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The Catalan independence movement (Template:Lang-ca; Spanish: independentismo catalán or secesionismo catalán) is a political movement derived from Catalan nationalism, which seeks the independence of Catalonia from the Kingdom of Spain. The Estelada flag, in its blue and red versions, has become its main symbol.

The political movement began in 1922 when Francesc Macià founded Estat Català (Catalan State). In 1931, Estat Català and other parties formed Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Left of Catalonia; ERC), which won a dramatic victory in the municipal elections of that year. Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic, but after negotiations with the leaders of the new Spanish Republic, he instead accepted autonomy within the Spanish state. In the Spanish Civil War, General Francisco Franco abolished Catalan autonomy in 1938. Following Franco's death in 1975, Catalan political parties concentrated on autonomy rather than independence.

The modern independence movement began when the 2006 Statute of Autonomy, which had been agreed with the Spanish government and passed by a referendum in Catalonia, was challenged in the Spanish High Court of Justice, which ruled that some of the articles were unconstitutional, or were to be interpreted restrictively. Popular protest against the decision quickly turned into demands for independence. Starting with the town of Arenys de Munt, over 550 municipalities in Catalonia held symbolic referendums on independence between 2009 and 2011, all of them returning a high "yes" vote, with a turnout of around 30% of those eligible to vote. A 2010 protest demonstration against the court's decision, organised by the cultural organisation Òmnium Cultural, was attended by over a million people. The popular movement fed upwards to the politicians; a second mass protest on 11 September 2012 (the National Day of Catalonia) explicitly called on the Catalan government to begin the process towards independence. Catalan president Artur Mas called a snap general election, which resulted in a pro-independence majority for the first time in the region's history. The new parliament adopted the Catalan Sovereignty Declaration in early 2013, asserting that the Catalan people had the right to decide their own political future.

The Catalan government announced a referendum, to be held in November 2014, on the question of statehood. The referendum was to ask two questions: "Do you want Catalonia to become a State?" and (if yes) "Do you want this State to be independent?" The Spanish government referred the proposed referendum to the Spanish Constitutional Court, which ruled it unconstitutional. The Catalan government then changed it from a binding referendum to a non-binding "consultation". Despite the Spanish court also banning the non-binding vote, the Catalan self-determination referendum went ahead on 9 November 2014. The result was an 81% vote for "yes-yes", but the turnout was only 35%. Mas called another election for September 2015, which he said would be a plebiscite on independence. Pro-independence parties fell just short of a majority of votes in the September election, although they won a majority of seats. The new parliament passed a resolution declaring the start of the independence process in November 2015, and the following year, new president Carles Puigdemont announced a binding referendum on independence, deemed illegal by the Spanish Constitution of 1978, and was held on October 1, 2017. National Police Corps and the Guardia Civil were deployed to prevent voting, using batons and rubber bullets. Preliminary results showed a 90% vote in favour of independence, with a turnout of only 42%.

In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (Democratic Convergence of Catalonia; CDC); Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Left of Catalonia; ERC), and Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (Popular Unity Candidacy; CUP). The PDeCAT and ERC currently form the coalition Junts pel Sí (Together for "Yes"). Parties opposed to any change in Catalonia's position are Ciutadans (Citizens) and the Catalan branch of the Partido Popular (People's Party). The Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (Socialists' Party of Catalonia; PSC), the Catalan referent of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party; PSOE), officially favours a federalist option, although some of its members support self-determination. Other parties favour an intermediate form of self-determination, or at least support a referendum on the question.

History

Beginnings

The Principality of Catalonia was a territory of the Crown of Aragon at the time of the union of Aragon and the Kingdom of Castile in the late 15th century, which led to what would become the Kingdom of Spain. Initially, the various territories of Aragon, including Catalonia, kept their own fueros (laws and customs) and political institutions. During the Thirty Years War and Franco-Spanish War Catalans revolted against the Spanish Habsburg monarchy in the Reaper's War of 1640–1652, which ended in defeat. During the War of Spanish Succession, the Crown of Aragon switched its allegiance from the Bourbon pretender to the Spanish throne to the Habsburg pretender. Following the failure of the Habsburgs to secure the Spanish throne, the new Bourbon monarchy (who have been reigning Spain interruptedly to this day) retaliated by ending the autonomy of the Crown of Aragon and therefore Catalonia, following the surrender of Barcelona to a Bourbon force on 11 September 1714 (observed as the National Day of Catalonia since 1886). The rendition was followed by the cancellation of the regional administrative law (fueros) and the imposition of the Nueva Planta decrees, which centralised Spanish rule , leading the creation of the Spanish Estate as we know it today, as forged by the first spanish consitution of 1812, and coinciding with the abandoning of Ancien Régime.

