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== History == == History ==
The ] was the most centralized colony of the ], with administration being limited outside of Lima, especially throughout the Andes,<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal |last=Mauceri |first=Philip |date=Winter 1995 |title=State reform, coalitions, and the neoliberal 'autogolpe' in Peru |journal=] |volume=30 |issue=1|pages=7–37 |doi=10.1017/S0023879100017155 |s2cid=252749746 }}</ref> this was partly due to the inheritance of the form of ] (centralized in the ] city).<ref>McEwan, pp. 90–92, 216</ref><ref>Steward, Julian H. & Faron, Louis, C. (1959). ''Native Peoples of South America''. McGraw-Hill: New York, pp. 123–124</ref><ref>Willey, Gordon R. (1971). ''An Introduction to American Archaeology, Volume Two: South America''. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., pp. 173–175</ref><ref>Rowe, John Howland. (1982). Inca Policies and Institutions Relating to the Cultural Unification of the Empire, in The Inca and Aztec States: 1400–1800. ]: New York, pp. 108–109</ref> Following the ] from the ], the economic elite focused their power on the coastal regions while the rural provinces were governed by existing ] practices by '']'' landowners.<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":532">{{Cite journal |last=Orihuela |first=José Carlos |date=January–June 2020 |title=El consenso de Lima y sus descontentos: del restringido desarrollismo oligarca a revolucionarias reformas estructurales |url=https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&pid=S0717-88322020000100077&lng=en&nrm=iso |journal=Revista de historia |location=] |volume=27 |issue=1 |pages=77–100}}</ref><ref name=":8">{{Cite web |last=Levitsky |first=Steven |date=Fall 2014 |title=First Take: Paradoxes of Peruvian Democracy: Political Bust Amid Economic Boom? |url=https://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/first-take-paradoxes-peruvian-democracy |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141122150245/https://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/first-take-paradoxes-peruvian-democracy |archive-date=22 November 2014 |website=ReVista}}</ref><ref name=":54">{{Cite book |last1=Gutiérrez Sanín |first1=Francisco |title=Economic Liberalization and Political Violence: Utopia Or Dystopia? |last2=Schönwälder |first2=Gerd |publisher=] |year=2010 |isbn=978-0745330631 |pages=256–284}}</ref> The Government of Peru displayed little interference in the ] throughout the nation's history since Peru frequently experienced ]s that benefitted white elites on the coast, instead of the indigenous majority in rural areas, with businesses focusing on bringing commodities from inland Peru to export on the coast.<ref name=":532" /> The ] was the most centralized colony of the ], with administration being limited outside of Lima, especially throughout the Andes,<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal |last=Mauceri |first=Philip |date=Winter 1995 |title=State reform, coalitions, and the neoliberal 'autogolpe' in Peru |journal=] |volume=30 |issue=1|pages=7–37 |doi=10.1017/S0023879100017155 |s2cid=252749746 }}</ref> this was partly due to the inheritance of the form of ] (centralized in the ] city).<ref>McEwan, pp. 90–92, 216</ref><ref>Steward, Julian H. & Faron, Louis, C. (1959). ''Native Peoples of South America''. McGraw-Hill: New York, pp. 123–124</ref><ref>Willey, Gordon R. (1971). ''An Introduction to American Archaeology, Volume Two: South America''. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., pp. 173–175</ref><ref>Rowe, John Howland. (1982). Inca Policies and Institutions Relating to the Cultural Unification of the Empire, in The Inca and Aztec States: 1400–1800. ]: New York, pp. 108–109</ref> Following the ] from the ], the economic elite focused their power on the coastal regions while the rural provinces were governed by existing ] practices by '']'' landowners.<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":532">{{Cite journal |last=Orihuela |first=José Carlos |date=January–June 2020 |title=El consenso de Lima y sus descontentos: del restringido desarrollismo oligarca a revolucionarias reformas estructurales |url=https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&pid=S0717-88322020000100077&lng=en&nrm=iso |journal=Revista de historia |location=] |volume=27 |issue=1 |pages=77–100}}</ref><ref name=":8">{{Cite web |last=Levitsky |first=Steven |date=Fall 2014 |title=First Take: Paradoxes of Peruvian Democracy: Political Bust Amid Economic Boom? |url=https://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/first-take-paradoxes-peruvian-democracy |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141122150245/https://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/first-take-paradoxes-peruvian-democracy |archive-date=22 November 2014 |website=ReVista}}</ref><ref name=":54">{{Cite book |last1=Gutiérrez Sanín |first1=Francisco |title=Economic Liberalization and Political Violence: Utopia Or Dystopia? |last2=Schönwälder |first2=Gerd |publisher=] |year=2010 |isbn=978-0745330631 |pages=256–284}}</ref> The Government of Peru displayed little interference in the ] throughout the nation's history since Peru frequently experienced ]s that benefitted white elites on the coast, instead of the indigenous majority in rural areas, with businesses focusing on bringing commodities from inland Peru to export on the coast.<ref name=":532" /> During the ] export boom in the late 1800s, the income obtained from these resources was used to " the rest of the nation under the influence of its centralizing military and ]."<ref name=":42">{{Cita publicación|url=https://ctscafe.pe/index.php/ctscafe/article/view/26|título=La génesis del centralismo en el Perú: La rebelión de Vivanco y el fracaso ante Lima|apellidos=Jiyagón Villanueva|nombre=José Carlos|fecha=2017|publicación=Revista de Investigación Multidisciplinaria CTSCAFE|volumen=1|número=2|páginas=10–10|fechaacceso=2023-03-16|idioma=es|issn=2521-8093}}</ref><ref>{{Cita libro|título=Trials of nation making : liberalism, race, and ethnicity in the Andes, 1810-1910|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/551697287|editorial=Cambridge Univ. Press|fecha=2008|fechaacceso=2023-03-16|isbn=0-521-56171-X|oclc=551697287|nombre=Larson|apellidos=Brooke|página=151}}</ref> This centralization mainly benefited the ] elites.<ref name=":5322">{{Cita publicación|url=https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&pid=S0717-88322020000100077&lng=en&nrm=iso|título=El consenso de Lima y sus descontentos: del restringido desarrollismo oligarca a revolucionarias reformas estructurales|apellidos=Orihuela|nombre=José Carlos|fecha=January–June 2020|publicación=Revista de historia|volumen=27|número=1|páginas=77–100|ubicación=]}}</ref>


