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| {{Infobox_President | name=Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías | |||
| | image =Chavez CASA cropped 1.jpg | |||
| | order= 53rd ] | |||
| | term_start=], ] | |||
| | term_end=], ] <br> ], ] - ''present'' | |||
| | predecessor=] (])<br> ] (]) | |||
| | successor=] (]) '''''Incumbent''''' | |||
| | birth_date=], ] | |||
| | birth_place=], ], ] | |||
| | party=] | |||
| | spouse=| | |||
| |}} | |||
| {{Politics of Venezuela}} | |||
| '''Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías''' <!--] ]: {{IPA|}}; ] -->(]: {{IPA|}}) (born ], ]) is the 53rd<ref>Universidad Católica Andrés Bello. . Retrieved Internet Archive, 25 Nov 2004. {{es_icon}}</ref> and current ] of ]. As the leader of the "]," Chávez promotes his vision of ],<ref>{{cite news | first =Stuart | last =Munckton | author = | coauthors =| url =http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=7429 | title =Chavez steps up calls for socialism | work = | publisher = ZNet| pages = | page = | date =2005-03-13 | accessdate =2006-06-04|language = }}</ref> ]n integration, and ]. He is also an ardent critic of ] ] and ].<ref> Ellner, Steve. "The 'Radical' Thesis on Globalisation and the Case of Venezuela's Hugo Chavez" ''Latin American Perspectives'', Vol. 29, No. 6, Globalization and Globalism in Latin America and the Caribbean. (Nov., 2002), pp. 88-93. </ref> | |||
| A career military officer, Chávez founded the ] ] after orchestrating a failed ] against former president ]. Chávez was ]<ref>McCoy and Trinkunas (Feb 1999), p. 49.</ref> on promises of aiding Venezuela's poor majority, and was ] and ]. Domestically, Chávez has launched ], whose goals are to combat disease, illiteracy, malnutrition, poverty, and other social ills. Abroad, Chávez has acted against the ] by supporting alternative models of ], and has advocated cooperation among the world's poor nations, especially those in Latin America. | |||
| Chávez's reforms have evoked exceptional controversy in Venezuela and abroad, receiving both ] and praise. Venezuelans are split between those who say he has empowered the poor and stimulated economic growth, and those who say he is autocratic and has mismanaged the economy.{{fact}} Some foreign governments view Chávez as a threat to global oil prices and regional stability, while others welcome his bilateral trade and reciprocal aid agreements. | |||
| Whether viewed as a socialist liberator or an authoritarian demagogue, Chávez remains one of the most complex, controversial, and interesting figures in contemporary politics. In May 2006 he was named one of '']'' magazine's 100 most influential people.<ref name=influence>{{cite news|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1187165,00.html|title=Hugo Chavez: Leading the Left-Wing Charge|date=]|accessdate=2006-07-26|last=Padgett|first=Tim}}</ref> | |||
| On ], ] Chávez faced ] (among others) in the ]. Preliminary reports from Electoral National Counsel (CNE)<ref></ref>, gave Chávez 61.3% of the total votes. This preliminary results implied the practical reelection of Chávez as the President for another six years. | |||
| == Coup attempt of 1992 == | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| {{main|Venezuelan coup attempts of 1992}} | |||
| After an extended period of popular dissatisfaction and economic decline<ref>Schuyler, George W. (2001), ''The Policy Studies Organization''.</ref> under the administration of President ] and the violent repression known as ],<ref> "according to official figures, the events of February and March 1989 left a balance of 276 dead, numerous injured, several disappeared and heavy material losses. However, this list was invalidated by the subsequent appearance of mass graves"</ref> Chávez made extensive preparations for a military ].<ref name="Guillermoprieto 2005">{{cite journal| | |||
| | last=Guillermoprieto| first=Alma | year=2005 | title=Don't Cry for Me, Venezuela | journal=New York Review of Books | month=October 6| url=http://www.nybooks.com/articles/18302}}</ref> Initially planned for December, Chávez delayed the MBR-200 coup until the early twilight hours of ], ]. On that date, five army units under Chávez's command barreled into urban Caracas with the mission of assaulting and overwhelming key military and communications installations throughout the city, including the Miraflores presidential palace, the defense ministry, La Carlota military airport, and the Historical Museum. Chávez's ultimate goal was to intercept and take custody of Pérez, who was returning to Miraflores from an overseas trip. | |||
| Chávez held the loyalty of less than 10% of Venezuela's military forces;<ref>Gott (2005), p.64.</ref> still, numerous betrayals, defections, errors, and other unforeseen circumstances soon left Chávez and a small group of rebels cut off in the Historical Museum, without any means of conveying orders to their network of spies and collaborators spread throughout Venezuela.<ref>Gott (2005), p.63.</ref> Further, Chávez's allies were unable to broadcast their prerecorded tapes on the national airwaves in which Chávez planned to issue a general call for a mass civilian uprising against Pérez. As the coup unfolded, the coup plotters were unable to capture Pérez: fourteen soldiers were killed, and 50 soldiers and some 80 civilians injured in the ensuing violence.<ref> Gott (2005), p.69.</ref> Nevertheless, rebel forces in other parts of Venezuela made advances and were ultimately able to take control of such large cities as ], ], and ] with the help of spontaneous civilian aid. Chávez's forces, however, had failed to take Caracas.<ref>Gott (2005), pp.66-67.</ref> | |||
| Chávez, alarmed, soon gave himself up to the government. He was then allowed to appear on national television to call for all remaining rebel detachments in Venezuela to cease hostilities. When he did so, Chávez famously quipped on national television that he had only failed "''por ahora''"—"for the moment."<ref>Gott (2005), p. 67. Chávez spoke thus: ''"Comrades: unfortunately, for the moment, the objectives that we had set for ourselves have not been achieved in the capital. That's to say that those of us here in Caracas have not been able to seize power. Where you are, you have performed well, but now is the time for a rethink; new possibilities will arise again, and the country will be able to move definitively towards a better future.''"</ref> Chávez was catapulted into the national spotlight, with many poor Venezuelans seeing him as a figure who had stood up against government corruption and ].<ref>Gott (2005), p.67.</ref><ref name="keefe_11nov2005">O'Keefe, Derrick. (''Z Communications'', 09 Mar 2005). Retrieved 11 Nov 2005.</ref> Chávez was sent to Yare prison; meanwhile, Pérez, the coup's intended target, was impeached a year later. While in prison, Chávez developed a ] of the eye, which spread to his ]. The clarity of his eyesight was slowly corrupted; despite treatments and operations, Chávez's eyesight was permanently damaged.<ref name="chavez_17sep2005">Chávez, Hugo. . Latino Pastoral Action Center. Bronx, New York City. 17 Sep 2005. Retrieved 05 Nov 2005.</ref> | |||
| == Political rise (1992–1999) == | |||
| {{see|Venezuelan presidential election, 1998}} | |||
| {{ChavezElections1998}} | |||
| After a two-year imprisonment, Chávez was pardoned by ] ] in 1994. Upon his release, Chávez reconstituted the MBR-200 as the ] (MVR—''Movimiento Quinta República'', with the ] representing the ] five). Later, in 1998, Chávez began to campaign for the presidency. In working to gain the trust of voters, Chávez drafted an agenda that drew heavily on his ideology of Bolivarianism. Chávez and his followers described their aim as "laying the foundations of a new republic" to replace the existing one, which they cast as "party-dominated"; the current constitution, they argued, was no more than the 'juridico-political embodiment of ],' the country's traditional two-party ] system.<ref>Chavez's constitutional reform; A Hard Look at the Rationale & Proposals, Latin America Weekly Report, January 12, 1999, Venezuela; Politics; WR-99-02; Pg. 18</ref> Controversially, foreign banks—including Spain's ] (BBVA) and ], each the owner of one of Venezuela's largest banks—illicitly funneled millions of dollars into Chávez's campaign.<ref>{{cite book| last=Marcano| first=Cristina| coauthors=Barrera Tyszka, Alberto | title=Hugo Chávez Sin Uniforme: Una Historia Personal | publisher=Random House Mondadori | year=2005 | id=ISBN 9-80293-284-1| pages=50}}. {{es_icon}}</ref><ref name="Toro 2004">{{cite journal| last=Toro | first=Francisco | year=2004 | title=100 Good Reasons Not to Believe Venezuela's Chavez | month=October 25 | journal=Analitica | url=http://www.analitica.com/va/ttim/international/4969131.asp}}</ref> | |||
| Chávez utilised his ] and flamboyant public speaking style—noted for its abundance of ]s and ] manner—on the campaign trail to win the trust and favor of a primarily poor and ] following. By May 1998, Chávez's support had risen to 30% in polls, and by August he was registering 39%. Chávez went on to win the ]-endorsed ] on ], ] with 56% of the vote.<ref name="Guillermoprieto 2005"/><ref>McCoy and Trinkunas (Feb 1999).</ref> | |||
| == Presidency (1999–present) == | |||
| {{main|Presidency of Hugo Chávez}} | |||
| ] at the 2005 ] held in ].]] | |||
| Chávez was sworn in as president on ], ]. Among his first acts was the launching of ], which included road building, housing construction, and mass ].<ref name="Harnecker_2003">{{Harvard reference | |||
| | Surname1 = Harnecker | |||
| | Given1 = M | |||
| | Year = 2003 | |||
| | Title = The Military and the Revolution: Harnecker interviews Chávez | |||
| | Journal = Z Communications | |||
| | URL = http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=45&ItemID=2841 | |||
| | Access-date = January 26, 2006 | |||
| }}. </ref> Chávez also halted planned ]s of, among others, the national ] system, aluminum industry holdings, and the oil sector.<ref name="Ellner_2005">{{Harvard reference | |||
| | Surname1 = Ellner | |||
| | Given1 = S | |||
| | Year = 2005 | |||
| | Title = Venezuela’s “Demonstration Effect”: Defying Globalization’s Logic | |||
| | Journal = North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) | |||
| | URL = http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/articles.php?artno=1579 | |||
