a "sacred grove" had been destroyed by Armenians who were going to build an aluminium plant. The aim was to stir up popular pro-Azerbaijani and anti-Armenian sentiments. An editorial in Bakinskiy Rabochiy (Baku Worker) called the construction a "branch of the Kanakerskiy Aluminum Plant", the location the "Topkhan Natural History Museum of living nature", and asserted that for Azerbaijanis Topkhana was "the final drop that made the cup of patience overflow".<ref>] Report: "Soviet Union Political Affairs", 13 February 1989, page 60.</ref><ref>Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War". p67.</ref> Azerbaijan radio claimed that Topkhane was a "historical natural monument" and the site of an Azerbaijani fortress. In the words of Malkasian, "a rather nondescript hill became a sacred forest in Baku media" as a "product of Transcaucasia's overheated political atmosphere". The result was an organized Azerbaijani popular movement emerging for the first time in the growing Nagorno-Karabagh crisis<ref>Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War", p66.</ref> and, starting on November 17, large-scale demonstrations began in Baku's ] to protest against the supposed destruction at Topkhana. The November 17th event is now commemorated as a national holiday in Azerbaijan, known as "National Revival Day".<ref>1992 Azerbaijani law defining official holidays: AZƏRBAYCAN RESPUBLİKASININ QANUNU. 1992-ci il, 27 oktyabr </ref> | ||
| As the Baku demonstrations continued, they became increasingly Islamic and increasingly anti-Armenian, with chants of "death to the Armenians"<ref>Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p170. Wayne State University Press, 1996.</ref> and demands that those convicted of the murder of Armenians during the ] be released. The demonstrations also developed into an anti-central government, anti-Soviet protest. On November 23 a curfew was imposed in Baku: as Soviet troops tried unsuccessfully to disperse the crowds, attacks on Armenians and their homes became more numerous. Civil unrest also spread to other towns in Azerbaijan with Armenian minorities, particularly ]. | As the Baku demonstrations continued, they became increasingly Islamic and increasingly anti-Armenian, with chants of "death to the Armenians"<ref>Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p170. Wayne State University Press, 1996.</ref> and demands that those convicted of the murder of Armenians during the ] be released. The demonstrations also developed into an anti-central government, anti-Soviet protest. On November 23 a curfew was imposed in Baku: as Soviet troops tried unsuccessfully to disperse the crowds, attacks on Armenians and their homes became more numerous. Civil unrest also spread to other towns in Azerbaijan with Armenian minorities, particularly ]. | ||
| Azerbaijani sources still maintain that the Baku reports of November 1988 about Topkhana are true, describing the alleged forest as "a true miracle of nature", claiming "here lived plants, bears, wolves, wild boars, foxes, hares, deer, quail, pigeons, a variety of other animals and birds. Along the forest stretched sub-alpine and alpine meadows, deep gorges and springs dazzled the imagination. It is estimated that more than 2,000 oak trees and other rare species of trees have been felled at Topkhana and transported to Armenia. Its rich flora and fauna continue to be destroyed."<ref>http://portal.azertag.az/ru/node/1085#.VE5HI_msVr8</ref> | Azerbaijani sources still maintain that the Baku reports of November 1988 about Topkhana are true, describing the alleged forest as "a true miracle of nature", claiming "here lived plants, bears, wolves, wild boars, foxes, hares, deer, quail, pigeons, a variety of other animals and birds. Along the forest stretched sub-alpine and alpine meadows, deep gorges and springs dazzled the imagination. It is estimated that more than 2,000 oak trees and other rare species of trees have been felled at Topkhana and transported to Armenia. Its rich flora and fauna continue to be destroyed."<ref>http://portal.azertag.az/ru/node/1085#.VE5HI_msVr8</ref> | ||
| The gorge below Shusha containing the Karkar river is called the Hunot gorge and is a heavily-forested area: it now forms part of the Hunot Gorge State Reserve and is a popular tourist attraction for hikers. Photographs of the Hunot Gorge Reserve's forest are often presented as images of Topkhana forest in Azerbaijani sources. | |||
| ==Notes== | ==Notes== | ||
| {{Reflist}} | {{Reflist}} | ||
| ==External links== | |||
| {{coord missing|Azerbaijan}} | |||
| Citizens of Baku in 2013 are asked what Topkhana forest is. Topxana meşəsi harada yerləşir? | |||
| ] | ] | ||
| ] | ] | ||
| ] | ] | ||
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Topkhana forest (Template:Lang-az) is an imaginary forest claimed to have been located near Shusha in the Nagorno-Karabakh region of the South Caucasus and destroyed by Armenians in 1988. The claim of its existence and destruction was created for propaganda purposes by nationalist media in Azerbaijan. The background to its creation was tensions over the political future of Nagorno-Karabakh, and it precipitated and encouraged civil and inter-ethnic unrest that would eventually erupt into the Nagorno-Karabakh War.