Until the middle of the twentieth century, the government in Lima would enforce policy in outlying areas through an intermediator known as a ''gamonal'', usually a prominent local individual, with the state and ''gamonal'' achieving their objectives while the native populations had little influence on local decisions.<ref name=":1" /> As ] intensified later into the twentieth century, distances between urban and rural areas increased, with larger cities increasing their ability to connect to the economy and increasing their wealth while smaller cities experienced resource and ] to larger cities.{{sfn|Asensio|Camacho|González|Grompone|2021|pp=27–71}} When ] won the ], with his government making modest improvements by increasing industrialization and constructing highways into the Andes.<ref name=":02">{{Cite web |title=Commanding Heights: Peru |url=https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/lo/countries/pe/pe_full.html |access-date=14 October 2021 |website=]}}</ref> Belaúnde held a doctrine called "''The Conquest of Peru by Peruvians''", which promoted the exploitation of resources in the Amazon and other outlying areas of Peru through ].<ref name=":22">{{Cite web |last=Dourojeanni |first=Marc J. |date=12 June 2017 |title=Belaúnde en la Amazonía |url=https://www.caaap.org.pe/2017/06/12/belaunde-en-la-amazonia-por-marc-j-dourojeanni/ |access-date=14 October 2021 |website=Centro Amazónico de Antropología y Aplicación Práctica (CAAAP) |language=es}}</ref> In one 1964 incident called the {{ill|Matsé genocide|es|Genocidio matsé}}, the Belaúnde administration targeted the ] after two loggers were killed, with the Peruvian armed forces and American fighter planes dropping ] on the indigenous groups armed with bows and arrows, killing hundreds.<ref name=":22"/><ref name=":04">{{Cite web |last=LR |first=Redacción |date=9 June 2018 |title=Terrorista "José" amenaza con más ataques a las fuerzas del orden |url=https://larepublica.pe/politica/1258375-terrorista-jose-amenaza-ataques-fuerzas-orden/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210610160256/https://larepublica.pe/politica/1258375-terrorista-jose-amenaza-ataques-fuerzas-orden/ |archive-date=10 June 2021 |access-date=27 May 2021 |website=La República |language=es-PE}}</ref> Until the middle of the twentieth century, the government in Lima would enforce policy in outlying areas through an intermediator known as a ''gamonal'', usually a prominent local individual, with the state and ''gamonal'' achieving their objectives while the native populations had little influence on local decisions.<ref name=":1" /> As ] intensified later into the twentieth century, distances between urban and rural areas increased, with larger cities increasing their ability to connect to the economy and increasing their wealth while smaller cities experienced resource and ] to larger cities.{{sfn|Asensio|Camacho|González|Grompone|2021|pp=27–71}} When ] won the ], with his government making modest improvements by increasing industrialization and constructing highways into the Andes.<ref name=":02">{{Cite web |title=Commanding Heights: Peru |url=https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/lo/countries/pe/pe_full.html |access-date=14 October 2021 |website=]}}</ref> Belaúnde held a doctrine called "''The Conquest of Peru by Peruvians''", which promoted the exploitation of resources in the Amazon and other outlying areas of Peru through ].<ref name=":22">{{Cite web |last=Dourojeanni |first=Marc J. |date=12 June 2017 |title=Belaúnde en la Amazonía |url=https://www.caaap.org.pe/2017/06/12/belaunde-en-la-amazonia-por-marc-j-dourojeanni/ |access-date=14 October 2021 |website=Centro Amazónico de Antropología y Aplicación Práctica (CAAAP) |language=es}}</ref> In one 1964 incident called the {{ill|Matsé genocide|es|Genocidio matsé}}, the Belaúnde administration targeted the ] after two loggers were killed, with the Peruvian armed forces and American fighter planes dropping ] on the indigenous groups armed with bows and arrows, killing hundreds.<ref name=":22"/><ref name=":04">{{Cite web |last=LR |first=Redacción |date=9 June 2018 |title=Terrorista "José" amenaza con más ataques a las fuerzas del orden |url=https://larepublica.pe/politica/1258375-terrorista-jose-amenaza-ataques-fuerzas-orden/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210610160256/https://larepublica.pe/politica/1258375-terrorista-jose-amenaza-ataques-fuerzas-orden/ |archive-date=10 June 2021 |access-date=27 May 2021 |website=La República |language=es-PE}}</ref>

