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Black people are people who have inhabited Equatorial Africa, Northeast Africa, parts of the Middle East, India, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific rim throughout history. After the middle passage, Black people became significant populations of people in Southeast U.S., southern Mexico, most of the Caribbean, Brazil, Guyana, Belize. Black people are known for having dark skin, kinky hair, lips and noses wider than most Europeans and Sinoid peoples, but Black people are not strictly defined by these traits. Most Black people have a historical relationship with Equatorial Africa, while some groups in Asia (Aeta, Siddi, Dalits), and throughout the Pacific have a regional relationship with being Black and were known as Black by others whom encountered them.

History

Pre-colonial

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The earliest mention of people described as black can be found in Ancient Egyptian writing and Bible. Biblical references of the dark-skinned people in Egypt, Sudan and parts of Arabia known as Nehesi and Kushites. Nehesi referred ambigiously to people whose skin was dark, and implied strongly the people from Nubia. The Egyptian word Ksh meant black-skinned and carried the same meaning over to the Hebrew word Cush. The term Khmt, which they also called themselves, is generally agreed to mean (people of the) black land and/or black people, the latter interpretation supported by the accounts of Herodotus, who compared the Egyptians, Colchins and Ethiopians to blacks or Aethiops. The Greeks used the name Aethiop, meaning dark-skinned person, or the peoples of Africa, generally (and, to a lesser degree, people elsewhere, in Asia). In all cases, the words were applied to various peoples, ethnic origins and skin color. Although the word Kush itself originally may have referred to particular ethnic groups or empires in the Sudan, throughout antiquity in the Near East, this word became the most commonly used word (as black is today in the English-speaking world) to describe African peoples with dark complexions. . In Ancient India, the Sanskrit name of Krishna literally meant black or dark-skinned person. Throughout India, other references to black people in the Rig Veda scriptures indicate their presence in that region.

Throughout the 9th - 14th century, Islamic colonization of East Africa and slave trading along the "Zanj" (Zanzibar, Ethioipia, Somalia, Mozambique, Zambia) coast facilitated more of a black presence in Asia, and eventually the word abd became a word synonymous with black person. Trading between the people of Africa, Madagascar, and Indonesia gave rise to various similarities between the Madagascay peoples and some Indonesian groups, especially from Borneo. These interactions give a historical glimpse of the possible Equatorial relationships between black Africans, blacks in Asia, and possibly Australia. Research on this topic is nascent and has yet to show a verifable pattern despite strong signs (ex. linguistic similarities between Indonesians and Madagascay peoples). It is possible that the trading across the indian Ocean may give a first hand perspective of black interactions outside the hegemony of European colonialism and Islamization.

Colonial and modern era

At some point in Europe, the word negro was used. Negrois derived from the Latin word nigris, which means black in hue. In the colonial era, this concept of distinctively desribing dark skinned Africans was then applied in European discourse to multiple peoples around the world who subsequently would be called black as well. The Spanish word negro came to be a synonym for indigenous, black African peoples, Filipinos, Australian Aborigines, Sicilians, some Arabs and some people in the Indonesian archipelago. Eventually in the U.S. the term "negro" was adopted by whites as a more polite way of identifying a black African. After the 1960s this term became colloquial and offensive, and regarded as a hold over from a prejudiced and psychologically humiliating social period. Negro or Colored were once socially-acceptable terms, but are now considered archaic and offensive in English-speaking countries. "Black" was an offensive term, on the level of the perjorative term 'nigger', until the black power movement of the 1960's which strove to turn the negative meaning of black on its head, with the claim that 'black is beautiful.'

The English word was spawned by the European colonization and conquest of non-Europeans. It solidified into popular culture during the Enlightenment as one of the four major categories into which European philosophers tried to organize the newly discovered human diversity. The categories were based upon skin tone as perceived by Europeans of the time: Red (Native Americans), Yellow (East Asians), White (Europeans), and Black (Africans). Today, the term's usage differs slightly among former European colonies. Latin Americans, former members of the British Empire, and Americans (USA) all use the term differently.

• Descent from indigenous Africans (again, excluding Maghreb Berbers)
• Phenotype and hair texture related to or derived from West African groups
• Skin color
• Self identification with the black identity and/or African culture.

Any combination of these four ways may comprise a black identity. Although the different peoples may or may not be related historically, socially they share certain similarities that are recently coming to light due to ease in accessing information. For example, with the internet, people in various parts of the world can speak directly to one another and learn of the Black presence in their region.

African diaspora

The African diaspora is the diaspora created by the movements and culture of Africans and their descendants throughout the world, to places such as the Americas, (including the United States, Canada, the Caribbean, Central America, and South America) Europe and Asia. Much of the African diaspora is descended from people kidnapped during the transatlantic slave trade.

Other dark-skinned people

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In various parts of the world, there are people who are not culturally or historically related to Africans, or whose relationship predates the historical period. These groups have historically been described as black in their societies, despite not having a historical or continual relationship with Africans. They are distinct from the greater populations in their regions and serve as social and historical parallels to people most commonly recognized as Black. In most cases these groups appear to be similar in appearance to Equatorial Africans, or Africans mixed with the fair-complexioned people of the region. None of these groups however are officically recognized as Black by any census.