| | Access-date = January 26, 2006 | |||
| }}.</ref> Chávez also overhauled the formerly lax tax collection and ] system — especially regarding major corporations and landholders — by increasing its fairness and efficiency. | |||
| {| cellpadding="1" border="0" style="float: right; margin: 0em 0em 1em 1em; width: 200px; border: 1px #bbbbbb solid; border-collapse: collapse; font-size: 85%;" | |||
| |- align="center" bgcolor="#E0E0FF" | |||
| | colspan="2" align="center" | '''Hugo Chávez's ] Results''' | |||
| |- align="center" bgcolor="#F6F6FF" | |||
| | — '''1999 referendum''' —<br>Enact the new constitution? | |||
| |- align="center" | |||
| | | |||
| {| style="float:center; clear:center; text-align: center; font-size:100%; margin:1px;" cellpadding="3" cellspacing=0 | |||
| |- | |||
| ! Option !! Votes !! % | |||
| |- | |||
| | Yes: || 3,301,475 || 72% | |||
| |- | |||
| | No: || 1,298,105 || 28% | |||
| |- | |||
| || Abstention: || 6,041,743 || 56% | |||
| |- | |||
| |} | |||
| |} | |||
| Responding to the stalling of his legislation in the ], Chávez scheduled two national elections for July 1999, including a referendum for and elections to fill a new constitutional assembly. The Constitutional Assembly was created when the referendum passed with a 72% "yes" vote, while the pro-Chávez ''Polo Patriotico'' ("Patriotic Pole") won 95% (120 out of the total 131) of its seats. In August 1999, the Constitutional Assembly's "Judicial Emergency Committee" declared a "legislative emergency" whereby a seven-member committee conducted the National Assembly's functions; meanwhile, the National Assembly was prohibited from holding meetings.<ref name="Mcgirk_27Dec1999">{{Harvard reference | |||
| | Surname1 = McGirk | |||
| | Given1 = T | |||
| | Year = 1999 | |||
| | Title = Hugo Chávez Frías | |||
| | Journal = Time | |||
| | URL = http://www.time.com/time/europe/magazine/1999/1227/chavez.html | |||
| | Access-date = January 25, 2006 | |||
| }}.</ref> The Constitutional Assembly drafted the ], which included an increase in the presidential term from five to six years, a new presidential two-term limit, a new provision for presidential ]s, renaming of the country to ''República Bolivariana de Venezuela'', expanded presidential powers, conversion of the ] National Assembly into a weakened ] legislature, merit-based appointments of judges, and creation of the Public Defender, an office authorized to regulate the activities of the presidency and the National Assembly.<ref>{{Harvard reference | |||
| | Year = 2000 | |||
| | Title = Bolivarian Constitution of Venezuela | |||
| | URL = http://www.embavenez-us.org/constitution/intro.htm | |||
| | Access-date = May 25, 2006 | |||
| }}</ref> | |||
| In December 1999, the new constitution was approved. On December 15, after weeks of heavy rain, statewide mudslides claimed the lives of an estimated 30,000 people. Critics claim Chávez was distracted by the referendum and that the government ignored a civil defense report, calling for emergency measures, issued the day the floods struck <ref name="BBC_vargas1">{{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author = BBC News | |||
| | Year = 1999 | |||
| | Title = Venezuela disaster 'worst this century' | |||
| | Journal = BBC | |||
| | URL = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/581579.stm | |||
| | Access-date = June 7, 2006] | |||
| }}.</ref>. The government rejected these claims. <ref name="BBC_vargas1"/> Chávez personally led the relief effort afterwards. <ref name="BBC_vargas2">{{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author = BBC News | |||
| | Year = 1999 | |||
| | Title = Analysis: Floods a test for Chavez | |||
| | Journal = BBC | |||
| | URL = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/574191.stm | |||
| | Access-date = June 7, 2006] | |||
| }}.</ref> Subsequent mudslides in 2000 and 2004 left 14 dead.<ref name="red_cross">{{Harvard reference | |||
| | Surname1 = Kriner | |||
| | Given1 = S | |||
| | Year = 2000 | |||
| | Title = Flooding Returns to Venezuela | |||
| | Journal = Red Cross | |||
| | URL = http://www.redcross.org/news/archives/2000/11-21-00.html | |||
| | Access-date = June 7, 2006] | |||
| }}.</ref> | |||
| <ref name="dartmouth">{{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author = Dartmouth | |||
| | Year = 2005 | |||
| | Title = 2004 Global Register of Major Flood Events | |||
| | Journal = Dartmouth | |||
| | URL = http://www.dartmouth.edu/~floods/Archives/2004sum.htm | |||
| | Access-date = June 7, 2006] | |||
| }}.</ref> | |||
| ===2000–2001: Reelection=== | |||
| {{see|Venezuelan presidential election, 2000}} | |||
| {{ChavezElections2000}} | |||
| Elections for the new unicameral National Assembly were held on ], ]. During this same election, Chávez himself stood for reelection. Chávez's coalition garnered a commanding two-thirds majority of seats in the National Assembly while Chávez ] with 60% of the votes. The ] monitored the 2000 presidential election; their report on that election stated that, due to lack of transparency, CNE partiality, and political pressure from the Chávez government that resulted in unconstitutionally early elections, it was unable to validate the official CNE results.<ref>McCoy and Neuman (2001), pp. 71-72.</ref> However, they concluded that the presidential election legitimately expressed the will of the people.<ref>McCoy and Neuman (2001), p. 10.</ref> | |||
| Later, on ], ], local elections and a referendum were held. The referendum, backed by Chávez, proposed a law that would force Venezuela's labor unions to hold state-monitored elections. The referendum was widely condemned by international labor organisations—including the ]—as undue government interference in internal union matters; these organisations threatened to apply ] on Venezuela.<ref>McCoy and Neuman (2001), p. 73.</ref> | |||
| After the May and July 2000 elections, Chávez backed the passage of the "]" by the National Assembly. This act allowed Chávez to ] for one year. In November 2001, shortly before the Enabling Act was set to expire, Chávez enacted a set of 49 decrees. These included the Hydrocarbons Law and the Land Law, which are detailed below. ], a national business federation, and the ], a federation of labor unions, opposed the approval of the new laws and called for a general business ] on ], ] in the hope that the President would reconsider his legislative action and, instead, open a debate about those laws. The strike failed to significantly impact Chávez's decision or policies. | |||
| By the end of the first three years of his presidency, Chávez had successfully initiated a ] program and had introduced several reforms aimed at improving the social welfare of the population. These reforms entailed the lowering of infant mortality rates; the implementation of a free, government-funded ]; and free education up to the university level. By December of 2001, following Chávez's imposition of capital controls, inflation fell to 13.4% the lowest in 14 years,<ref>''Banco Central de Venezuela''.(''BCV'' 2 Jan 2001) . Retrieved 16 July 2006 {{es_icon}}</ref> while economic growth was steady at four percent.<ref name=fpif /> Chávez's administration also reported an increase in primary school enrollment by one million students.<ref name=fpif /> | |||
| ===2002: Coup and strike/lockout=== | |||
| {{see|Venezuelan coup attempt of 2002}} | |||
| <!-- this image's fair use is disputed. See image's talk page for discussion. ], ] following a ].]] --> | |||
| On ], ], ] leader ] called for a two-day general strike. Hundreds of thousands <ref>U.S. Department of State. Accessed 1 October 2006.<br>Guardian Unlimted : April 15, 2002 : Accessed 1 October 2006<br>BBC. BBC (12 April 2002). Retrieved 30 September 2006. {{es icon}}</ref> took to the streets on ], ] and marched towards the headquarters of Venezuela's state-owned oil company, ] (PDVSA), in defense of its recently-fired management. The organisers decided to redirect the march to ], the presidential palace, where a pro-Chávez demonstration was taking place. Gunfire and violence erupted between two groups of demonstrators, Caracas' Metropolitan Police (under the control of the oppositionist mayor), and the Venezuelan national guard (under Chávez's command), and snipers were reported from the areas where both opposition and Chávez supporters were concentrated. Domestic and international observers criticised the Government for excessive abuse of its right to call national broadcasts requiring all broadcast media to cease scheduled programming and transmit the broadcasts in their entirety. Between April 9 and 11, the government required all radio and TV stations to transmit numerous speeches by President Chávez, other government officials, and other programming favorable to the Government, even shutting the signals of the stations who refused, in an attempt to block coverage of the demonstrations and ensuing violence.<ref name=USStateHRP2002>U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. March 31, 2003 Accessed 4 Aug 2006.</ref> | |||
| Then, unexpectedly, ], commander-in-chief of the Venezuelan armed forces, announced in a broadcast to a nationwide audience that Chávez had tendered his resignation from the presidency. While Chávez was brought to a military base and held there, military leaders appointed the president of the ], ], as Venezuela's interim president. Carmona's first ] reversed all of the major social and economic policies that comprised Chávez's "Bolivarian Revolution," including loosening Chávez's credit controls and ending his oil price quotas by raising production back to pre-Chávez levels. Carmona also dissolved both the National Assembly and the Venezuelan judiciary, while reverting the nation's name back to ''República de Venezuela''. | |||
| Carmona's decrees were followed by pro-Chávez uprisings and looting across Caracas. Responding to these disturbances, Venezuelan soldiers loyal to Chávez called for massive popular support for a counter-coup. These soldiers later stormed and retook the presidential palace, and retrieved Chávez from captivity. The shortest-lived government in Venezuelan history was thus toppled, and Chávez resumed his presidency on the night of Saturday, ], ]. Following this episode, Rincón was reappointed by Chávez as Commander of the Army, and later as Interior Minister in 2003<ref name=RinconColaRaid>''CNN''. (''CNN'', 19 Jan 2003). Accessed 19 June 2006.</ref> The opposition would later argue that, since Lucas Rincón remained close to the President, there was no coup but a power vacuum once Chávez resigned, despite the succession order being broken. | |||