Revision as of 01:44, 22 April 2023

Act of the social elite in Peru San Isidro (left), the modern financial center of Lima
Cajamarca (right), one of Peru's poorest cities near the world's fourth largest gold mine

Centralismo is a term describing the common act of the social elite in Peru accumulating, or centralizing, wealth and development along the coast of the Pacific Ocean, particularly in the capital city of Lima. This practice has occurred throughout Peru's history and has resulted with large levels of economic inequality, political alienation and other disparities in rural regions, with Lima acquiring the majority of socioeconomic benefits in the nation.

History

The Viceroyalty of Peru was the most centralized colony of the Spanish Empire, with administration being limited outside of Lima, especially throughout the Andes, this was partly due to the inheritance of the form of organization in the Inca Empire (centralized in the Cuzco city). Following the independence of Peru from the Spanish Empire, the economic elite focused their power on the coastal regions while the rural provinces were governed by existing serfdom practices by hacienda landowners. The Government of Peru displayed little interference in the public sector throughout the nation's history since Peru frequently experienced commodities booms that benefitted white elites on the coast, instead of the indigenous majority in rural areas, with businesses focusing on bringing commodities from inland Peru to export on the coast. During the guano export boom in the late 1800s, the income obtained from these resources was used to " the rest of the nation under the influence of its centralizing military and bureaucracy." This centralization mainly benefited the criollo elites.