Some groups have embraced a black self-designation despite their lack of modern African ancestry. Due to their physical appearance which generally relates to their ability to be perceived (mistakenly) as Equatorial Africans, and their social and ethnic distinction in their home countries, they are considered legitimately black to some degree, although many other African descendants may have their reservations. Due to the gains of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement of 1955-1975 some oppressed and marginalized populations around the world, even without African ancestry, have chosen to label themselves as "black." This is disputed by those who equate "blackness" only with equatorial African (sub-Saharan) ancestry and argue that non-Africans cannot be legitimately black.

Negrito — The Negrito from the Philippines are, more or less, known as black by Filipino Anglophones, due to there Semang and Veddoid ancestry. Like the term Negrito, the term Aeta was an imposed term, the result of later migrations. Two major branches apparently made their appearance in the archipelago 30,000 to 20,000 years ago, one traveling up the eastern flank of the islands to the Pacific side of the Sierra Madre and comprising the Alta, Arta and Agta groups; the second branch appears to have moved up the western side, ending up in northern Luzon. This branch includes the Sambal, Dumagat, Ata, Ati, Atta, Sinauna and Batak. Another ended up in Mindanao (Mamanwa). At least 25 Negrito ethnic groups are known, many sharing variations of same name. Aeta, Ta, Ata, Atta, Agta, etc., are thought to come from the general Tagalog word, itim, meaning black). Many find this term offensive because it ignores tribal identifications. Nevertheless, despite their closer genetic affinities with certain Asian populations, Negritos are virtually indistingiushable phenotypically from continental Africans.

Australian Aborigines — Indigenous Australians are the first inhabitants of the Australian continent and its nearby islands, continuing their presence during European settlement. The term includes the various indigenous peoples commonly known as Aborigines, whose traditional lands extend throughout mainland Australia, Tasmania and numerous offshore islands, and also the Torres Strait Islanders whose lands are centered on the Torres Strait Islands which run between northernmost Australia and the island of New Guinea. Since colonialism, the English have referred to them as black due to their darker complexion, and they have adopted the name as an ethnic term, much like African-Americans:

• Wimbledon champion Evonne Goolagong, of the Wiradjuri people of New South Wales, is described as "the first black woman sporting hero in Australian folklore" and included in lists of black athletes, as in the book Black Gold.
• Anthony Mundine has been nicknamed "the black superman."
• Oodgeroo Noonuccal/Kath Walker , of the Noonuccal people of Moreton Bay, east of Brisbane, referred to herself and other aboriginals as "black." She quoted her father as calling her "black."
• Half-aboriginal Charles Perkins was subjected to discrimination against black aboriginals and subsequently has involved himself in black politics. .
• Aden Ridgeway, of the Gumbaynggir people of New South Wales is described as "a black politician."

Most critics of a global black identity agree that it is crafted politically to unite diverse groups by racializing the experience of discrimination. "When the empirical referent of many of these umbrella terms is explored, both theoretical and methodological problems become apparent, as exemplified by the generic use of the term 'black' to delineate a common experience of discrimination based on physical appearance. This is a meaning not shared by a substantial proportion of the people so described in such usage, amounts to third party imputation of meaning and strengthens the perception of highly diverse groups in racial terms." As one researcher put it, "The Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities (Modood et al., 1997) decided to survey South Asian and Chinese opinion on this issue by asking respondents, ‘Do you ever think of yourself as being black?’. Only about a fifth of over 1500 persons in the South Asian groups answered ‘yes’ (with only slight variation between the groups), and just one Chinese person out of 118. Such findings question the sustainability of such usage and may hasten the demise of political blackness."

Nevertheless, many adherents insist the term black is a reaffirmation of a common-sense understanding of what it has meant to be black throughout history, something which was commonly accepted and understood prior to the use of DNA analysis or techniques of modern science. Furthermore, while modern science has proven useful in determining that many so-called black populations have closer genetic affinities with sundadont Asiatic peoples, as well it has served to trace distant kinship of many of these same peoples with continental Africans.

Historical Western objections to a global black identity

Socio-political definitions

• The U.S. census say a Black is “a person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa. It includes people who indicate their race as "Black, African Am., or Negro,"or provide written entries such as African American, Afro American, Kenyan, Nigerian, or Haitian."

• South Africa's Black Ecomomic Empowerment Charter stated: "'Black people', 'black persons', or 'blacks' are generic terms which mean Africans, Coloureds and Indians who are South African citizens by birth or who have obtained citizenship prior 27 April 1994. This term does not include juristic persons or any form of enterprise other than a sole proprietor.

• According to psychologist Arthur Jensen, "American blacks are socially defined simply as persons who have some degree of sub-Saharan African ancestry and who identify themselves (or, in the case of children, are defined by their parents) as black or African-American"

• According to activist Nirmala Rajasingam "I think the idea of a Black identity, was inspired by the Civil Rights movement in the US. Unfortunately, now Black is identified with people of African origin only, but it didn’t used to be that way. It was used as a political term of people of color uniting to fight racism. "

• According to Frank W. Sweet, the most controversial answer to the question "who is black?" is "whoever looks black." He writes that although most who use the label rationalize it in terms of physical appearance, there is little objective consistency in this regard, and that different cultures can assign the same individual to opposite "races": North Americans, Haitians, Dominicans, Puerto Ricans, Barbadians, Jamaicans, and Trinidadians all have different subconscious and automatic perceptions of just what features define who belongs to which "racial" label.

Lexical definitions

• Webster’s Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary defines the term ‘black’ with regard to race as follows: "a person belonging to a dark-skinned race or one stemming in part from such a race; esp. Negro".