The beginnings of separatism in Catalonia can be traced back to the mid–19th century. The Renaixença (cultural renaissance), which aimed at the revival of the Catalan language and Catalan traditions, led to the development of Catalan nationalism and a desire for independence. Between the 1850s and the 1910s, some individuals, organisations and political parties started demanding full independence of Catalonia from Spain.

Twentieth century

The first pro-independence political party in Catalonia was Estat Català (Catalan State), founded in 1922 by Francesc Macià. Estat Català went into exile in France during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923–1930), launching an unsuccessful uprising from Prats de Molló in 1926. In March 1931, following the overthrow of Primo de Rivera, Estat Català joined with the Partit Republicà Català (Catalan Republican Party) and the political group L'Opinió (Opinion) to form Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Left of Catalonia; ERC), with Macià as its first leader. The following month, the ERC achieved a spectacular victory in the municipal elections that preceded the 14 April proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic. Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic on 14 April, but after negotiations with the provisional government he was obliged to settle for autonomy, under a revived Generalitat of Catalonia. Catalonia was granted a statute of autonomy in 1932, which lasted until the Spanish Civil War. In 1938, General Franco abolished both the Statute of Autonomy and the Generalitat.

A section of Estat Català which had broken away from the ERC in 1936 joined with other groups to found the Front Nacional de Catalunya (National Front of Catalonia; FNC) in Paris in 1940. The FNC declared its aim to be "an energetic protest against Franco and an affirmation of Catalan nationalism". Its impact, however, was on Catalan exiles in France rather than in Catalonia itself. The FNC in turn gave rise to the Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional (Socialist Party of National Liberation; PSAN), which combined a pro-independence agenda with a left-wing stance. A split in the PSAN led to the formation of the Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional - Provisional (Socialist Party of National Liberation - Provisional; PSAN-P) in 1974.

Following Franco's death in 1975, Spain moved to restore democracy. A new constitution was adopted in 1978, which asserted the "indivisible unity of the Spanish Nation", but acknowledged "the right to autonomy of the nationalities and regions which form it". Independence parties objected to it on the basis that it was incompatible with Catalan self-determination, and formed the Comité Català Contra la Constitució Espanyola (Catalan Committee Against the Constitution) to oppose it. The constitution was approved in a referendum by 88% of voters in Spain overall, and just over 90% in Catalonia. It was followed by the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 1979, which was approved in a referendum, with 88% of voters supporting it. This led to the marginalisation or disappearance of pro-independence political groups, and for a time the gap was filled by militant groups such as Terra Lliure.

In 1981, a manifesto issued by intellectuals in Catalonia claiming discrimination against the Castilian language drew a response in the form of published letter, Crida a la Solidaritat en Defensa de la Llengua, la Cultura i la Nació Catalanes (Call for solidarity in defence of the Catalan language, culture and nation), which called for a mass meeting at the University of Barcelona, out of which a popular movement arose. The Crida organised a series of protests that culminated in a massive demonstration in the Camp Nou on 24 June 1981. Beginning as a cultural organisation, the Crida soon began to demand independence. In 1982, at a time of political uncertainty in Spain, the Ley Orgánica de Armonización del Proceso Autonómico (LOAPA) was introduced in the Spanish parliament, supposedly to "harmonise" the autonomy process, but in reality to curb the power of Catalonia and the Basque region. There was a surge of popular protest against it. The Crida and others organised a huge rally against LOAPA in Barcelona on 14 March 1982. In March 1983, it was held to be ultra vires by the Spanish Constitutional Court. During the 1980s, the Crida was involved in nonviolent direct action, among other things campaigning for labelling in Catalan only, and targeting big companies. In 1983, the Crida's leader, Àngel Colom, left to join the ERC, "giving an impulse to the independentist refounding" of that party.

Second Statute of Autonomy and after

Following elections in 2003, the moderate nationalist Convergència i Unió (CiU), which had governed Catalonia since 1980, lost power to a coalition of left-wing parties composed of the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), the pro-independence Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and a far-left/Green coalition (ICV-EUiA), headed by Pasqual Maragall. The government produced a draft for a new Statute of Autonomy, which was supported by the CiU and was approved by the parliament by a large majority. The draft statute then had to be approved by the Spanish parliament, which could make changes; it did so, removing clauses on finance and the language, and an article stating that Catalonia was a nation. When the amended statute was put to a referendum on 18 June 2006, the ERC, in protest, called for a "no" vote. The statute was approved, but turnout was only 48.9%. At the subsequent election, the left-wing coalition was returned to power, this time under the leadership of José Montilla.