Until the middle of the twentieth century, the government in Lima would enforce policy in outlying areas through an intermediator known as a gamonal, usually a prominent local individual, with the state and gamonal achieving their objectives while the native populations had little influence on local decisions. As globalization intensified later into the twentieth century, distances between urban and rural areas increased, with larger cities increasing their ability to connect to the economy and increasing their wealth while smaller cities experienced resource and human capital flight to larger cities. When Fernando Belaúnde won the 1963 Peruvian general election, with his government making modest improvements by increasing industrialization and constructing highways into the Andes. Belaúnde held a doctrine called "The Conquest of Peru by Peruvians", which promoted the exploitation of resources in the Amazon and other outlying areas of Peru through conquest. In one 1964 incident called the Matsé genocide [es], the Belaúnde administration targeted the Matsés after two loggers were killed, with the Peruvian armed forces and American fighter planes dropping napalm on the indigenous groups armed with bows and arrows, killing hundreds.

Many Peruvians in rural areas were not able to vote until 1979 when the constitution allowed illiterate individuals to vote, with eleven of eighteen democratically elected presidents of Peru being from Lima between 1919 and 2021. The wealth earned between 1990 and 2020 was not distributed throughout the country; living standards showed disparities between the more-developed capital city of Lima and similar coastal regions while rural provinces remained impoverished.

During the 2021 Peruvian general election, the candidacy of Pedro Castillo brought attention to the centralismo divide, with much of his support being earned in the exterior regions of the country. In May 2021, Americas Quarterly wrote: "Life expectancy in Huancavelica, for example, the region where Castillo received his highest share of the vote in the first round, is seven years shorter than in Lima. In Puno, where Castillo received over 47% of the vote, the infant mortality rate is almost three times that of Lima's." The existing disparities in Peru caused a "globalization fatigue" according to Asensio, resulting in a polarization between rural and urban areas that saw differing priorities with lifestyle, economics and politics. Asensio writes that Castillo, being recognized as a "true Peruvian" by his supporters, was able to capitalize on the "globalization fatigue" sentiments shared by the rural population and establish support by saying he would reverse the favoritism of Lima and defending regional rights. This divide created by centralismo would be a factor contributing towards the 2022–2023 Peruvian protests.

Effects

Centralismo prevented development in Peru, hampering progressivism movements and making the establishment of a national economy impossible. It also contributed to systemic racism in Peru since the wealth and education centralized in Lima created a perception amongst Limeños that rural indigenous individuals were inferior. Younger and more mobile individuals moved from rural regions to Lima as well, contributing to slower development in the outlying province among an aging population.

Analysis

Centralismo has been described as "one of the structural evils that accompanied the Republic from its inception to the present", with the disparities between the provinces and Lima being one of the largest examples of income inequality in Latin America. Beginning in the early 1900s, Peruvian intellectuals from the rural provinces began to respond to centralismo by promoting regionalismo, or the spread of development from Lima to the outlying regions. Thorough analysis of the phenomenon began with the Marxist–Leninist philosopher José Carlos Mariátegui in his essay "Regionalism and centralism" of his Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality.

In the context of Peru's socioeconomic crisis during the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru, Kahhat stated that "market reforms in Peru have yielded positive results in terms of reducing poverty ... But what the pandemic has laid bare, particularly in Peru, is that poverty was reduced while leaving the miserable state of public services unaltered – most clearly in the case of health services." Some sociologists describe that Peruvian people see that all the natural resources are in the countryside but all the benefits are concentrated mostly in Lima.