• YourDictionary.com defines Black with regard to race as "Of or belonging to a racial group having brown to black skin, especially one of African origin: the Black population of South Africa"

• Dictionary.com and thefreedictionary.com defines "Black person" as "a person with dark skin who comes from Africa (or whose ancestors came from Africa) "

Biological definitions

• According to Michael Levin "Ordinary speakers acquainted with the out-of-Africa scenario are most charitably construed as intending 'Negroid' to denote individuals whose ancestors 15 to 5000 generations ago (with Harris & Hey, 1999, counting a generation as 20 years) were sub-Saharan African...Hybrid populations with multiple lines of descent are to be characterized in just those terms: as of multiple descent. Thus, American Negroids are individuals most of whose ancestors from 15 to 5000 generations ago were sub- Saharan African. Specifying 'most' more precisely in a way that captures ordinary usage may not be possible. '> 50%' seems too low a threshold; my sense is that ordinary attributions of race begin to stabilize at 75%." University of Western Ontario professor J. Phillipe Rushton states "a Negroid is someone whose ancestors, between 4,000 and (to accommodate recent migrations) 20 generations ago, were born in sub-Saharan Africa.".

• Sally Satel of the Policy Review stated “The entities we call ‘racial groups’ essentially represent individuals united by a common descent — a huge extended family, as evolutionary biologists like to say. Blacks, for example, are a racial group defined by their possessing some degree of recent African ancestry (recent because, after all, everyone of us is out of Africa, the origin of Homo sapiens).".

• Page 42 of the abridged version of "Race, Evolution, and Behavior" states: "In both everyday life and evolutionary biology, a 'Black' is anyone most of whose ancestors were born in sub-Saharan Africa".

Criticism

Many people feel that being Black is too complex an issue to be adequately captured by any of the standard definitons. Lewis R. Gordan (IDirector of nstitute for the Study of Race and Social Thought at Temple University) says "Not all people who are designated African in the contemporary world are also considered black anywhere. And similarly, not all people who are considered in most places to be black are considered African anywhere. There are non-black Africans who are descended from more than a millennia of people living on the African continent, and there are indigenous Pacific peoples and peoples of India whose consciousness and life are marked by a black identity".

Psychiatrist Ikechukwu Obialo Azuonye says "being dark skinned is a widespread phenomenon which does not define any specific group of human beings. The tendency to reserve the designation black to sub-Saharan Africans and people of their extraction is manifestly misinformed". Cultural writer and filmmaker Owen 'Alik Shahadah adds "the notion of some invisible border, which divides the North of African from the South, is rooted in racism, which in part assumes that a little sand is an obstacle for African people. This barrier of sand hence confines/confined Africans to the bottom of this make-believe location, which exist neither politically or physically". Shahadah argues that the term sub-Saharan Africa is a product of European imperialism, "Sub-Saharan Africa is a byword for primitive African: a place, which has escaped advancement. Hence, we see statements like 'no written languages exist in Sub-Saharan Africa.' 'Egypt is not a Sub-Saharan African civilisation.' "

Activist Nirmala Rajasingam also considers most standard definitions of Black too narrow: "It was a failure because it divided the Black community into its constituent parts.. into Jamaican or Punjabi or Sri Lankan Tamil and so on, rather than build up Black unity.. But you know, there are young Asians who would like to call themselves Black, but the African youth will say 'You are not Black, you are Asian. We are Black'. Similarly, there are young Asians who will say 'We are not Black, we are Asian.'. So it has all become diluted and depoliticized.

During the colonial period some of these same people were mistakenly viewed as descendants of Equatorial Africans. and their social and ethnic distinction in their home countries, they are considered legitimately black to some degree, although many other African descendants may have their reservations. Due to the gains of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement of 1955-1975 some oppressed and marginalized populations around the world, even without African ancestry, have chosen to label themselves as "black." This is disputed by those who equate "blackness" only with equatorial African (sub-Saharan) ancestry and argue that non-Africans cannot be legitimately black.

Most critics of a global black identity agree that it is crafted politically to unite diverse groups by racializing the experience of discrimination; however, many adherents insist that it is a reaffirmation of a common-sense understanding of what it means to be black, something which was commonly understood prior to the use of DNA analysis or techniques of modern science. "When the empirical referent of many of these umbrella terms is explored, both theoretical and methodological problems become apparent, as exemplified by the generic use of the term 'black' to delineate a common experience of discrimination based on physical appearance. This is a meaning not shared by a substantial proportion of the people so described in such usage, amounts to third party imputation of meaning and strengthens the perception of highly diverse groups in racial terms." As one researcher put it, "The Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities (Modood et al., 1997) decided to survey South Asian and Chinese opinion on this issue by asking respondents, ‘Do you ever think of yourself as being black?’. Only about a fifth of over 1500 persons in the South Asian groups answered ‘yes’ (with only slight variation between the groups), and just one Chinese person out of 118. Such findings question the sustainability of such usage and may hasten the demise of political blackness.", However, even at such a small percentage throughout, the numbers of black people in Asia statistically outnumber those in North America. According to Rebecca Walker, "The African diaspora in Asia has been mislabeled and African Americans continuity with the black Global diaspora has been broken as well. African-American's disconnection with the black people of the world is an injury resulting from slavery in America..."