The Partido Popular, which had opposed the statute in the Spanish parliament, challenged its constitutionality in the Spanish High Court of Justice. The case lasted four years. In its judgement, issued on 18 June 2010, the court ruled that fourteen articles in the statute were unconstitutional, and that 27 others were to be interpreted restrictively. The affected articles included those that gave preference to the Catalan language, freed Catalonia from responsibility for the finances of other autonomous communities, and recognised Catalonia as a nation. The full text of the judgement was released on 9 July 2010, and the following day a protest demonstration organised by the cultural organisation Òmnium Cultural was attended by over a million people, and led by José Montilla.

During and after the court case, a series of symbolic referendums on independence were held in municipalities throughout Catalonia. The first of these was in the town of Arenys de Munt on 13 September 2009. About 40% of eligible voters participated, of whom 96% voted for independence. In all, 552 towns held independence referendums between 2009 and 2011. These, together with demonstrations organised by Òmnium Cultural and the Assemblea Nacional Catalana (ANC), represented a "bottom-up" process by which society influenced the political movement for independence. At an institutional level, several municipalities of Catalonia came together to create the Association of Municipalities for Independence, an organisation officially established on 14 December 2011 in Vic which brought local organisations together to further the national rights of Catalonia and promote its right to self-determination. The demonstration of 11 September 2012 explicitly called on the Catalan government to begin the process of secession. Immediately after it, Artur Mas, whose CiU had regained power in 2010, called a snap election for 25 November 2012, and the parliament resolved that a referendum on independence would be held in the life of the next legislature. Although the CiU lost seats to the ERC, Mas remained in power.

2014 referendum

Mas and ERC leader Oriol Junqueras signed an agreement by which the ERC would support the CiU on sovereignty issues while on other matters it might oppose it. The two leaders drafted the Declaration of Sovereignty and of the Right to Decide of the Catalan People, which was adopted by the parliament at its first sitting in January 2013. The declaration stated that "the Catalan people have, for reasons of democratic legitimacy, the nature of a sovereign political and legal subject", and that the people had the right to decide their own political future. The Spanish government referred the declaration to the Spanish Constitutional Court, which ruled in March 2014 that the declaration of sovereignty was unconstitutional; it did, however, allow that there existed a right to decide. On 11 September 2013, an estimated 1.6 million demonstrators formed a human chain, the Catalan Way, from the French border to the regional border with Valencia. The following month, the CiU, the ERC, the ICV-EUiA and Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (CUP) agreed to hold the independence referendum on 9 November 2014, and that it would ask two questions: "Do you want Catalonia to become a State?" and (if yes) "Do you want this State to be independent?". A further mass demonstration, the Catalan Way 2014, took place on 11 September 2014, when protesters wearing the Catalan colours of yellow and red filled two of Barcelona’s avenues to form a giant "V", to call for a vote. Following the Constitutional Court’s ruling, the Catalan government changed the vote to a "process of citizen participation" and announced that it would be supervised by volunteers. The Spanish government again appealed to the Constitutional Court, which suspended the process pending the appeal, but the vote went ahead. The result was an 81% vote for yes-yes, but the turnout was only 42%, which could be seen as a majority opposed to both independence and the referendum. Criminal charges were subsequently preferred against Mas and others for defying the court order.

In June 2015 the CiU broke up as a result of disagreement between its constituent parties – Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC) and Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC) – over the independence process. Mas’s CDC joined with the ERC and other groups to form Junts pel Sí (Together for "Yes"), which announced that it would declare independence if it won the election scheduled for September. In the September election, Junts pel Sí and the CUP between them won a majority of seats, but fell short of a majority of votes, with just under 48%. On 9 November 2015, the parliament passed a resolution declaring the start of the independence process, proposed by Junts pel Sí and the CUP. In response, Spanish premier Mariano Rajoy said that the state might "use any available judicial and political mechanism contained in the constitution and in the laws to defend the sovereignty of the Spanish people and of the general interest of Spain", a hint that he would not stop at military intervention. Following prolonged negotiations between Junts pel Sí and the CUP, Mas was replaced as president by Carles Puigdemont in January 2016. Puigdemont, on taking the oath of office, omitted the oath of loyalty to the king and the Spanish constitution, the first Catalan president to do so.