| ], ] while on route to the ] convened in ], ] (''Agência Brasil'').]] | |||
| After Chávez resumed his presidency in April 2002, he claimed that a plane with U.S. registration numbers had visited and been berthed at Venezuela's Orchila Island airbase, where Chávez had been held captive. On ], ], Chávez alleged that he had definitive proof of U.S. military involvement in April's coup. He claimed that during the coup Venezuelan radar images had indicated the presence of U.S. military naval vessels and aircraft in Venezuelan waters and airspace. '']'' published a claim by former US intelligence officer ] alleging U.S. Navy involvement.<ref>''Campbell, Duncan''. (''The Guardian'', 29 April 2006). . Retrieved 21 Jun 2006]</ref> ] ], D-CT, requested an investigation of concerns that Washington appeared to condone the removal of Mr Chávez,<ref>''BBC News'', (14 May 2002). . Retrieved 21 Jun 2006.</ref><ref>''AP'' (2002), . Retrieved June 9, 2006.</ref> which subsequently found that "U.S. officials acted appropriately and did nothing to encourage an April coup against Venezuela's president", nor did they provide any naval logistical support.<ref name=USEmbCoup> U.S. Embassy, Caracas, Venezuela. Accessed 26 May 2006.</ref><ref name=USStateCoup>U.S. Department of State and Office of Inspector General. Accessed 26 May 2006.</ref> According to '']'', ] documents indicate that the Bush administration knew about a plot weeks before the April 2002 military coup. They cite a document dated 6 April 2002, which says: "dissident military factions...are stepping up efforts to organize a coup against President Chávez, possibly as early as this month." According to ], ambassador to Venezuela, the U.S. embassy in Venezuela warned Chávez about a coup plot in April 2002.<ref name=Crosshairs>''Márquez Humberto''. (IPS March 9 2006) Accessed 21 Jun 2006.</ref> Further, the ] and the investigation by the ] found no evidence that "U.S. assistance programs in Venezuela, including those funded by the ] (NED), were inconsistent with U.S. law or policy" or ". . . directly contributed, or was intended to contribute, to ."<ref name=CIACoupInfo>CIA Documents Show Bush Knew of 2002 Coup in Venezuela. Accessed 15 August 2006.</ref><ref name=USEmbCoup/> | |||
| Chávez also claimed, during the coup's immediate aftermath, that the U.S. was still seeking his overthrow. On ], ], he stated that he had foiled a new coup plot, and on ], ], he stated that he had barely escaped an assassination attempt while returning from a trip to Europe. During that period, the US Ambassador to Venezuela warned the Chávez administration of two potential assassination plots.<ref name=Crosshairs>''Márquez Humberto''. (IPS March 9 2006) . Retrieved 21 Jun 2006]</ref> | |||
| Following his return to office, Chávez quickly took steps to secure support for his government. First, Chávez fired sixty generals and completely replaced the upper echelons of Venezuela's armed forces, substituting them with personnel that could be described as either more complacent, or more loyal to the state, depending on one's political affiliation. Chávez also sought to strengthen support among rank and file soldiers. He boosted support programs, employment, and benefits for veterans, while promulgating new civilian-military development initiatives. | |||
| However, only a few months would pass after the April 2002 coup before the Chávez presidency would enter another crisis. Chávez, outraged by the coup and seeking more funds for his social programs, moved in late 2002 to implement total control over the ] and its revenues. As a result, for two months following ], ], Chávez faced a strike organized by the resistant PDVSA management who sought to force Chávez out of office by completely removing his access to the all-important government oil revenue. The strike, led by a coalition of labor unions, industrial magnates, and oil workers, sought to halt the activities of the PDVSA. As a result, Venezuela ceased exporting its former daily average of 2,800,000 barrels (450,000 m³) of oil and oil derivatives. Hydrocarbon shortages soon erupted throughout Venezuela, with long lines forming at petrol-filling stations. Gasoline imports were soon required. Alarmed, Chávez responded by firing PDVSA's anti-Chávez upper-echelon management and dismissing 18,000 skilled PDVSA employees. Chávez justified this by alleging their complicity in gross mismanagement and corruption in their handling of oil revenues, while opposition supporters of the fired workers stated that his actions were politically-motivated. | |||
| === 2003–2004: Recall vote === | |||
| ] in ], on ], ] ''(Agência Brasil)''.]] | |||
| {{see|Venezuelan recall referendum of 2004}} | |||
| In 2003 and 2004 Chávez launched a number of social and economic campaigns as he struggled to maintain popular support. In July 2003 he launched "]," billed as a campaign aimed at providing free reading, writing and arithmetic lessons to the more than 1.5 million Venezuelan adults who were illiterate prior to his 1999 election. On ], ], Chávez initiated "]," a program billed as protecting the livelihood, religion, land, culture, and rights of Venezuela's indigenous peoples. In late 2003, the Venezuelan president launched "]," with the stated intent of providing free ] to the two million adult Venezuelans who had not completed their elementary-level education. In November 2003, Chávez announced "]," with the promise of providing remedial education and diplomas for Venezuela's five million high school dropouts. On the first anniversary of Mission Robinson's establishment, Chávez stated in Caracas's Teresa Carreño theater to an audience of 50,000 formerly illiterate Venezuelans, "in a year, we have graduated 1,250,000 Venezuelans." Nevertheless, there were also significant setbacks. Notably, the inflation rate rocketed to 31% in 2002 and remained at the high level of 27% in 2003, causing a great deal of hardship for the poor. | |||
| In ], ], a group of 126 ]ns were captured during a raid of two farms near Caracas. The Colombians were outfit in Venezuelan military uniforms and testified that, once they arrived in Venezuela after receiving promises of legal employment, they were then hired for military action against Venezuelan regulars. The farm was owned by a ] anti-] exile and a leader in the unsuccessful 2002 coup. Chávez soon levelled accusations of the attempted formation of a foreign-funded ] force who intended to violently overthrow his rule.<ref name="BBC_2004coup">''BBC News''. (''BBC'', 25 June 2004). Retrieved 13 June 2006.</ref> These events merely served to further the extreme and violent polarisation of Venezuelan society between pro- and anti-Chávez camps. Chávez's allegations of a ] continue to stir controversy and doubts to this day.<ref name="BBC_2004coup"/> In October 2005, 27 of the accused Colombians were found guilty, while the rest were released and deported.<ref>''El Pais''. (''El Pais'', 2004). . Retrieved 24 July 2006. {{es_icon}}</ref> | |||
| {{ChavezElections2004}} | |||
| In early and mid-2003, ], an opposition-aligned volunteer civilian voter rights organization, began the process of collecting the millions of signatures needed to activate the presidential recall provision provided for in Chávez's 1999 Constitution. In August 2003, around 3.2 million signatures were presented, but these were rejected by the pro-Chávez majority in the ] (CNE; "National Electoral Council") on the grounds that many had been collected before the mid-point of Chávez's presidential term.<ref>''BBC News''. (''BBC News'', 12 Sep 2003). . Retrieved 10 Nov 2005.</ref> Reports then began to emerge among opposition and international news outlets that Chávez had begun to act punitively against those who had signed the petition, while pro-Chávez individuals stated that they had been coerced by employers into offering their signatures at their workplaces. In November 2003, the opposition collected an entirely new set of signatures, with 3.6 million names produced over a span of four days. Riots erupted nationwide as allegations of fraud were made by Chávez against the signature collectors. | |||
| The provision in the Constitution allowing for a presidential recall requires the signatures of 20% of the electorate in order to effect a recall. Further, the ''cédulas'' (national identity card numbers) and identities of petition signers are not secret, and in fact were made public by ], a member of the ] representing Chávez' party (] - MVR) and the ] of Táchira state. The government was accused of increasing the voter rolls by giving citizenship to illegal immigrants and refugees, and the opposition claimed that it was a citizenship for votes program. Voter registration increased by about 2 million people ahead of the referendum, which in effect raised the threshold of the 20% of the electorate needed to effect a recall.<ref name=PostVoterRolls>Bronstein, H. (June 14, 2006), ''Washington Post'', Accessed 22 June 2006.</ref> | |||
| Credible anecdotal evidence emerged that Chávez and his allies were penalising signers of the publicly posted petition by denying them government jobs and services.<ref name=FAInSearch>Shifter, Michael. . ''Foreign Affairs'', May/June 2006. '''85''':3, p. 48. "There is also credible anecdotal evidence of the existence of lists of individuals' votes that have been used to deny Chávez's opponents jobs and services."</ref> Charges were made of summary dismissals from government ministries, PDVSA, the state-owned water corporation, the ], and public hospitals controlled by Chávez's political allies. Finally, after opposition leaders submitted to the CNE a valid petition with 2,436,830 signatures that requested a presidential recall referendum, a recall referendum was announced on ], ] by the CNE. Chávez and his political allies responded to this by mobilising supporters to encourage rejection of the recall with a "no" vote. | |||