Proponents of Black identity contend that the objections ultimately originate from a post-colonial destruction of Black pride which all the above groups had experienced. As Blackness had been perceived as ugly by Europeans regardless of national identity, it is no surprise that many groups, African, Asian, and anywhere else would on a psychological level disdainfully reject the identity of black in favor of a substitute. Black Pride and political unity are two different things and taking pride in being black does not require any group to politically unite with Africans or African Americans. In fact, the unity comes from the shared acknowledgement of the positive aspects of black pride, which allows black people across unrelated groups to share experiences with each other despite their lack of historical ancestry.

Racial boundaries

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In South Africa, Colored people are individuals of mixed ancestry—usually the offspring of an African and a white settler or an Indian. While many of the colored people look black, they identify themselves as colored and are offended by individuals who try to classify them as black. In the Americas, people of mixed descent identify themselves in various ways. Admixture plays a strong role in articulating black identity in America. In the U.S., a child of a black parent and white parent can consider themselves to be half-black, fully black, exclusively black, or not black at all. In other settings, one is still black while they may or may not also consider being white (not considered half, but in fact considered fully black). This experience is due in some contexts to the one-drop rule that was perpetuated in America. However, many take the approach of existing fully as Black socially due to the social perceptions of people with noticeable African features and ancestry. The public social experiences among mixed black people and black people considered unmixed does not vary greatly due to the concentration or lack of admixture, the social experiences change based strictly on one's facial appearance. It is common for a person who considers themself to be exclusively black to appear less African in their appearance than one who is born of a white parent and black parent. Although it is not common, there are black families who exhibit features and a phenotype considered Caucasoid. Although this can be due to a variety of factors, admixture is usually considered the primary cause. Since American and to a lesser degree Western perceptions of color are based more on outward appearance (than DNA, ancestral history, or any other factor), it is quite possible for a predominantly black person to experience less stigma from whites for being black than a mixed person whose phenotype simply through chance exhibits a stronger African expression.

There are competing theories as to which approach is considered most legitimate with people of mixed descent; whether or not one should simply consider themselves black, mixed, bi-racial, half-black, or not black at all. It is generally understood that the person's own experiences and perceptions have the most say in this. On the other hand, social perceptions of blackness among Americans help shape these opinions, and many black people whose features resemble non-black people of color elsewhere may choose to disavow themselves (pass) of being inherently black. Bear in mind, socially, the ability to pass only occurs among those mixed children whose features and skin color is considered "light" enough to do so, which is why black society as a whole considers this to be reprehensible. The black identity for most is worth respecting like Jewishness, Arabic, Chaldean, Kurd, Slavic, etc., and it's seen as indicative of a lack of integrity to merely renounce it due to a person's outward appearance. In this context, blackness is certainly more of a cultural and ethnic identity than strictly a skin color.

To be considered African American in the United States of America, not even half of one's ancestry need be Black. The nation's answer to the question "Who is black?" long has been that a black person is any American with any known African ancestry. This definition reflects the long experience with racism, white supremacy, slavery, and, later, with Jim Crow laws.

In the Southern United States, it became known as the one-drop rule, meaning that a single drop of "black blood" makes a person "black". Some courts have called it the traceable amount rule, and anthropologists call it the hypodescent rule, meaning that racially mixed persons are assigned the status of the subordinate group. Prior to the one-drop rule, different states had different laws regarding color; in Virginia, for example, a person was legally black if he or she had at least one-sixteenth black ancestry and in Alabama one only had to be of 3% African ancestry to be considered Black. This is in sharp contrast to Brazil, where only 6% of the population is considered Black despite tha fact that a third of the country's gene pool is of sub-Saharan origin. Many Latino immigrants to America are shocked to discover they've become Black the moment they set foot on U.S. soil. "In this country, if you are not quite white, then you are black," said Jose Neinstein, a native white Brazilian and executive director of the Brazilian-American Cultural Institute in Washington. But in Brazil, he added, "If you are not quite black, then you are white."

The one-drop rule was implemented by states in the southern United States during the early to mid-1880's. This definition eventually emerged from the American South to become America's national definition, generally accepted by whites and blacks -- but for different reasons.

White supremacists, whose motivation was racist, considered anyone with African ancestry tainted, inherently inferior morally and intellectually and, thus, subordinate. During slavery, there was also a strong economic incentive to maximize the number of slaves. The designation of anyone possessing any trace of African ancestry as "black", and, therefore, of subordinate status to whites, guaranteed a source of free or cheap labor during slavery and for decades afterward.

The one drop rule however is not applied consistently in America. Despite the evidence of African ancestry among at least one American president, the U.S. is still waiting for their first black president.

Admixture outside of an African or Aboriginal context usually has the effect of almost neutralizing a person's or their society's perception of them being black, as blackness is viewed more as a social (and not ethnic) identity based on skin color. So it is much easier for a child of mixed white and black african ancestry to be viewed as black than it is for a child of mixed white and Dalit (or Siddi, or any black-Asian) ancestry to be viewed as black, even if both children looked identical. Admixtures is not the only way individuals can be genetically in between two different races. Although Ethiopians are widely considered Black both historically and by the census, because of their Negroid skin and hair type, a 2001 Oxford genetic cluster study stated: 62% of the Ethiopians fall in the first cluster, which encompasses the majority of the Jews, Norwegians and Armenians, indicating that placement of these individuals in a 'Black' cluster would be an inaccurate reflection of the genetic structure. Only 24% of the Ethiopians are placed in the cluster with the Bantu and most of the Afro-Caribbeans. In addition some anthropologists have argued that their craniofacial features resemble those of Caucasoids. However the cause of their alleged genetic and physical resemblance to both Negroids and Caucasoids (terms not usually used by scientists today) may only partly be explained by admixture. Scientists believe that modern humans originated in Africa, and that all non-Africans carry a later mutation that occured in what is today known as Ethiopia. The man who first carried this mutation is known as the Eurasian Adam, and lived in what is today Ethiopia. .