Further pro-independence demonstrations took place in Barcelona in September 2015, and in Barcelona, Berga, Lleida, Salt and Tarragona in September 2016.

2017 referendum

In late September 2016, Puigdemont told the parliament that a binding referendum on independence would be held in the second half of September 2017, with or without the consent of the Spanish institutions. Puigdemont announced in June 2017 that the referendum would take place on 1 October, and that the question would be, "Do you want Catalonia to become an independent state in the form of a republic?" The Spanish government said in response, "that referendum will not take place because it is illegal." The national government seized ballot papers and cell phones, threatened to fine voters up to €300,000, shut down web sites, and demanded that Google remove a voting location finder from the Android app store. Police were sent from the rest of Spain to suppress the vote and close polling locations, but parents scheduled events at schools (where polling places are located) over the weekend and vowed to occupy them to keep them open during the vote. Some election organizers were arrested, including Catalan cabinet officials, while demonstrations by local institutions and street protests grew larger.

The referendum was approved by the Catalan parliament in a session on 6 September 2017 along with a law which states that independence would be binding with a simple majority, without requiring a minimum turnout. Opposition parties refused to participate in the session and called on their voters to boycott the vote, except Catalunya Sí que es Pot who abstained but supports participation. The law is illegal according to the Catalan Statutes of Autonomy which require a two third majority in the Catalan parliament for any change to Catalonia's status. The referendum itself is also illegal according to the Spanish constitution. It was suspended by the Constitutional Court on 7 September 2017, with the Catalan government stating the court order was not valid for Catalonia and proceeding to gather the support of 712 of 948 municipalities of Catalonia, including a partial support by Barcelona.

The referendum question, which voters answered with "Yes" or "No", was "Do you want Catalonia to become an independent state in the form of a republic?". The "Yes" side won, with 2,020,144 (91.96%) voting for independence and 176,565 (8.04%) voting against, on a turnout of 42.58%. The Catalan government estimated that up to 770,000 votes were not cast due to polling stations being closed off during the police crackdown, although the "universal census" system introduced earlier in the day allowed electors to vote in any given polling station. Catalan government officials have argued that the turnout would be higher were it not for Spanish police suppression of the vote, and that were it not for closures and police pressure, turnout could have been around 55%. On the other hand, many voters who did not support Catalan independence did not turn out.

The Government of Spain opposes any Catalan self-determination referendum, because the Spanish Constitution does not allow for a vote on the independence of any Spanish region while also deeming it illegal without its consent. This interpretation is also favoured by the Catalan Statutory Guarantees Council. However, the Catalan government invoked the right to self-determination for calling the referendum. Following a constitutionality check demanded by the Spanish government, the Constitutional Court of Spain annulled the resolution emanated by the Parliament of Catalonia to hold such a vote. The Government of Catalonia, though, maintained that the vote would still be held on 1 October. To avoid the Spanish government's influence, the Catalan government passed a referendum law through its own parliament, by simple majority, in September declaring that it would then follow a "Catalan-only" legality (as opposed to the general Spanish one). The referendum law was also suspended by the Constitutional Court of Spain.

On the day of the poll, Spanish police and the Guardia Civil raided polling stations in Barcelona, Girona and elsewhere. They forced entry, ejected the occupants, confronted people trying to vote, used batons and fired rubber bullets in an attempt to stop the referendum from going ahead. According to the Catalan health service, 840 people were injured. The Catalan government gave preliminary figures indicating that 2.26 million (42% of the electorate) had voted, with 90% vote in favour of independence. The Spanish constitutional court moved quickly to prevent a declaration of independence.

Support for independence

Political parties

The parties explicitly campaigning for independence currently represented in the Catalan Parliament are the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), Catalan European Democratic Party (PDEC) and the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP). They have 72 seats of 135 after the Catalan 2015 election and gained 39.6% and 8.2% of the popular vote respectively.

Other smaller pro-independence parties or coalitions, without present representation in any parliament, are Catalan Solidarity for Independence, Estat Català, Endavant, PSAN, Poble Lliure and Reagrupament. There are also youth organisations such as Young Republican Left of Catalonia, Arran, and the student unions SEPC and FNEC.