| The recall vote itself was held on ], ]. A record number of voters turned out to defeat the recall attempt with a 59% "no" vote.<ref>''BBC News''. (''BBC'', 21 Sep 2004). . Retrieved 05 Nov 2005.</ref><ref>Carter Center (Sep 2004). p. 7.</ref> The election was overseen by the ] and the ], and was certified by them as fair and open.<ref>Carter Center (Feb 2005). pp. 133-134.</ref> ] observers did not attend, saying too many restrictions had been placed on their participation by the government.<ref>de Cordoba, Jose and Luhnow, David. "Venezuelans Rush to Vote on Chavez: Polarised Nation Decides Whether to Recall President After Years of Political Rifts". ''Wall Street Journal''. (Eastern edition). New York, NY: Aug 16, 2004. pg. A11. "European observers stayed away because they said the government was imposing too many restrictions."</ref> | |||
| Other critics, including economists Ricardo Hausmann of Harvard and Roberto Rigobon of MIT, called the results fraudulent, alleging a "very clear trails of fraud in the statistical record" and alleged electronic voting machines had been reconfigured to allow results to be altered remotely.<ref>. ''Wall Street Journal''. New York, NY: September 9, 2004</ref> In response, the Carter Center consulted with Professor Jonathan Taylor, an independent statistician from ] and Professor Aviel Rubin, a ] computer scientist who both initially concluded that the actual results are within the predicted range and do not of themselves prove fraud.<ref>''Carter Center'' 3 Sep 2004 Retrieved 28 Sep 2006</ref> Subsequently, however, the Carter Center admitted Taylor had "found a mistake in one of the models of his analysis which lowered the predicted number of tied machines, but which still found the actual result to lie within statistical possibility"<ref>''Carter Center'' 3 Sep 2004 Retrieved 28 Sep 2006</ref> | |||
| The opposition also cited an exit poll which implied the actual results were the opposite of those reported. "Massive fraud" was alleged and the conclusions of former ] ] were questioned.<ref name=Barone>Barone, M. ''U.S. News & World Report.'' August 20, 2004.</ref> It should be noted that five other opposition polls showed a Chávez victory.<ref> AP (2004). ''Associated Press. Accessed June 9, 2006.</ref> | |||
| After his victory, a jubilant Chávez pledged to redouble his efforts against both poverty and "imperialism," while promising to foster dialogue with his opponents. Chávez's government subsequently charged the founders of ] with treason and conspiracy for receiving foreign funds, earmarked for voter education, from the ] through the ], triggering commentary from human rights organizations and the ] government.<ref>Human Rights Watch. Accessed 8 June 2006.</ref><ref>World Movement for Democracy. (July 16, 2004) Accessed 8 June 2006.</ref><ref>Embassy of the United States, Venezuela (July 8, 2005). Accessed 18 June 2006.</ref> The trial has been postponed several times. A program called "Mission Identity", to fast track voter registration of immigrants to Venezuela — including Chávez supporters benefiting from his subsidies — has been put in place prior to the upcoming 2006 presidential elections.<ref name=PostVoterRolls>Bronstein, H. (June 14, 2006), ''Washington Post'', Accessed 22 June 2006.</ref> | |||
| === 2004–2005: Focus on foreign relations === | |||
| ] ] during the closing of a July 2004 joint press conference held in Venezuela ''(Office of the Argentine Presidency)''.]] | |||
| In the aftermath of his referendum victory, Chávez's primary objectives of fundamental social and economic transformation and redistribution accelerated dramatically. Chávez himself placed the development and implementation of the "Bolivarian Missions" once again at the forefront of his political agenda. Sharp increases in global oil prices gave Chávez access to billions of dollars in extra foreign exchange reserves. Economic growth picked up markedly, reaching double-digit growth in 2004 and a 9.3% growth rate for 2005. | |||
| Many new policy initiatives were advanced by Chávez after 2004. In late March 2005, the Chávez government passed a series of media regulations that criminalised broadcasted libel and slander directed against public officials; prison sentences of up to 40 months for serious instances of character defamation launched against Chávez and other officials were enacted. When asked if he would ever actually move to use the 40-month sentence if a media figure insulted him, Chávez remarked that "I don't care if they call me names.... As ] said, 'If the dogs are barking, it is because we are working.'"<ref>''BBC Talking Point''. (23 Oct 2005). . Retrieved 21 Jun 2006.</ref> Chávez also worked to expand his land redistribution and social welfare programs by authorizing and funding a multitude of new "Bolivarian Missions," including "]"; the second and third phases of "]," both first initiated in June 2005 with the stated aim of constructing, funding, and refurbishing secondary (integrated diagnostic center) and tertiary (hospital) public health care facilities nationwide; and "], which established a national citizen's militia. Meanwhile, Venezuela's doctors went on strike, protesting the siphoning of public funds from their existing institutions to these new Bolivarian ones, run by Cuban doctors. | |||
| ]ian President ] on ], ].]]Chávez focused considerably on Venezuela's foreign relations in 2004 and 2005 via new bilateral and multilateral agreements, including ] and construction projects. Chávez has engaged, with varying degrees of success, numerous other foreign leaders, including ]'s ], ]'s ], ]'s ] and ]'s ]. On ], ], Chávez publicly declared that the U.S.-backed ] (FTAA) was "dead." Chávez stated that the neoliberal model of development had utterly failed in improving the lives of Latin Americans, and that an alternative, anti-capitalist model would be conceived in order to increase trade and relations between Venezuela, Argentina and Brazil. Chávez also stated his desire that a leftist, Latin American analogue of ] be established. | |||
| Over the course of 2004 and 2005, the Venezuelan military under Chávez also began in earnest to reduce weaponry sourcing and military ties with the United States. Chávez's Venezuela is thus increasingly purchasing arms from alternative sources, such as Brazil, Russia, China and Spain. Friction over these sales escalated, and in response Chávez ended cooperation between the militaries of the two countries. He also asked all active-duty U.S. soldiers to leave Venezuela. Additionally, in 2005 Chávez announced the creation of a large "military reserve"—the Mission Miranda program, which encompasses a militia of 1.5 million citizens—as a defensive measure against foreign intervention or outright invasion.<ref>Wagner, Sarah. (''Venezuela Analysis'', 25 Apr 2005). . Retrieved 20 Oct 2005.</ref> Additionally, in October 2005, Chávez banished the Christian missionary organization ] from the country, accusing it of "imperialist infiltration" and harboring connections with the ].<ref name=NewTribes>Alford, Deann. (''Christianity Today'', 14 Oct 2005). . Retrieved 09 Nov 2005.</ref> At the same time, he granted inalienable titles to over 6,800 square kilometers of land traditionally inhabited by Amazonian indigenous peoples to their respective resident natives, though this land could not be bought or sold as Western-style title deeds can. Chávez cited these changes as evidence that his revolution was also a revolution for the defense of indigenous rights, such as those promoted by Chávez's ]. | |||
| During this period, Chávez placed much greater emphasis on alternative economic development and international trade models, much of it in the form of extremely ambitious hemisphere-wide international aid agreements. For example, on ], ], during the first graduation of international scholarship students from Cuba's Latin American School of Medicine, Chávez announced that he would jointly establish with Cuba a second such medical school that would provide tuition-free medical training—an '']'' project valued at between $20 and 30 billion—to more than 100,000 physicians who would pledge to work in the poorest communities of the Global South. He announced that the project would run for the next decade, and that the new school would include at least 30,000 new places for poor students from both Latin America and the ].<ref>Reed, Gail A. (''MEDICC Review''). . Retrieved 16 Nov 2005.</ref> | |||
| ], Hugo Chávez, ] and ], in ] in 2004.]] | |||
| Chávez has also taken ample opportunity on the international stage to juxtapose such projects with the manifest results and workings of neoliberal globalization. Most notably, during his speech at the 2005 UN World Summit, he denounced development models that are organised around neoliberal guidelines such as liberalisation of capital flows, removal of trade barriers, and privatisation as the reason for the developing world's impoverishment. Chávez also went on to warn of an imminent global energy famine brought about by ] depletion (based on ]), stating that "we are facing an unprecedented energy crisis.... Oil is starting to become exhausted."<ref>Campbell, Colin J. (''Association of the Study of Peak Oil and Gas'', Nov 2005). . Retrieved 16 Nov 2005.</ref> Additionally, on ], ], Chávez referenced the stalling of the FTAA, stating at the ], held in ], ], that "the great loser today was ]. The man went away wounded. You could see defeat on his face." Chávez took the same opportunity to state that "the taste of victory" was apparent with regards to the promotion of his own trade alternative, the ] (ALBA—''Alternativa Bolivariana para América''), which Venezuela and Cuba inaugurated on ], ].<ref>Parma, Alessandro. (''Venezuela Analysis'', 07 Nov 2005). . Retrieved 09 Nov 2005.</ref> | |||
| In 2005, Chávez demanded the extradition of ], accused of conspiring to bomb ]. A Texas judge blocked the extradition on the grounds that he could be tortured in Venezuela; the Venezuelan embassy blamed the Department of Homeland Security for refusing to contest such accusations during the trial.<ref>''Jim, Lobe''.(''Inter Press Service'' 28 Sep 2006). Retrieved 9,July 2006</ref> Chávez also requested the extradition of former Venezuelan officers and members of ''Militares democraticos'', Lt. German Rodolfo Varela and Lt. Jose Antonio Colina, who are wanted for bombing the Spanish and Colombian embassies after Chávez made a speech criticizing both governments.<ref>''Forero, Juan''. (''New York Times'' 29, Jan 2004). Retrieved 9 July 2006</ref><ref>''Toothaker, Christopher''. (''Latin American Post''). Retrieved 9, July 2006</ref> | |||