Official usage differs among former European colonies

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There are subtle differences among former colonial cultures in how the term is used. Once-colonial cultures, such as those of the Spanish and Portuguese, that lacked an endogamous barrier between the descendants of Europeans and the descendants of Africans seldom use the term as an ethno-racial label. Those with weak or three-caste endogamous barriers, such as the French, Dutch, and British distinguish between black and Coloured.

In the only land with a single, broad two-caste color line, the United States, the term has been used to denote a semi-voluntary, ethnic self-identity. (Semi-voluntary because if one "looks white" to the average American he or she has a choice; if one "looks black" to the average American, one does not have a choice.) During slavery, terms such as mulatto, quadroon, octoroon, etc., commonly were in use because there was an economic incentive to classify blacks by their degree of white admixture. Even after slavery, anti-black color bias among some blacks as well as whites maintained the usefulness of such distinctions. Regardless of ethnic admixture, however, in the U.S., the one-drop rule still applied. Even the whitest-looking octoroon, if his or her African lineage were known, was still considered black. This has changed to a degree with the recent and growing use of the term biracial in the U.S. to describe individuals of mixed parentage.

Former Iberian colonies

Latin American societies, including those of the Spanish Caribbean, have always lacked endogamous color lines. Every Hispanic resides on an Afro-Amerind-European continuum where status depends on wealth, breeding, education, and political power as well as phenotype. Latin American countries typically have three economic classes: A lower class of agricultural peasants and urban poor; a middle class of landowning farmers and urban craftsmen; and an upper class of wealthy professionals, educators, or the politically powerful. The structure has a strong hereditary component. It is rigid, offers little social mobility, and is often harsh or unjust. Nevertheless, despite significant class/skin-tone correlation, it has no color line in the sense of endogamy. Enforced Black/White endogamy is impossible in Latin America because nearly every Hispanic has immediate blood relatives who are more African-looking and others who are more European-looking than himself. Spanish contains about a dozen words to denote various blends of Afro-European appearance: prieto, criollo, blanquito, mulato, moreno, trigueño, mestizo, jabao, marrano, etc. Brazilian Portuguese has an equivalent set of terms. Yet, none of these terms has the denotation that "black" has in English, French, or Dutch. In fact, the word negro/a in many Latin American countries is seldom used to denote appearance. It is simply a common term of endearment, like the English honey. It is used by affectionate couples, even those who look entirely European.

Former British colonies

In a famous case an Indian Briton, Dadabhai Naoroji, stood for election to parliament for the Liberal party in 1886. He was defeated, leading the leader of the Conservatives, Lord Salisbury to remark that "however great the progress of mankind has been, and however far we have advanced in overcoming prejudice, I doubt if we have yet got to the point of view where a British constituency would elect a black man". This led to much discussion about the applicability of the term black to South Asians. Naoroji was subsequently elected to parliament in 1892, becoming the first M.P. of Indian descent. See Black British for more information.

In South Africa, Coloured denotes both an intermediate group between White and Black ("Mixed-race" people, in UK terminology), and the Khoisan who are lighter skinned indigenous southern Africans. During the Apartheid-era, for example, segregation and endogamy were enforced between each of its four groups: Black, White, Coloured and Asian. This often confused African-American visitors, who tried to associate with locals who were members of South Africa's Coloured group. The problem was that the Black group in the United States includes what South Africans consider two distinct groups: Black plus Coloured. In apartheid South Africa, association between members of the Black and Coloured endogamous groups was forbidden. Even today, after the ending of apartheid, South Africa's four endogamous groups, whose segregation was formerly enforced by criminal law, still maintain largely separate political allegiances, cultures, languages and customs. Nevertheless, South Africa's social barriers are more permeable than in the United States. During apartheid, South Africans routinely switched group membership by requesting it from their local Race Classification Boards. Although the bureaucracy was cumbersome and inconsistent, it enabled change. Individuals were often classified differently from their siblings and parents, and some people changed more than once. South Africans could appeal local reclassification decisions to the national Population Registration Board, thence to the Supreme Court. Like U.S. draft boards of the 1970s, South Africa’s local Race Classification Boards reflected local public opinion and often found it helpful to cooperate with those wanting to upgrade from Black to Coloured or Coloured to White. School principals of schools for children of the White endogamous group could keep up enrollments (and funding) by getting some Coloured children reclassified as White members, but if they pushed too hard, they risked having the whole school reclassified as a school for members of the Coloured endogamous group.

Coloured people in the British West Indies also form an intermediate group between Europeans and those of strong African appearance. Neither status within the group nor movement between groups was ever as institutionalized as in South Africa. Nevertheless, their membership criteria differ both from the United States and from South Africa. Europeans in the British West Indies often marry locals who physically appear to be European but have known partial African ancestry. Similarly, White clubs were closed to members of the Coloured group in the early colonial period, and members of this middle group were not allowed to vote, hold public office, hold military commissions, marry members of the White group, or inherit significant property from a member of the White group, but by the year 1733, these restrictions had been lifted for the intermediate group in Jamaica, Barbados, and Trinidad. The restrictions continued in effect for Blacks until the twentieth century.