Others

In recent years, support for Catalan independence has broadened from being the preserve of traditional left or far-left Catalan nationalism. Relevant examples are the liberal economists Xavier Sala i Martín and Ramon Tremosa Balcells (elected deputy for CiU in the European parliament in the 2009 election), the lawyer and former FC Barcelona president Joan Laporta or the jurist and former member of the Consejo General del Poder Judicial Alfons López Tena.

The think tank Cercle d'Estudis Sobiranistes, led by the jurists Alfons López Tena and Hèctor López Bofill was founded in 2007. Since then it has mobilised a number of lawmakers, professors, businessmen, professionals, economists, journalists and intellectuals for the cause of Catalonia's independence.

Other individuals include:

• Lluís Llach, composer and songwriter
• Josep Carreras, tenor singer
• Teresa Forcades, Benedictine nun
• Pep Guardiola, coach of Manchester City FC, former football player and former coach for FC Barcelona and FC Bayern Munich.
• Miquel Calçada, journalist and reporter
• Joel Joan, actor
• Quim Monzó, short story writer

Opposition to independence

Political parties

All of the Spanish National Political Parties in Catalonia reject the idea of independence. Of these, only Podemos is prepared to hold a referendum on the issue in Catalonia; others such as Ciutadans, and the People's Party of Catalonia, which had 17.9% and 8.5% of the vote respectively in the 2015 Catalan parliamentary election, have always opposed the notion of Catalan self-determination. The Socialists' Party (12.7% of vote) opposes independence as well. While some of its members supported the idea of a self-determination referendum up until 2012, the official position as of 2015 is that the Spanish Constitution should be reformed in order to better accommodate Catalonia. A majority of voters of left-wing platform Catalonia Yes We Can (8.94%) reject independence although the party favours a referendum in which it would campaign for Catalonia remaining part of Spain. CDC's Catalanist former-partner Unió came out against independence and fared badly in every subsequent election, eventually disbanding due to bankruptcy in 2016.

Other organizations and individuals

The list of organizations and individual Catalans who have publicly opposed independence includes:

• Albert Boadella, actor and director
• Mercedes Milá, presenter and journalist
• Xavier Sardá, presenter and journalist
• Jordi Évole, presenter and journalist
• Montserrat Caballé, opera singer
• Joan Manuel Serrat, singer-songwriter
• Estopa, rock band
• Loquillo, rock singer
• Isabel Coixet, film director

Public opinion

One study found that support for independence is a function of grievances rooted in the desire for Catalonia to assume responsibility for taxation and spending policy. This suggests that Spain might be able to stave off Catalonia's separatist bid through some form of political and taxation policy reconfiguration.

Polling institutions

Several institutions have performed polls covering questions on the independence issue in Catalonia. The most prominent are those carried out by the Centre for Opinion Studies (Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió; CEO), the Spanish government-run Social Research Centre (Centro de Investigaciones Sociales; CIS) and the Social and Political Sciences Institute of Barcelona (Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials; ICPS), which is part of the Autonomous University of Barcelona and Diputation of Barcelona.

Centre for Opinion Studies

The Centre for Opinion Studies (Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió; CEO) fell under the purview of the Economy Ministry of the Generalitat of Catalonia until early 2011. Since then it has been placed under direct control of the Presidency of the Generalitat and is currently headed by Jordi Argelaguet i Argemí. Since the second quarter of 2011, CEO has conducted polls regarding public sentiments toward independence.

The question was not asked in this survey; instead the two part question was asked (see below).

CEO likewise conducted polls in the 1st and 2nd series of 2014 based on the 9N independence referendum format. The questions and choices involved were:

• Do you want Catalonia to become a State? (Yes/No)
• If the answer for question 1 is in the affirmative: Do you want this State to be independent? (Yes/No)

In addition, CEO performs regular polls studying opinion of Catalan citizens regarding Catalonia's political status within Spain. The following table contains the answers to the question "Which kind of political entity should Catalonia be with respect to Spain?":

Social Research Centre

The Spanish government-run Social Research Centre (Centro de Investigaciones Sociales; CIS) performed a poll in Catalonia in 2001, including an explicit question on independence with the following results: 35.9% supporting it, 48.1% opposing it, 13.3% indifferent, 2.8% did not reply.

Social and Political Sciences Institute of Barcelona

The Political Sciences Institute of Barcelona (Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials; ICPS) performs an opinion poll annually since 1989, which sometimes includes a section on independence. The results are in the following table:

telephonic instead of door-to-door interview

Newspaper polls

Catalan newspapers El Periódico and La Vanguardia have also been publishing their own surveys in recent times.