| ===2006–present=== | |||
| :''Main article: ]'' | |||
| ] leader ] in ] in 2006]] | |||
| The ] says that Chavez "has made no secret of the fact that he is in favour of amending the constitution so that he can run again for president in 2012."<ref>Morsbach, Greg. ''BBC News'' (6 December 2005).</ref> In December 2006 he sought re-election and his approval ratings as of August stood at 55%.<ref>''Hooper, Simon'' (''CNN'' 18 Oct 2006) . Retrieved 20 Oct 2006</ref> | |||
| In 2006 Chávez announced Venezuela's bid to win a non-permanent seat on the UN ]; Washington officials encouraged Latin American and Caribbean nations to vote instead for Guatemala.<ref> | |||
| Washington Post. (29 June 2006)..Retrieved 1 Aug 2006.</ref> Analysts quoted by '']'' said that Chávez would offer to supply 20% of China's crude oil needs if Beijing backed Venezuela's bid to join the ].<ref> | |||
| ''Forbes'' (20 August 2006).</ref> In Chile, the press was concerned that Venezuelan grants for flood aid might affect the government's decision about which country to support for admission to the UN Security Council.<ref> ''El Universal'' (11 August 2006).</ref> However, Venezuela was never able to obtain more votes than Guatemala in the forty one separate UN votes in October of 2006 <ref> ''BBC (27 October 2006)</ref>. Because of this deadlock in voting, ] was selected as a consensus candidate and subsequently won the ] for Latin America's seat on the Security Council. | |||
| In accordance with his foreign policy trends, Chávez has visited several countries around the world, as well as ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ] and ]. At the request of ] President ], Chávez also attended the 2006 summit of the ] in ].<!--<ref>{{cite news | first = Sean | last = Sinclair-Day | title = AU Summit in The Gambia | url = http://africanaffairs.suite101.com/article.cfm/au_summit_in_the_gambia | format = HTML|accessdate = 2006-08-23}}</ref>--> He also visited the ] and ]. | |||
| <br> | |||
| Moreover, Chávez accused the government of the United States of attempting to turn Colombia into Venezuela's adversary over the recent arms dispute. “The U.S. empire doesn't lose a chance to attack us and try to create discord between us,” Chávez said. “That's one of the empire's strategies: Try to keep us divided.”<ref>{{cite news | |||
| | author= The Associated Press | |||
| | url= http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2006/10/05/america/LA_GEN_Venezuela_Colombia_Arms.php | |||
| | title= “Venezuela's Chavez thanks Colombia for not siding with Washington in arms purchases dispute” | |||
| | publisher= International Herald Tribune | |||
| | date= October 5, 2006 | |||
| | accessdate= October 6, 2006 | |||
| }}</ref> | |||
| ====Speech to the United Nations==== | |||
| :''Main article: ]'' | |||
| On ] ], Chávez delivered a speech to the ] damning U.S. President George Bush.<ref> Hosted by the UN webcast website (q.v. http://www.un.org/webcast). Requires Real Media Player.</ref> In the speech Chavez referred to Bush as "the devil," adding that Bush, who had given a speech to the assembly a day earlier, had come to the General Assembly to "share his nostrums to try to preserve the current pattern of domination, exploitation and pillage of the peoples of the world."<ref> '']'' (20 September 2006).</ref><ref></ref> Although it was widely condemned by U.S. politicians and media <ref> '']'' (21 September 2006)</ref><ref> Accessed 21 September 2006.</ref> <ref> MercoSur. Accessed 21 September 2006.</ref>, the speech was received with "wild applause" in the Assembly. <ref>CBS News. (September 25 2006). Retrieved October 14 2008.</ref> <ref>. September 24, 2006. Accessed 7th October 2006.</ref> | |||
| ====Subsidising heating fuel for the poor in the U.S.==== | |||
| In 2005, President Chávez initiated a program to provide cheaper heating fuel for poor people in several areas of the United States (New York Daily News, September 21, 2006). The program was expanded in September 2006 to include four of New York City's five boroughs, earmarking 25 million gallons of fuel for low-income New York residents this year at 40% off the wholesale market price. That quantity provides sufficient fuel to heat 70,000 apartments, covering 200,000 New Yorkers, for the entire winter (New York Daily News, September 21, 2006). It has also been reported that Chavez is sending heating oil to poor, remote villages in Alaska. Some have questioned the motives of this generosity. Legislative leaders in Maine have asked that state's governor to refuse the subsidised oil,<ref>Adams, Glenn. '']'' (21 September 2006).</ref> and ] criticized his offer by calling him an "oil pimp."<ref> ''New York Daily News'' (21 September 2006).</ref> | |||
| == Impact of Presidency == | |||
| === Domestic policy === | |||
| {{Bolivarian Missions Infobox 1}} | |||
| {{see also|Bolivarian Missions}} | |||
| Chávez's domestic policy relies heavily on the "]," a series of political campaigns aimed at radically altering the economic and cultural landscape of Venezuela. | |||
| The "Bolivarian Missions" have entailed the launching of government anti-] initiatives,<ref>Niemeyer, p. 36. "The World Bank asserted on 7th October 2003 that Latin America's biggest issue is the fight against poverty. The ] seems to be the only process worldwide which is taking this problem seriously and is effectively tackling poverty with government programs. The financing of these programs by spending a good portion of the Nation's ] (0.2% in August 2003 alone) ... "</ref><ref>UNICEF. (UNICEF, 2005). . Retrieved 15 Oct 2005. UNICEF, p. 2. "''Barrio Adentro'' ... is part and parcel of the government's longterm poverty-reduction and social inclusion strategy to achieve and surpass the Millennium Development Goals."</ref> the construction of thousands of free medical clinics for the poor,<ref>Kuiper, Jeroen. (''Venezuela Analysis'', 28 Jul 2005). | |||
| . Retrieved 18 October 2005. "After spreading primary health care through the ''Mision Barrio Adentro'' all over Venezuela in just two years, by constructing thousands of ''consultorios'' (doctor's offices) ... "</ref> the institution of educational campaigns that have reportedly made more than one million adult Venezuelans literate,<ref>Niemeyer, pp. 14-15. "With high levels of illiteracy to be found amongst the population the alphabetisation campaign called 'Mission Robinson' was brought into action. It has already taught more than a million people how to read and write and gained widespread support. Older people participate while youngsters enjoy access to University through a program guaranteeing equal access to Universities. This program is referred to as 'Mission Sucre'."</ref><ref>Burbach, Roger. (''CounterPunch'', 7 Nov 2005). . Retrieved 08 Nov 2005.</ref> and the enactment of food<ref>Niemeyer, p. 15. "Probably the most important achievement can be seen in the state run supermarkets, referred to as 'Mercal' which provide the basic necessities at affordable prices which are in many cases more than 30 percent cheaper than in regular shops."</ref> and housing subsidies.<ref>''Venezuela Analysis'', . " ... government is investing $2.8 billion in the housing program ... According to a report that Julio Montes, the Minister of Housing and Habitat, presented, only 43,000 homes had been constructed so far this year, while the government’s goal is to construct at least 120,000."</ref> There have been marked improvements in the infant mortality rate between 1998 and 2006.<ref>Central Intelligence Agency. (CIA, 1998). ''''. Retrieved 18 Oct 2005.</ref><ref name=CIA2005>Central Intelligence Agency. (CIA, 2005). ''''. Retrieved 22 July 2006.</ref> The government earmarked 44.6% of the 2007 budget for social investment, with 1999-2007 averaging 12.8% of GDP.<ref name=Merentez>''Perdomo,Eucaris'' (''Panorama'' 24 Oct 2006). {{es_icon}} Retrieved 24 Oct 2006</ref> | |||
| The Missions have overseen widespread experimentation in what Chávez supporters term citizen- and worker-managed governance,<ref>Albert, Michael ('' Z Communications'', 06 Nov 2005). . Retrieved 12 Nov 2005.</ref><ref>Ellsworth, Brian. (''New York Times'', 3 Aug 2005). . Retrieved 12 Nov 2005.</ref> as well as the granting of thousands of free land titles, reportedly to formerly landless poor and indigenous communities.<ref>Wilpert, Gregory. (''Venezuela Analysis'', 12 Sep 2005). . Retrieved 18 Oct 2005. " ... the celebration of the handing out of over 10,000 land titles to families living in Venezuela's poorest urban neighborhoods ... As of mid 2005, the National Technical Office has issued over 84,000 titles to 126,000 families, benefiting about 630,000 barrio inhabitants."</ref> Several allegedly unused estates and factories have been expropriated to provide this land. | |||
| On March 2006 the Communal Council Law was approved, whereby communities that decide to organize themselves into a council can be given official state recognition and access to federal funds and loans for community projects. This skips the local and state governments that are perceived as corrupt.<ref>''Conexion social''. (Conexion social, 2006). . Retrieved June 9, 2006.</ref> | |||
| === Labor policy === | |||
| Chávez has had a combative relationship with the nation's largest ] confederation, the ] (CTV), which is historically aligned with the ] party. During the December 2000 local elections, Chávez placed a referendum measure on the ballot that would mandate state-monitored elections within unions. The measure, which was condemned by the ] (ILO) and ] (ICFTU) as undue interference in internal union matters, passed by a large margin on a very low electoral turnout. In the ensuing CTV elections, ] declared his victory and remained in office as CTV president, while '']'' (pro-Chávez) candidates declared fraud. | |||
| The '']'' (UNT—"National Union of Workers"), a new pro-Chávez union federation, formed in response and has been growing in membership; it seeks to ultimately supplant the CTV. Several ''chavista'' unions have withdrawn from the CTV because of their strident anti-Chávez activism, and have instead affiliated with the UNT. In 2003, Chávez chose to send UNT, rather than CTV, representatives to an annual ILO meeting. | |||