Legislation, court decisions, and social custom in Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados treated members of the Coloured group as distinct from members of the Black group. According to one scholar, "The English… encountered the problem of race mixture in very different contexts in their several colonies; they answered it in one fashion in their West Indian islands, and in quite another in their colonies on the continent," and, "The contrast offered by the West Indies is striking." In post-emancipation Jamaica, the beleaguered White population allied with the Coloured elite (the descendants of the famous Maroons) to keep down the free Blacks. A Barbadian historian wrote, "In August 1838, some 83,000 blacks, 12,000 coloureds, and 15,000 whites, embarked on a social course which the ruling elite hoped to charter." A historian of Trinidad wrote, "The people of colour were marginal to Caribbean society: neither black nor white, neither African nor European…." Today, West Indian immigrants to England assimilate into mainstream society within a generation or two.

Another way that terminology in the former British Empire differs from, say, Iberian or U.S. customs, is in applying the term to populations that were not part of the African Diaspora of 1500-1900. Most former colonial cultures apply Black only to descendants of the African Diaspora of 1500-1900, but former British colonials, in contrast, apply the label to all colonial subjects of distinctly darker complexion than Europeans. Australian society labels Indigenous Australians as Black.

In the U.S.

An African American (also Afro-American, Black American, or black) is a member of an ethnic group in the United States whose ancestors, usually in predominant part, were indigenous to Africa. Many African Americans also have European and/or Native American ancestry as well. The term tends to refer to West African ancestries; not, for example, to white or Arab African ancestry, such as Moroccans or white South Africans. This is so even though there is huge genetic variation among the various inhabitants of sub-Saharan Africa, as much if not more so as among the afforementioned groups. It is not clear if an American descendant of a Khoisan, Ethiopian, or Somali immigrant to America would be considered part of this community, as their ancestors were not brought as slaves to the Americas from Western Africa, like the majority of Americans of African ancestry, and they have distinct phenotypic characteristics from West Africans. Members of the African Diaspora from non-African countries such as Jamaica, Haiti, Cuba (although they are logically African Americans, since they are located in the Americas and are descendants of Africans, with some admixture from Europeans and native Americans as well) or the United Kingdom are theoretically referred to by their nation of origin and not African American (even when they come from a Latin American country) unless they immigrate to the United States, but once a person of the African Diaspora becomes a permanent U.S. resident, then it is generally assumed that they (and especially their U.S.-born children) are "African American."

The U.S. usage of Black is unique, in that it evolved as a preferred racial term in antithesis to the former term "Negro." Membership has been only partly voluntary because Americans of European appearance have often been identified as Mulatto, and/or White and/or Negro and/or Black by US Census officials, sometimes within the span of three decades. Persons like Walter White and Gregory Howard Williams, who were virtually as fair as any European, self-identified as "Negro" despite being of overwhelming European genetic admixture, like millions of so-called White Americans. Today the term "Black" and "African-American" are often used interchangeably by both Black and White. The 2000 federal census offered the option of choosing more than one preconcieved designated ethno-racial identity. Also, U.S. traditions follow a one-drop rule that rhetorically claims that anyone with even the slightest trace of distant African ancestry is Black—a tradition found nowhere else on earth; but a tradition that African-Americans helped create in the 1830s North and have consistently embraced. (See African-American History#The Black Yankees.)

Many within the U.S. accept only people of recent sub-Saharan ancestry as Black. Even though the term Black does not strictly encompass sub-Saharan Africans (historically the word "black" relates more to dark skin than to regional affiliation), many do not consider people outside of the recent African diaspora as Black. For various reasons, Americans dispute the self-identity of Asians, Pacific Islanders, and others who claim to see themselves as Black.

The phrase people of color sometimes is used as a euphemism for black in exhortations of global non-white solidarity in the face of global whiteness, but this specific usage is apparently not widespread. According to one researcher, "The use of this term appears to depend strongly on context and location, being largely confined to the USA (alongside the term 'black') and increasingly in a radical political context." However, the 20% is reflective of the overall acknowledgement of the black presence currently in the region. Bear in mind the questionaire was not exclusively given to those in Asia who others consider to be black, but to a wide variety of South Asians, most of which would be universally understood to be not black. Considering that there are nearly a billion inhabitants even a smaller amount would entail a population greater than that of the black population in the USA.

The converse is also true. Some peoples today who are clearly genetic descendants of the African diaspora do not see themselves as black in any ethno-political sense, and instead adopt self-identities aligned with religion or language. Among these are the people of the Mascarene Islands in the Indian Ocean and the inhabitants of highland Madagascar.

Other aspects

The impact of colonialism

According to Harry Hoetink, one can predict where each New World culture draws the color-line based upon its own colonial history. He suggests that three similar socioeconomic classes formed in most settlements during the New World colonial period. Once the importation of African labor became widespread, Western Hemisphere colonies that lacked significant numbers of Native Americans tended to fall into a three-tiered social structure. The top layer comprised a small number of European land-owning planters who produced agricultural products for export using large numbers of African slaves. The slaves themselves made up the bottom layer. Finally, in most European colonies (Barbados being the exception), an intermediate group arose, composed of free subsistence farmers, who were allowed to opt out of the plantation economy in return for serving as militia in the event of slave insurrection. In each colony, the color line came to be defined by the appearance of typical members of the intermediate class. Anyone more European-looking was seen as White; anyone darker was considered black. Historical contingency decreed that this intermediate group would have a large admixture of African appearance in Santo Domingo, less so in Trinidad and Brazil, even less in Cuba and Puerto Rico, and be completely European-looking in Virginia and South Carolina. Hoetink demonstrated that, "One and the same person may be considered white in the Dominican Republic or Puerto Rico, and 'coloured' in Brazil, Martinique, or Curaçao; this difference must be explained in terms of socially determined somatic norms. The same person may be called a 'Negro' in Georgia; this must be explained by the historical evolution of social structure in the Southern United States."