Background
In October 1988 Abdurrahman Vazirov, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan, announced in a speech that a bridge should be constructed across the Hunot gorge in order to expand the town of Shusha onto the opposite bank and link it to the surrounding countryside. Shusha was predominantly Azeri-populated but the opposite bank was inhabited exclusively by Armenians, who considered this was an attempt to expand Azeri-inhabited territory in Nagorno Karabakh at the expense of its Armenian population. The Karabakh Committee decided a symbolic Armenian-held structure should be erected on that opposite bank, and on 5th November consulted with the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Armenia, who, in return for an assurance that the upcoming October Revolution parade in Yerevan would not be disrupted, agreed to send trucks loaded with building materials for the construction. The trucks and materials arrived in Shusha on 7th November. This (in the Gregorian calendar) was the anniversary of the October 1917 revolution - but Shusha had been placed under curfew and the usual Communist parades and ceremonies had been cancelled.
In some sources the proposed structure is described as a workshop, in most it is described as a recreational facility for workers at Yerevan's Kanaker aluminium factory.
History
Topkhana or Topkhan is the name of a gently-sloping hillside opposite (and visible from) the town of Shusha, but separated from the town by deep gorge containing the Karkar (also known as the Dashalti) river. Its name derives from it being the location of cannons ("top" in Turkish) of Mohammad Khan Qajar during his siege of Shusha in 1795. In early November 1988, before any construction had happened, the site was described by Galina Starovoitova as home to "just one rather spindly tree and some scrubby bushes".
On the 9th November 1988 construction work began at Topkhana on a vacation resort for workers at Yerevan's Kanaker aluminium factory. Permission for the work had been granted by the civic authorities of nearby Askeran, who had designated 15 acres of land for the project. However, the authorities in Baku were incensed that they had not been asked to give permission and the Azerbaijani government halted the construction and had the building materials removed from the site. Yuri Rost considered that this demonstration of control from Baku indicated to even the most passive inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh that there would be no political or economic reforms without secession from Azerbaijan. Marc Malkasian describes it as a "major symbolic skirmish".
The halting of the construction was accompanied by an "atmosphere of hysteria" erupting in Baku, fed by inaccurate information printed in local Baku newspapers, none of which had actually sent a reporter to Shusha. Nationalists had taken control of the Azerbaijani press, publishing stories that a "sacred grove" had been destroyed by Armenians who were going to build an aluminium plant. The aim was to stir up popular pro-Azerbaijani and anti-Armenian sentiments. An editorial in Bakinskiy Rabochiy (Baku Worker) called the construction a "branch of the Kanakerskiy Aluminum Plant", the location the "Topkhan Natural History Museum of living nature", and asserted that for Azerbaijanis Topkhana was "the final drop that made the cup of patience overflow". Azerbaijan radio claimed that Topkhane was a "historical natural monument" and the site of an Azerbaijani fortress. In the words of Malkasian, "a rather nondescript hill became a sacred forest in Baku media" as a "product of Transcaucasia's overheated political atmosphere". The result was an organized Azerbaijani popular movement emerging for the first time in the growing Nagorno-Karabagh crisis and, starting on November 17, large-scale demonstrations began in Baku's Lenin Square to protest against the supposed destruction at Topkhana. The November 17th event is now commemorated as a national holiday in Azerbaijan, known as "National Revival Day".
As the Baku demonstrations continued, they became increasingly Islamic and increasingly anti-Armenian, with chants of "death to the Armenians" and demands that those convicted of the murder of Armenians during the Sumgait pogrom be released. The demonstrations also developed into an anti-central government, anti-Soviet protest. On November 23 a curfew was imposed in Baku: as Soviet troops tried unsuccessfully to disperse the crowds, attacks on Armenians and their homes became more numerous. Civil unrest also spread to other towns in Azerbaijan with Armenian minorities, particularly Kirovabad.
Azerbaijani sources still maintain that the Baku reports of November 1988 about Topkhana are true, describing the alleged forest as "a true miracle of nature", claiming "here lived plants, bears, wolves, wild boars, foxes, hares, deer, quail, pigeons, a variety of other animals and birds. Along the forest stretched sub-alpine and alpine meadows, deep gorges and springs dazzled the imagination. It is estimated that more than 2,000 oak trees and other rare species of trees have been felled at Topkhana and transported to Armenia. Its rich flora and fauna continue to be destroyed."
The gorge below Shusha containing the Karkar river is called the Hunot gorge and is a heavily-forested area: it now forms part of the Hunot Gorge State Reserve and is a popular tourist attraction for hikers. Photographs of the Hunot Gorge Reserve's forest are often presented as images of Topkhana forest in Azerbaijani sources.
Notes
- Yuri Rost, "Armenian Tragedy". London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1990, pages 74-77.
- Bakour Karapetyan, "The Roots of the Karabagh Problem", page 163.
- Yuri Rost, "Armenian Tragedy". London, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1990. Page 78.
- Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p169. Wayne State University Press, 1996.
- JPRS Report: "Soviet Union Political Affairs", 13 February 1989, page 60.
- Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War". p67.
- Stuart J. Kaufman, "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War", p66.
- 1992 Azerbaijani law defining official holidays: AZƏRBAYCAN RESPUBLİKASININ QANUNU. 1992-ci il, 27 oktyabr
- Mark Malkasian, "Gha-ra-bagh!: The Emergence of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia", p170. Wayne State University Press, 1996.
- http://portal.azertag.az/ru/node/1085#.VE5HI_msVr8
External links
Citizens of Baku in 2013 are asked what Topkhana forest is. Topxana meşəsi harada yerləşir?
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