| Further augmenting state involvement in Venezuela's economy, Chávez ] Venepal, a formerly closed paper and cardboard manufacturing firm, on ], ]. Workers had occupied the factory floor and restarted production, but following a failed deal with management and amidst management threats to liquidate the firm's equipment, Chávez ordered the nationalization, extended a line of credit to the workers, and ordered that the Venezuelan educational missions purchase more paper products from the company. | |||
| Under Chávez, Venezuela has also instituted worker-run "co-management" initiatives, in which worker councils are the cornerstone of the management of a plant or factory. In co-management experiments such as at the Alcasa factory, both workers and strategists take part in management discussions and decisions, amid reams of statistics, charts sketched on white boards, and scale models. One representative is elected from each department or sector to work with the company executives.<ref>Bruce, Iain. BBC News. (17 August 2005). Accessed 22 September 2006.</ref> | |||
| === Economic policy === | |||
| ] | |||
| Venezuela is a major producer of oil products, which remain the keystone of the Venezuelan economy. Chávez has gained a reputation as a price hawk in ], pushing for stringent enforcement of production quotas and higher target oil prices. At a June 2006 meeting, Venezuela was the only OPEC country calling for lowered production to drive oil prices higher. Industry analysts say Venezuela wants lower quotas because, under Chávez's administration, the output of ] (PDVSA), Venezuela's state-owned oil company, has been reduced by 25% and Venezuela cannot meet its current quota.<ref name=EconForPol>The Economist, (June 8, 2006), ''The Economist,'' Accessed 20 June 2006.</ref> However, '']'' argues that some oil production numbers are politically motivated, intended to discredit the Venezuelan industry.<ref>''Oxford Analytica''. (''Forbes'' 16 Jun 2006). Retrieved 27 Jun 2006</ref> Nonetheless, Chávez has attempted to broaden Venezuela's customer base, striking joint exploration deals with other developing countries, including ], ], ] and ]. Record oil prices have meant more funding for social programs, but have left the economy increasingly dependent on both the Chávez government and the oil sector; the private sector's role has correspondingly diminished. | |||
| Chávez has redirected the focus of PDVSA by bringing it more closely under the direction of the Ministry of Energy and Petroleum. He has also attempted to repatriate more oil funds to Venezuela by raising royalty percentages on joint extraction contracts that are payable to Venezuela. Chávez has also explored the liquidation of some or all of the assets belonging to PDVSA's U.S.-based subsidiary, ]. The Ministry of Energy and Petroleum has been successful in restructuring Citgo's profit structure,<ref>Ramirez, Rafael. (Minister of Energy and Petroleum, 25 May 2005). . ''VenezuelaAnalysis.'' Retrieved 31 Oct 2005.</ref> resulting in large increases in dividends and income taxes from PDVSA. Even with high oil prices the Venezuelan government for the first time recieved more income from taxation than the oil industry.<ref name=Merentes /> | |||
| During Chávez's presidency from 1999 to 2004, per-capita ] dropped 1–2%,<ref name=Econ1>Economist (June 2003). ''The Economist''. Accessed June 4, 2003.</ref> but with the help of rising oil prices, the end of the oil strike, and strong consumption growth, recent economic activity under Chávez has been robust. GDP growth rates were 18% in 2004,<ref name=EconPov>The Economist (Feb 16, 2006), ''The Economist'', Retrieved 22 June 2006.</ref> 9% in 2005,<ref name=BCV2005> ''El Universal'' (August 9, 2006).</ref> and 9.6% in the first half of 2006, with the private sector growing at a 10.3% clip.<ref name="BCV06Growth">''Banco Central de Venezuela'' (''BCV'' 15 Aug 2006). Retrieved 16 Aug 2006 {{es icon}} "Este resultado, unido al aumento de 9,9% observado en el primer trimestre, ubica el crecimiento del primer semestre en 9,6%." "Desde el punto de vista institucional, el sector público creció en 4,6% y el privado en 10,3%." ""La inversión bruta fija continuó su ritmo expansivo, alcanzando niveles superiores a los observados en toda la serie desde el año 1997."</ref> From 2004 to the first half of 2006, non-petroleum sectors of the economy showed growth rates greater than 10%.<ref>''El Universal (2006) . Retrieved 25 Jun 2006</ref> Datos reports real income grew by 137% between 2003 and Q1 2006.<ref>''Datos'', (2006). p.18. Retrieved 29 Aug 2006. {{es_icon}}</ref> Official poverty figures dropped by 10%.<ref>Weisbrot, Mark & Sandoval, Luis & Rosnick, David (''CEPR'' May 2006). Retrieved 19 Aug 2006</ref><ref>''El Universal'' Retrieved 23 Sep 2006 {{es icon}} "La pobreza se ubicó en 33,9% en el primer semestre del año, lo que representó una disminución de 8,5 puntos porcentuales con respecto a igual período de 2005"</ref> Some economists argue that this subsidized growth could stop if oil prices decline,<ref name=PostVoterRolls>Bronstein, H. (June 14, 2006), ''Washington Post'', Accessed 22 June 2006.</ref> but the government argues its budget uses 29$ a barrel and 60 billion dollars in reserves as a cushion for a sudden drop.<ref>''Marx, Gary''(''Chicago Tribune'' 13 Nov 2006) Retrieved 14 Nov 2006</ref> Some social scientists and economists claim that the government's reported poverty figures have not fallen in proportion to the country's vast oil revenues in the last two years.<ref name=EconPov/> | |||
| The president of Datos said that, although his surveys showed rising incomes because of subsidies and grants, the number of people in the worst living conditions has grown. "The poor of Venezuela are living much better lately and have increased their purchasing power . . . without being able to improve their housing, education level, and social mobility," he said. "Rather than help become stakeholders in the economic system, what done is distribute as much oil wealth as possible in missions and social programs."<ref name=Windfall>Lakshmanam, Indira A.R. Boston.com ''Boston Globe'' (13 August 2006).</ref> | |||
| ], ] in ], ]. He is flanked by ]i Emir ] and ] Prime Minister Nagib Mikati ''(Agência Brasil)''.]] | |||
| According to government figures, unemployment has dropped by 7.7% since the start of Chávez's presidency.<ref>''Instituto Nacional de Estadistica''.(''INE'', Jan 1999) . Retrieved 13 Jun 2006."Tasa de Desocupacion 16.6%" {{es icon}}</ref><ref>''Instituto Nacional de Estadistica''.(''INE'', April 2006) . Retrieved 18 Nov 2006."Tasa de Desocupacion 8.9%" {{es icon}}</ref> Venezuela's ] dropped to 10% in February 2006 from the 2003 high of 20%, which occurred during a two-month strike and business lockout that shut down the country's oil industry. However, some economists argue that recent job creation may not be permanent, for it relies on an expanded public payroll that will become unaffordable if oil prices fall.<ref name=EconPov/> According to the Venezuelan government, an unemployed person is a citizen above the age of 15 who has been seeking employment for more than one week.<ref>''Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas''. Retrieved 19 Aug 2006 {{es icon}} "Personas de 15 años o más, de uno u otro sexo, quienes declararon que durante la semana anterior al día de la entrevista no estaban trabajando y estaban buscando trabajo con remuneración. Asimismo, se incluyen aquellas personas que nunca han trabajado y buscan trabajo por primera vez."</ref> But, according to '']'', critics say that the government defines "informal workers, such as street vendors, as employed, and exclud adults who are studying in missions from unemployment numbers." Critics also point to figures released by the president of the Venezuelan National Statistics Institute, Elías Eljuri, which showed that poverty had actually risen by more than 10 percentage points under Chávez (to 53% in 2004). Chávez called for a new measure of poverty, a "social well-being index". Under this new definition, poverty registers at 40 percent.<ref name=Windfall/> Eljuri denies changing the statistic and claims it is entirely income excluding social programs.<ref>''El Universal'' (''El Universal'' 15 Oct 2005) Retrieved 19 Aug 2006 {{es icon}} "Según explicó Elías Eljuri, las cifras presentadas por el instituto en esta oportunidad miden la pobreza sólo por el nivel de ingreso de los hogares. " "Aclaró que las cifras presentadas no incluyen el efecto que han logrado en el tema la aplicación de los programas sociales del actual gobierno y que esto será presentado en otra oportunidad. "</ref> The World Bank calculated a 10% drop in poverty<ref>''Panodi''(''Venezuela Analysis'' 03 Jun 2006). Retrieved 19 Aug 2006</ref> | |||
| According to the Banco Central de Venezuela, ] dropped from 29.9% to 14.4%.<ref>''Banco Central de Venezuela''. (''BCV'' 12 Dec 2006). Retrieved 11 Aug 2006 {{es icon}} "la variación acumulada del IPC para el año 1998, se ubicó en 29,9%"</ref><ref name=BCV2005/> During 2005, imported goods were cheaper than commodities made in Venezuela; variability in the price of goods was linked to import performance and exchange stability.<ref name=BCV2005/> In the second quarter of 2006 gross ] was the highest ever recorded by the Banco Central de Venezuela since it started tracking the statistic in 1997.<ref name="BCV06Growth"/> | |||
| While the Venezuelan Government enjoys a windfall of oil profits, the business environment is risky and discourages investment, according to ''El Universal''. As measured by prices on local stock exchanges, investors are willing to pay on average 16.3 years worth of earnings to invest in Colombia companies, 15.9 in Chile, 11.1 in Mexico, and 10.7 in Brazil, but only 5.8 in Venezuela. The ] ranked Venezuela as 82 out of 102 countries on a measure of how favorable investment is for institutions. In Venezuela, an investor needs an average of 119 days and must complete 14 different proceedings to organize a business, while the average in OECD countries is 30 days and six proceedings.<ref> ''El Universal'' (17 August 2006).</ref> | |||
| Public spending in Venezuela has broken unprecedented records as measured by local currency Central Bank debt, which could increase inflation.<ref> ''El Universal'' (18 August 2006.)</ref> | |||
| ===Foreign policy=== | |||