Psychological interpretations

Researchers in the cognitive sciences have shown that cultures do not ostracize out-groups because they look different; they look different because they are out-groups. Children of each culture can "correctly" (for their own society) categorize strangers by age three. They can reliably match each "racial" category with its social term or word by about age five. Most American children (about 70 percent) internalize the hypodescent rule by about age ten. And they can confabulate a rationalization for hypodescent by early adulthood. Although the number and meaning of "racial" categories and of the traits that delineate them vary dramatically among cultures, children learn their own culture's rules and categories shortly after learning to walk. Clearly, the cognitive system employed is as adaptable to culture, and yet is as hardwired in the brain, as is language itself.

A series of experiments conducted by Robert Kurzban, subsequently confirmed by John Tooby and Leda Cosmides show why this is. Sex, age, and "otherness" are the three fundamental attributes that the mind encodes in an automatic and mandatory manner. For example, long after all memory has been lost of the occupation, name, clothing, or hair of a stranger to which one was briefly exposed, one can recall that the individual was "a white woman" or a "black male child." But age and sex are independent of culture. "Otherness" is not. Kurzban and later investigators demonstrated that the ability to recall a stranger's "otherness" actually detects a culture's social coalitions or alliances. Over the past hundred millennia or so, humans have become adept at detecting competing social groups. The discrimination of facial features enables a child to identify whether a stranger is genetically related (a member of the child's extended family). This ability is strongly selected because one is less likely to be killed and devoured by a relative than by a member of an opposing group. Recall that we (genus Homo) evolved as hunting apes for two million years before our brains expanded five-fold in the past 120 millennia (species sapiens). One must take the long view when studying adaptive cognition.

Physical attributes shared among black people

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Skin tone, hair coarseness and the like are clues by which Americans (and, to a lesser extent, other Europeans, especially the British) identify a stranger's "otherness" and so determine whether a stranger "looks black" to them, but other cultures use clues that are unrelated to the U.S. endogamous color line: height, hair-length, clothing, facial features (such as hooked nose versus straight nose or the shape of the eye), even a person's smell (which relates to diet). This point is easily misunderstood and has even been reported as suggesting that humans are hardwired to recognize "race." The fact is that in no culture does the need/ability to recall a stranger's "otherness" correlate with Americans' unique perception of "race," unless you stretch the meaning of "race" to denote simply "otherness." In the United States, for example, where the term "race" is applied to differentiate those of Asian ancestry, subjects quickly forget whether the stranger was Japanese, Native American, Indian, Irish, Italian, or Pakistani, but Americans (only) do not forget on which side of the U.S. endogamous color line he seemed to be. In short, it is easily demonstrated within minutes that subjects notice and subconsciously remember even the most apparently insignificant differences in facial features if they happen to correlate with "otherness." On the other hand, even glaring facial differences, such as skin-tone darkness, are quickly forgotten if they are irrelevant to "otherness." In short, "who looks black" is answered differently by different people.

Problems with usage

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Some African people, especially on the continent of Africa (Somali, Ethiopian, Hausa, Maasai, Turaeg, Fulani,etc), as well as many African-American believe that black strictly refers to skin color and therefore consider it disrespectful to describe people with a label based solely on a color. black, like other ethnic groups (Jewish, Roma, Latino) is a very loose and unscientific form of ethnic classification and is made problematic because many non-African groups are\were also called black by conquering Europeans. The term has also acquired a stigma because it has been used to equate those on the bottom rung of the social ladder like the black Untouchables of India and the Black Irish who were considered lower class. However it's difficult to determine if the stigma comes from the class or if the oppression due to prejudice by skin color that created the circumstances that led to darker skinned people being put into the bottom of the social ladder in various parts of the world. Many significant personalities of the African world from Malcolm X to John Henrick Clarke have advocated for the usage of African-American instead of black. This campaign became popularized when Jesse Jackson in the 1980’s encouraged African-American be used in place of black. As John Henrick Clarke and others have argued the term black does not fully articulate the history and geopolitical reality of African people.

Terms no longer in common use

Prior to the 1970s, the term Negro (lit. black in Spanish) was the dominant term for black people of African origin in the great majority of English-language contexts. Nowadays, this term has become increasingly passé and considered inappropriate, and derogatory.

Negroid was a term used by European anthropologists first in the 18th century to describe indigenous Africans and their descendants throughout the African diaspora from an archaeological point of view. The term is controversial and imprecise because of its inference of grouping people based on very limited variations in skull shapes and sizes (which goes against the overall wide diversity of Equatorial African people). African intellectuals have substituted the term Africoid which, unlike Negroid, encompasses the phenotypes of all indigenous African peoples.

Other largely defunct, seldom used terms to refer to African Americans of mixed descent are mulatto and colored.