El Periódico

The same poll, but asking what would be the case if a yes vote would imply leaving the EU

La Vanguardia

See also

• Catalan self-determination referendum
• Catalan nationalism
• Catalan Republic
• Catalan Countries
• Estelada flag
• Anti-Catalanism
• Free Catalan Territory
• Convergence and Union
• Republican Left of Catalonia
• Catalan Solidarity for Independence
• Assemblea Nacional Catalana
• 2012 Catalan independence demonstration
• Declaration of the Initiation of the Process of Independence of Catalonia
• List of active autonomist and secessionist movements
• 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis

• Politics
• European Union
• Spain

Notes

1. Pronunciation of independentisme català in Catalan:
   • Template:IPA-ca
   • Template:IPA-ca

References

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External links

• "Catalonia Votes", website on self-determination referendum, with articles, videos, etc.
• Catalonia's independence on YouTube (A video based on an article about Catalonia's independence by professor Xavier Sala-i-Martin from Columbia University.)
• Party Urging More Autonomy From Spain Seems to Win in Catalonia Article on New York Times, November 2, 2006
• The Importance of Catalonia to the Spanish Economy Infographic published by Venture Spain, October 9, 2014
• "Courage in Catalonia". New York Times. June 22, 2006. Retrieved September 12, 2016.
• Voters in Catalonia Approve A Plan for Greater Autonomy Article in The New York Times, June 19, 2006
• Spain Moves On Law to Give Broad Powers To Catalonia Article in The New York Times, March 31, 2006
• Template:Dmoz. Template:Ca icon
• History of Catalan independentism. Dossier of the Catalan magazine El Temps. Template:Ca icon

v t e Catalan nationalism and independence movement
Events	¡Cu-Cut! incident 1918-1919 autonomy campaign Plot of Prats de Molló Catalan Republic (1931) Events of 6 October Operation Garzón Fresno Case 2009–2011 independence referendums support 2010 autonomy protest 2012 independence demonstration 2013 Catalan Way 2014 Catalan Way 2014 self-determination referendum 2015 Free Way 2016 We are ready 2017–2018 Spanish constitutional crisis 2017 National Day for Yes 2017 Yes Campaign 2017 Operation Anubis 2017 independence referendum reactions 2017 Catalan general strike 2017 Wake Up Europe! 2017 Catalan regional election 2019 trial of independence leaders 2019–2020 protests 2019 Catalan general strike
Concepts	Catalan Countries Principality of Catalonia Republican Generalitat Anti-Catalan sentiment Federalism
Documents	Bases de Manresa (1892) Draft Constitution of the Catalan Republic (1928) Declaration of Sovereignty (23 Jan 2013) White Paper on the National Transition of Catalonia (Sep 2014) Initiation of the Process of Independence (9 Nov 2015) Let Catalans Vote (May 2017) Law on the Referendum on Self-determination (6 Sep 2017) Law of juridical transition (8 Sep 2017) Catalan declaration of independence (10/27 Oct 2017)
People	Valentí Almirall Enric Prat de la Riba Josep Puig i Cadafalch Francesc Macià Lluís Companys Joan Comorera Josep Irla Josep Tarradellas Jordi Pujol Guillem Agulló Josep-Lluís Carod-Rovira Artur Mas Oriol Junqueras Muriel Casals Carme Forcadell Jordi Sànchez Jordi Cuixart Carles Puigdemont Roger Torrent Anna Gabriel Quim Torra Elisenda Paluzie Pere Aragonès Lluís Llach
Organisations	Pro-independence Association of Municipalities for Independence Assemblea Nacional Catalana Òmnium Cultural Committees for the Defense of the Republic Estat Català Socialist Party of National Liberation† Catalan European Democratic Party† Republican Left of Catalonia Sobiranistes Junts per Catalunya DC MES Popular Unity Candidacy Endavant Poble Lliure Més per Mallorca PSM Més per Menorca PSMe Catalan Solidarity for Independence Reagrupament Republican Left of the Valencian Country Democratic Tsunami Catalan Alliance Autonomist and federalist Assembly of Catalonia† Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia† Democratic Convergence of Catalonia† Catalonia in Common Proposta per les Illes Youth Young Republican Left of Catalonia Nationalist Youth of Catalonia Arran La Forja Maulets†
Sign † marks defunct organisations.

• Catalan independence movement
• Independence movements
• Politics of Catalonia
• Separatism in Spain
• Catalan nationalism