| ], ] in ] as a gesture of mutual solidarity in their opposition to the ] and the ] proposal ''(Office of the Argentine Presidency)''.]] | |||
| {{main|Foreign policy of Hugo Chávez}} | |||
| Chávez has refocused Venezuelan ] on ]n economic and social integration by enacting bilateral trade and reciprocal aid agreements, including his so-called "oil diplomacy".<ref>The Economist. (''The Economist'', 28 Jul 2005). . Retrieved 11 Jun 2005.</ref><ref>''Guyana Diary''. (''Monthly Newsletter of the Guyana Embassy, Caracas, Venezuela'', Feb 2004). Retrieved 14 Jun 2006." Under the Caracas Energy Accord, countries can purchase oil supplies on concessional terms. It complements the terms of the San Jose Agreement, through which Venezuela offers special financial conditions to signatory oil-buying countries."</ref> Chávez stated that Venezuela has "a strong oil card to play on the geopolitical stage . . ." He said, "It is a card that we are going to play with toughness against the toughest country in the world, the United States."<ref>Blum, Justin (''Washington Post'', 22 Nov 2005). . Retrieved 29 Nov 2005.</ref> Chávez has focused on a variety of multinational institutions to promote his vision of Latin American integration, including ], Petrosur, and ]. Bilateral trade relationships with other Latin American countries have also played a major role in his policy, with Chávez increasing arms purchases from ], forming oil-for-expertise trade arrangements with ], and creating unique ] arrangements that exchange Venezuelan petroleum for cash-strapped Argentina's meat and dairy products. Additionally, Chávez worked closely with other Latin American leaders following the ] ] in many areas—especially energy integration—and championed the ] decision to adopt the Anti-Corruption Convention. Chávez also participates in the ] Friends groups for ], and is pursuing efforts to join and engage the ] trade bloc to expand the hemisphere's trade integration prospects. | |||
| Abroad, Chávez regularly portrays his movement's objectives as being diametrically opposed to "]" and "]". Chávez has, for example, denounced U.S. foreign policy regarding areas such as ], ], and the ]. Chávez's warm and public friendship with Cuban President ] has markedly compromised the U.S. policy of isolating Cuba diplomatically and economically.<ref>Macbeth, Hampden. (''] (COHA)'', 22 Jun 2005). . Retrieved 31 Oct 2005.</ref> Long-standing ties between the U.S. and Venezuelan militaries were also severed by Chávez. Moreover, his stance as an OPEC price hawk has made him unpopular in the United States. In 2000, Chávez made a ten-day tour of OPEC countries in a bid to promote his policies, becoming the first ] to meet ] since the ]. | |||
| Chávez's foreign policy conduct and anti-Bush rhetoric has occasionally reached the level of personal attacks. Chávez once referred to U.S. President ] as a '']'' ("dumbass"), and constantly refers to him as ]. In a later speech, he made personal remarks regarding ], referring to her as a "complete illiterate" when it comes to comprehending Latin America.<ref>Ministerio de Comunicación e Información. (23 Jan 2005). Retrieved 10 Nov 2005.</ref><ref name="diehl_28mar2005">Diehl, Jackson. (''Washington Post'', 28 Mar 2005). Retrieved 10 Nov 2005.</ref><ref>''People's Daily''. (12 Jan 2004). Retrieved 10 Nov 2005.</ref> On ], ] Chavez called Bush "the devil".<ref>http://www.cnn.com/2006/WORLD/americas/09/20/chavez.un/index.html</ref> | |||
| After ] battered the United States’ ] in late 2005, the Chávez administration was the first foreign government to offer aid to the devastated regions. The Bush administration opted to refuse this aid. Later during the winter of 2005, various officials in the Northeastern United States signed an agreement with Venezuela to provide discounted heating oil to low income families. | |||
| In a 2006 letter to the ], Chávez called on the U.S. Congress to "demand that the government of President Bush explain the self-inflicted attack on the World Trade Center and its victims, the supposed aircraft that crashed into the Pentagon and the links between the bin Laden family and the Bush family." Chávez has referred several times in the past to suspicions that the 9/11 attacks were planned by the Bush administration, and has called for an inquiries in the past as well. | |||
| There have also been heated disputes between Chávez and other Latin American leaders, including one with Mexican President ] over what Chávez alleged was Fox's support of U.S. trade interests. The dispute resulted in a strained diplomatic relationship between the two countries.<ref>''BBC News''. (14 Nov 2005). . Retrieved 14 Nov 2005.</ref> Another diplomatic row with ], referred to as the ], occurred in 2004, after the ] of Rodrigo Granda, a high ranking member of the political wing of the ]. In 2001, a dissension with ] occurred over suspicions that Chávez's administration was protecting and hiding ],<ref name = PeruVenSpat>BBC News. Accessed 23 May 2006.</ref> a former Peruvian intelligence director under the ] administration, wanted for corruption. Between January and March of 2006, Chávez commented on the candidates of the 2006 Peruvian Presidential election, openly backing ] while referring to ] as a "thief" and a "crook".<ref>BBC News. Accessed 23 May 2006.</ref><ref>BBC News. Accessed 23 May 2006.</ref> The Peruvian government therefore admonished Chávez for interfering in Peru's affairs. | |||
| On ], ] Chávez ordered the Venezuelan ] to ] to return from ] to Venezuela, protesting the ]. Israel responded by recalling its Israeli ambassador to Venezuela.<ref> ''El Universal'' (4 August 2006). Accessed 4 Aug 2006.</ref><ref> ''El Universal'' (August 9, 2006).</ref><ref>Haaretz.com. ''Haaretz service'' (August 8, 2006).</ref> Chávez made statements comparing Israel to Hitler and describing their actions as a "new Holocaust", and blaming the United States.<ref name=MiamiUproar>Shoer-Roth, Daniel. MiamiHerald.com (9 August 2006) Accessed 9 Aug 2006.</ref> | |||
| He was strongly criticized by supporters of Israel for allegedly trivializing the ].<ref name=MiamiUproar/> | |||
| ==Chávez and the media== | |||
| {{main|Media representation of Hugo Chávez}} | |||
| Even before the April 2002 coup, many owners, managers, and commentators working for the five major private mainstream television networks and largest mainstream newspapers had stated their opposition to Chávez's policies.<ref name=CJR>Dinges, John. ''Columbia Journalism Review'' (July 2005). Retrieved 13 Jun 2006.</ref> These media outlets have accused the Chávez administration of intimidating their journalists using specially-dispatched gangs.<ref name=CJR /> Chávez in turn alleges that the owners of these networks have primary allegiance not to Venezuela but to the United States, and that they seek the advancement of what he terms ] via corporate ]. | |||
| According to Greg Grandin, professor of Latin American history at New York University, {{cquote| media is chronically obsessed with Chávez, and critical in a way that would be completely alien for most U.S. observers.'}} After the media-backed 2002 coup attempt, Venezuela passed 'social responsibility' legislation ostensibly regulating the media but has largely failed to enforce it.<ref name=DN21906>Democracy Now! Thursday, September 21st, 2006. Retrieved 4 Oct 2006.</ref> | |||
| Throughout his presidency, Chávez has hosted the live talk show known as '']'' ("Hello, President!").<ref>Lakshmanan, Indira. '']'' (27 Jul 2005). Retrieved 15 Oct 2005.</ref> The show broadcasts in varying formats on state owned ] (VTV—Venezuelan State Television) each Sunday at 11:00 AM. The show features Chávez addressing topics of the day, taking phone calls and live questions from both the studio and broadcast audience, and touring locations where government social welfare programs are active. Additionally, on ], ], Chávez inaugurated ], a proposed pan-American homologue of ] that seeks to challenge the present domination of Latin American television news by ] and the United States-based ]. Chávez's media policies have contributed to elevated tensions between the United States and Venezuela.<ref>''Bruce, Ian''. (''BBC'', 28 Jun 2005). . Retrieved 13 Jun 2006.</ref> | |||
| == Bolivarianism and Chavismo == | |||
| ]. (''Agência Brasil'')]] | |||
| {{main|Bolivarianism|Bolivarian Circles}} | |||
| Chávez's version of ], although drawing heavily from ]'s ideals, was also influenced by the writings of ] historian ]. Chávez was well acquainted with the various traditions of Latin American socialism espoused by ] and ] and from a young age by the ] doctrine of ] and ]. Other key influences on Chávez's political philosophy include ] and ]. Other indirect influences on Chávez's political philosophy are the writings of ] and the teachings of ] as recorded in the Bible (Chávez describes Jesus as the world's first socialist.) Although Chávez himself refers to his ideology as ''Bolivarianismo'' ("Bolivarianism"), Chávez's supporters and opponents in Venezuela refer to themselves as being either for or against "''chavismo''." Thus, Chávez supporters refer to themselves not as "Bolivarians" or "Bolivarianists," but rather as "'']s''." | |||
| Later in his life, Chávez would acknowledge the role that ] (a form of socialism that emphasizes grassroots democratic participation) plays in Bolivarianism.<ref>Sojo, Cleto A. (''Venezuela Analysis'', 31 Jan 2005). . Retrieved 20 Oct 2005.</ref> Because his Bolivarianism relies on popular support, Chávez has organized the "]," which he cites as examples of grassroots and participatory democracy. The circles are charged with such tasks as neighborhood beautification, mass mobilization, lending support to small businesses, and providing basic social services, but critics are suspect of their independence and aims. | |||
| ==Criticism== | |||
| {{main|Criticism of Hugo Chávez}} | |||
| With respect to domestic policies, critics report that both corruption and crime are rampant.<ref name=PostCrime>Reel, M. ''Washington Post'' (May 10, 2006), p. A17. Accessed 24 June 2006.</ref><ref>The Economist (Mar 30 2006), ''The Economist. Accessed 19 June 2006.</ref> They also cite a failing infrastructure and public hospitals.<ref name=EconPov>The Economist (Feb 16, 2006). ''The Economist'', Retrieved 22 June 2006.</ref> Criticism from Chávez supporters arises from reports that Chávez is not fulfilling his major campaign pledges with respect to labor and land reform.<ref>Fuentes, Federico. (''Venezuela Analysis'', 26 Sep 2005). . Retrieved 05 Nov 2005.</ref><ref>Márquez, Humberto. (''Inter Press Service'', 05 Apr 2005). . Retrieved 05 Nov 2005.</ref><ref>Parma, Alessandro. (''Venezuela Analysis'', 20 Oct 2005). Retrieved 15 Oct 2005.</ref> | |||