Footnotes

1. F. James Davis, Who is Black? One Nations Definition (Penn State U., 1991), Let us not he confused by terminology. At present the usual statement of the one-drop rule is in terms of "black blood" or black ancestry, while not so long ago it referred to "Negro blood" or ancestry. The term "black" rapidly replaced "Negro" in general usage in the United States as the black power movement peaked at the end of the 1960s, but the black and Negro populations are the same. The term "black" is used in this book for persons with any black African lineage, not just for unmixed members of populations from sub-Saharan Africa. The term "Negro," which is used in certain historical contexts, means the same thing. Terms such as "African black," "unmixed Negro," and "all black" are used here to refer to unmixed blacks descended from African populations.
2. P.J. Aspinall, "Collective Terminology to Describe the Minority Ethnic Population: The Persistence of Confusion and Ambiguity in Usage," Sociology, Volume 36(4): 812.
3. P.J. Aspinall, "Collective Terminology to Describe the Minority Ethnic Population: The Persistence of Confusion and Ambiguity in Usage," Sociology, Volume 36(4): 805.
4. ]
5. ]
6. ]
7. Lines. August 2002. Retrieved on 2006-10-08.
8. This section was adapted from Chapter 3 of Frank W. Sweet, Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule (Palm Coast FL: Backintyme, 2005) ISBN 0939479230, which contains the citations and references. An abridged version, with endnotes is available online at The Perception of "Racial" Traits.
9. ]
10. ]
11. ]
12. ]
13. ]
14. ]
15. ]
16. ]
17. African-American Philosophy, Race, and the Geography of Reason
18. , British Medical Journal, 1996;313:760
19. ]
20. Lines. August 2002. Retrieved on 2006-10-08.
21. P.J. Aspinall, "Collective Terminology to Describe the Minority Ethnic Population: The Persistence of Confusion and Ambiguity in Usage," Sociology, Volume 36(4): 812.
22. P.J. Aspinall, "Collective Terminology to Describe the Minority Ethnic Population: The Persistence of Confusion and Ambiguity in Usage," Sociology, Volume 36(4): 805.
23. ]
24. [http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/c021800a90432bc38025655200447629?Opendocument
26. [[http://www.raceandhistory.com/selfnews/viewnews.cgi?newsid1041125920,38891,.shtml
27. ]
28. ]
29. ]
30. ]
31. Graham Watson, Passing for White: A Study of Racial Assimilation in a South African School (London, 1970), 10-24, chap. 4. Incidentally, none of the above is meant to suggest that South Africans' four-group system is in any way more logical or beneficial than America's two-group system. All appearance-based systems tend to crumble around the edges. U.S. courts have still not resolved whether East Indians are members of the U.S. White endogamous group. Similarly, in South Africa, Japanese were ruled to be White whereas Chinese were officially Coloured (The Asian category was intended for South Africa's Indian community). One final remark about South Africa: Due to recent Black political supremacy, their society may be changing. It may now be in transition, from seeing hybrids as intermediate in social rank, to relegating them to inferior status, as in Uganda. A Coloured South African recently complained to a newspaper reporter, "In the old system, we weren't White enough; now we aren't Black enough." See Lydia Polgreen, "For Mixed-Race South Africans, Equity is Elusive," The New York Times International, July 27 2003, 3.
32. P.J. Aspinall, "Collective Terminology to Describe the Minority Ethnic Population: The Persistence of Confusion and Ambiguity in Usage," Sociology, Volume 36(4): 807.
33. Pier M. Larson, ""Reconsidering Trauma, Identity, and the African Diaspora: Enslavement and Historical Memory in Nineteenth-Century Highland Madagascar," William and Mary Quarterly 56, no. 2 (1999): 335-62].
34. The term hypodescent was coined by the late University of Florida anthropologist, Marvin Harris in Patterns of Race in the Americas (Westport CT, 1964), page 37. It means that, to the extent that blood fraction influences perceived U.S. endogamous group membership, the dividing line is not 50-50. Even a slight fraction of known black ancestry usually consigns an English-speaking American to the black group. This contrasts with other New World countries where one is categorized by preponderance of appearance—one is white if one looks mostly white. The original experiments on childhood internalization of the notion of race are reported in Lawrence A. Hirschfeld,"The Inheritability of Identity: Children’s Understanding of the Cultural Biology of Race," Child Development, 66 (no. 5, October 1995), 1418-37.
35. ]

See also

• African diaspora
• African Holocaust
• Anti-African
• Black Consciousness Movement and Steve Biko
• Colored people in the United States
• Coloured people of South Africa
• Creole peoples
• Race
• Race and Intelligence
• Racial segregation
• Negrito
• Negro
• Nilotic
• White (people)
• Negroid

Groups

• African American
• Afro-Brazilian
• Afro-Cuban
• Afro-Ecuadorian
• Afro-German
• Afro-Irish
• Afro-Latin American
• Afro-Mexican
• Afro-Peruvian
• Afro-Trinidadian
• African American culture
• African American music
• Black British
• African Caribbean
• Black Canadian
• Siddi
• Dalit
• Eastern Ethiopian
• Thomas Corwin Mendenhall

External links

• PBS Africans in America series
• National Geographic pictures of the Rana Tharu of Nepal
• Sheedi people of India and Pakistan
• Siddi people of India
• Black Iraqis and African heritage in an Islamic State.
• India's Lost Africans BBC News of African oriented people in east India and Pakistan
• Gullah culture of South Carolina.
• Black Egyptian sues to be recognized in the US.
• More descriptions of black people outside Africa.

• African American culture
• African-American history
• African diaspora
• Black people
• Ethnic groups