See also

References

  1. "Students' struggles pushed Peru teacher to run for president". Associated Press. 18 April 2021. Retrieved 22 April 2021.
  2. Santaeulalia, Inés; Fowks, Jacqueline (12 April 2021). "Perú se encamina a una lucha por la presidencia entre el radical Pedro Castillo y Keiko Fujimori". El País (in Spanish). Retrieved 13 April 2021.
  3. ^ de la Cadena, Marisol (May 1998). "Silent Racism and Intellectual Superiority in Peru". Bulletin of Latin American Research. 17 (2): 143–164. doi:10.1111/j.1470-9856.1998.tb00169.x.
  4. ^ Miranda Valdivia, Franklin Ramiro (15 June 2015). "La descentralización centralista en el Perú: entre la crisis y el crecimiento 1970-2014". Investigaciones Sociales. 19 (34): 153–167. doi:10.15381/is.v19i34.11758.
  5. ^ Mauceri, Philip (Winter 1995). "State reform, coalitions, and the neoliberal 'autogolpe' in Peru". Latin American Research Review. 30 (1): 7–37. doi:10.1017/S0023879100017155. S2CID 252749746.
  6. McEwan, pp. 90–92, 216
  7. Steward, Julian H. & Faron, Louis, C. (1959). Native Peoples of South America. McGraw-Hill: New York, pp. 123–124
  8. Willey, Gordon R. (1971). An Introduction to American Archaeology, Volume Two: South America. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., pp. 173–175
  9. Rowe, John Howland. (1982). Inca Policies and Institutions Relating to the Cultural Unification of the Empire, in The Inca and Aztec States: 1400–1800. Academic Press: New York, pp. 108–109
  10. ^ Orihuela, José Carlos (January–June 2020). "El consenso de Lima y sus descontentos: del restringido desarrollismo oligarca a revolucionarias reformas estructurales". Revista de historia. 27 (1). Concepción, Chile: 77–100.
  11. Levitsky, Steven (Fall 2014). "First Take: Paradoxes of Peruvian Democracy: Political Bust Amid Economic Boom?". ReVista. Archived from the original on 22 November 2014.
  12. Gutiérrez Sanín, Francisco; Schönwälder, Gerd (2010). Economic Liberalization and Political Violence: Utopia Or Dystopia?. International Development Research Centre. pp. 256–284. ISBN 978-0745330631.
  13. "La génesis del centralismo en el Perú: La rebelión de Vivanco y el fracaso ante Lima". Revista de Investigación Multidisciplinaria CTSCAFE (in Spanish). 1 (2): 10–10. 2017. ISSN 2521-8093. Retrieved 2023-03-16. {{cite journal}}: |first= missing |last= (help); Unknown parameter |apellidos= ignored (|last= suggested) (help)
  14. Trials of nation making : liberalism, race, and ethnicity in the Andes, 1810-1910. Cambridge Univ. Press. 2008. p. 151. OCLC 551697287. Retrieved 2023-03-16. {{cite book}}: |first= missing |last= (help); Unknown parameter |apellidos= ignored (|last= suggested) (help)
  15. "El consenso de Lima y sus descontentos: del restringido desarrollismo oligarca a revolucionarias reformas estructurales". Revista de historia. 27 (1). Concepción, Chile: 77–100. January–June 2020. {{cite journal}}: |first= missing |last= (help); Unknown parameter |apellidos= ignored (|last= suggested) (help)
  16. ^ Asensio et al. 2021, pp. 27–71.
  17. "Commanding Heights: Peru". PBS NewsHour. Retrieved 14 October 2021.
  18. ^ Dourojeanni, Marc J. (12 June 2017). "Belaúnde en la Amazonía". Centro Amazónico de Antropología y Aplicación Práctica (CAAAP) (in Spanish). Retrieved 14 October 2021.
  19. LR, Redacción (9 June 2018). "Terrorista "José" amenaza con más ataques a las fuerzas del orden". La República (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 10 June 2021. Retrieved 27 May 2021.
  20. ^ O’Boyle, Brendan (3 May 2021). "Pedro Castillo and the 500-Year-Old Lima vs Rural Divide". Americas Quarterly. Archived from the original on 3 June 2021. Retrieved 3 June 2021.
  21. ^ "Buenos Aires Times | Inequality fuels rural teacher's unlikely bid to upend Peru". Buenos Aires Times. Bloomberg. 3 June 2021. Archived from the original on 4 June 2021. Retrieved 4 June 2021.
  22. ^ Allen, Nicolas (1 June 2021). "Pedro Castillo Can Help End Neoliberalism in Peru". Jacobin. Archived from the original on 18 June 2021. Retrieved 3 June 2021.
  23. ^ "Democracy Is on the Line in Peru". Human Rights Watch. 2023-01-24. Retrieved 2023-01-27.
  24. Giraudo, Laura (2018). "Casta(s), "sociedad de castas" e indigenismo: la interpretación del pasado colonial en el siglo XX". Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos. doi:10.4000/nuevomundo.72080. S2CID 165569000. Retrieved 23 September 2019.

Bibliography

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