| Critics have also charged that the Chávez government has engaged in "gigantic fraud" during the 2004 recall referendum.<ref>''BBC News''. (''BBC'' 17 August 2004). . Retrieved 20 July 2006 </ref> The United States government claims that his cooperation in the ] is negligible or purposely indifferent with regards to the FARC and ELN;<ref>Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism. (US State Dept., April 28. 2006). Retrieved June 26, 2006.</ref> nonetheless, the U.S. government says there is no evidence of a direct link between terrorism and Chávez.<ref>Kraul, Chris. (''LA Times'', 25 Jun 2006). Retrieved 25 Jun 2006.</ref> | |||
| Several public figures have even gone so far as to call for the assassination of Chávez, most notably US Conservative Christian televangelist ].<ref>ABCNews. "Televangelist Calls for Chavez's Death. Accessed 23 May 2006. </ref> Other such requests have been expressed by Venezuelan actor ]<ref name=Crosshairs>''Márquez Humberto''. (IPS March 9 2006) Accessed 21 Jun 2006.</ref> and former president of Venezuela ].<ref>Branford, Becky. ''BBC News'' (August 13, 2004). ''BBC''. Accessed 26 June 2006.</ref> The US Ambassador to Venezuela between 2001 and 2004, Charles Shapiro, also reported to the Chávez administration two potential assassination plots.<ref name=Crosshairs /> | |||
| Chavez has been accused of concentrating power of judicial and legislative branches.<ref>''The Washington Times'' (December 6, 2005). ''The Washington Times''.</ref> | |||
| == Personal life == | |||
| ] | |||
| {{main|Early life of Hugo Chávez}} | |||
| Hugo Chávez has been married twice. He first wedded ], a woman from a poor family originating in Chávez's own hometown of Sabaneta. Chávez and Colmenares remained married for eighteen years, during which time they had three children: Rosa Virginia, María Gabriela, and Hugo Rafael. They separated soon after Chávez's 1992 coup attempt. During his first marriage, Chávez also had an affair with young historian ]; they had a relationship which lasted nine years, but ended.<ref name="Guillermoprieto 2005"/><ref>Byrne, Jennifer. (''Foreign Correspondent'', 03 Jun 2003). . Retrieved 11 Nov 2005.</ref> Chávez is separated from his second wife, journalist ]. Through that marriage, Chávez had another daughter, Rosa Inés. Chávez has one granddaughter, Gabriela.<ref>Palast, Greg. (''BBC Newsnight'', 2 May 2002). . Retrieved 09 Nov 2005.</ref> | |||
| Chávez was raised a ],<ref>Hugo Chávez. (10 July 2001).Accessed 12 October 2006.{{es icon}}</ref> although he has had a series of disputes with both the Venezuelan Catholic clergy and the ] church hierarchies.<ref name=NewTribes/><ref>Kozloff, Nikolas. (''Venezuela Analysis'', 24 Oct 2005). . Retrieved 11 Nov 2005.</ref> He has traditionally kept his own faith a private matter, but over the course of his presidency, Chávez has become increasingly open to discussing his religious views, stating that both his faith and his interpretation of ]' personal life and ideology have had a profound impact on his leftist and progressivist views.<ref name="chavez_17sep2005" /> He often invokes God and asks for prayer in speeches, as he did when he asked Venezuelans to pray for ].<ref>Obiko Pearson, Natalie. ''Associated Press'' (August 10, 2006). ''The Washington Post.''</ref> | |||
| ==See also== | |||
| {{Topics related to Hugo Chávez}} | |||
| {{VEpresidents}} | |||
| == Notes == | |||
| <div class="references-small" style="-moz-column-count:2; column-count:2;"> | |||
| <references /></div> | |||
| == References == | |||
| <div style="font-size: 85%"> | |||
| * Amnesty International. Accessed 20 June 2006. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author=BBC News | |||
| | Last=BBC | |||
| | Year=2005 | |||
| | Title=Profile: Hugo Chávez | |||
| | Periodical=BBC News | |||
| | Date=], ] | |||
| | URL=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/3517106.stm | |||
| }}. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Surname1=Boudin | |||
| | Given1=Chesa | |||
| | Surname2=Chavez | |||
| | Given2=Hugo | |||
| | Surname3=Harnecker | |||
| | Given3=Marta | |||
| | Title=Understanding the Venezuelan Revolution: Hugo Chávez Talks to Marta Harnecker | |||
| | Publisher=Monthly Review Press | |||
| | Year=2005 | |||
| | ID=ISBN 1-58367-127-7 | |||
| }}. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Surname1=Chavez | |||
| | Given1=Hugo | |||
| | Surname2=Deutschmann | |||
| | Given2=David | |||
| | Surname3=Salado | |||
| | Given3=Javier | |||
| | Title=Chávez: Venezuela and the New Latin America | |||
| | Publisher=Ocean Press | |||
| | Year=2004 | |||
| | ID=ISBN 1-92088-800-4 | |||
| }}. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author=DiJohn, Jonathan | |||
| | Last=DiJohn | |||
| | First=Jonathan | |||
| | Year=2004 | |||
| | Title=The Political Economy of Economic Liberalisation in Venezuela | |||
| | Periodical=Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, LSE | |||
| | Date=June 2004 | |||
| | URL=http://www.crisisstates.com/download/wp/wp46.pdf | |||
| }}. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Surname1=Ellner | |||
| | Given1=Steven | |||
| | Surname2=Hellinger | |||
| | Given2=Daniel | |||
| | Title=Venezuelan Politics in the Chávez Era: Class, Polarization, and Conflict | |||
| | Publisher=Lynne Rienner | |||
| | Year=2004 | |||
| | ID=ISBN 1-58826-297-9 | |||
| }}. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author=Golinger, Eva | |||
| | Last=Golinger | |||
| | First=Eva | |||
| | Title=El Código Chávez: Descifrando la Intervención de los Estados Unidos en Venezuela | |||
| | Publisher=Editorial de Ciencias Sociales | |||
| | Year=2005 | |||
| | ID=ISBN 9-59060-723-3 | |||
| }}. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author=Gott, Richard | |||
| | Last=Gott | |||
| | First=Richard | |||
| | Authorlink=Richard Gott | |||
| | Title=In the Shadow of the Liberator: The Impact of Hugo Chávez on Venezuela and Latin America | |||
| | Publisher=Verso Books | |||
| | Year=2001 | |||
| | ID=ISBN 1-85984-365-4 | |||
| }}. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author=Gott, Richard | |||
| | Last=Gott | |||
| | First=Richard | |||
| | Authorlink=Richard Gott | |||
| | Title=Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution | |||
| | Publisher=Verso Books | |||
| | Year=2005 | |||
| | ID=ISBN 1-84467-533-5 | |||
| | URL=http://www.versobooks.com/books/ghij/g-titles/gott_hugo_chavez.shtml | |||
| }}. | |||
| * Human Rights Watch. Accessed 20 June 2006. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Surname1=McCoy | |||
| | Given1=Jennifer L. | |||
| | Surname2=Myers | |||
| | Given2=David J. | |||
| | Title=The Unraveling of Representative Democracy in Venezuela | |||
| | Publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press | |||
| | Year=2004 | |||
| | ID=ISBN 0-80187-960-4 | |||
| }}. | |||
| * {{Harvard reference | |||
| | Author=O'Donoghue, Patrick J. | |||
| | Last=O'Donoghue | |||
| | First=Patrick J. | |||
| | Year=2005 | |||
| | Title=Historian Details Presidential Interest In Controversial Barinas Landed Estate | |||
| | Date=], ] | |||
| | URL=http://www.vheadline.com/readnews.asp?id=45975 | |||
| }}. | |||
| </div> | |||
| == External links == | |||
| {{commons|Hugo Chávez}} | |||
| {{wikiquote|Hugo Chávez}} | |||
| ===Interviews and speeches=== | |||
| * transcript, first plenary session of the Special Summit of the Americas in Monterrey, Mexico. ], ]. | |||
| * transcript, opening of XII G-15 Summit. ], ]. | |||
| * audio, UN’s ]. | |||
| * , includes untitled speech English and Spanish, ] ], ] ] | |||
| * The speech in which Chávez referred to Bush as "The Devil." | |||
| * transcript, ]. ], ]. | |||
| * audio, Latino Pastoral Action Center, ], ], ], ]. ( {{es_icon}}) | |||
| * ] and of a Chávez interview in New York City. ], ]. | |||
| * ] '']/].'' ], ]. | |||
| * ] ]. | |||
| * ] ], ]. | |||
| * Hosted by the UN webcast website (q.v. http://www.un.org/webcast). Requires Real Media Player. | |||
| ===Other links=== | |||
| *Coronel, Gustavo. Corruption, Mismanagement, and Abuse of Power in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela. Cato Institute Development Policy Analysis. November 27, 2006. | |||
| *Diaz, Miguel. Center for Strategic International Studies, Testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere, Peace Corps and Narcotics Affairs. June 24, 2004. | |||
| * Pilger, John. ''],'' May 13, 2006. | |||
| *—From the ] | |||
| *Waller, J. Michael. The Center for Security Policy. May 2005. | |||
| * {{es_icon}} — Web portal detailing Chávez's trade agenda and proposals. | |||
| * {{es_icon}} — Biography of Chávez from Venezuelan government. | |||
| * Two independent filmmakers were inside the presidential palace on April 11, 2002, when he was forcibly removed from office. They were also present 48 hours later when, remarkably, he returned to power amid cheering aides. Their film records what was probably history's shortest-lived coup d'état. "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised" | |||
| *Conway, Christopher. Afterword to ''The Cult of Bolívar in Latin American Literature'' (University Press Florida, 2003). Analyzes use of Bolívar in speeches of Chávez. | |||
| *McCoy, Jennifer. | |||
| * | |||
| *Martin, Jeremy. June, 2006 | |||
| * A Latin NewsWire Expose, Is Hugo Chavez the new leader of Latin America? | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| ;Documentaries | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| <!-- Categories:alphabetical --> | |||
| {{Persondata | |||
| |NAME=Chávez, Hugo Rafael | |||
| |ALTERNATIVE NAMES=Chávez Frías, Hugo Rafael | |||
| |SHORT DESCRIPTION=]n President | |||
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| |PLACE OF BIRTH=], ], ] | |||
| |DATE OF DEATH= | |||
| |PLACE OF DEATH= | |||
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Revision as of 23:05, 4 December 2006
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