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Part of a series on the
Nakba
Precipitating events Background Mandatory Palestine 1947 partition plan Jewish insurgency in Mandatory Palestine 1948 Palestine war Civil war in Palestine Plan Dalet Deir Yassin massacre Battle of Haifa Israeli Declaration of Independence Arab–Israeli War Timeline Expulsion from Lydda and Ramle Transfer Committee
1948 expulsion and flight Palestinian refugees Camps Palestinian return to Israel Right of return Present absentee UN Resolution 194 UNRWA Hebraization of Palestinian place names Paraguay plan
Discourse Causes New Historians Nakba denial Nakba Law
Notable writers Aref al-Aref Yoav Gelber Efraim Karsh Rashid Khalidi Walid Khalidi Nur Masalha Benny Morris Ilan Pappé Edward Said Tom Segev Avraham Sela Avi Shlaim Constantin Zureiq
Symbols and memory Palestinian key Handala Nakba Day Land Day Great March of Return March of Return (Israel)
Ongoing Ongoing Nakba Palestinian genocide accusation Gaza genocide
Lists List of depopulated towns and villages Estimates of the number of Palestinians who fled
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The Nakba (Template:Lang-ar) was the violent displacement and dispossession of Palestinians, and the destruction of their society, culture, identity, political rights, and national aspirations. The term is used to describe both the events of 1948, as well as the ongoing occupation of the Palestinian territories (the West Bank and the Gaza Strip) and persecution and displacement of Palestinians throughout the region.

The foundational events of the Nakba took place during and shortly after the 1948 Palestine war, including 78% of Mandatory Palestine being declared as Israel, the expulsion and flight of 700,000 Palestinians, the related depopulation and destruction of over 500 Palestinian villages by Zionist militias and later the Israeli army and subsequent geographical erasure, the denial of the Palestinian right of return, the creation of permanent Palestinian refugees, and the "shattering of Palestinian society".

The Nakba is described by several scholars including Ilan Pappe as ethnic cleansing, but this description has been disputed by Benny Morris. The Palestinian national narrative views the Nakba as a collective trauma that defines their national identity and political aspirations, whereas the Israeli national narrative views the same events in terms of the war of independence that established Jewish aspirations for statehood and sovereignty. The Palestinians mark 15 May as Nakba Day, the day after Israeli independence day.

The Nakba greatly influenced the Palestinian culture and is a foundational symbol of Palestinian identity, together with "Handala", the keffiyeh and the symbolic key. Countless books, songs and poems have been written about the Nakba. Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish described the Nakba as "an extended present that promises to continue in the future."

History

1948 and prior

The roots of the Nakba are traced to the arrival of Zionists in Ottoman Palestine in the late 19th century. The British succeed the Ottomans after World War I as rulers of Mandatory Palestine. In 1947, in the wake of World War II and the Holocaust, the United Nations partitioned Mandatory Palestine, leading to the 1948 Palestine war and the creation of Israel.

During the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight, approximately 750,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled from their homes and became refugees in neighboring states. Homes, villages, and towns were destroyed. Cities were depopulated. By the end of the war in 1949, Israel held about 78% of Palestine's land. About 160,000 Palestinians who remained within the borders of Israel became internally displaced persons. The Gaza Strip came under Egyptian control, and in 1950, the West Bank was annexed by Jordan.

1949 - 1966

The Nakba continued after the end of the war in 1949. From 1948 to 1966, internally displaced Palestinians lived under martial law and needed a permit to move from one village to another. Israel prevented Palestinian refugees outside of Israel from returning. Palestinians continued to be expelled, and more Palestinian towns and villages were destroyed, with new Jewish settlements established in their place. Palestinian place names and the name "Palestine" itself were removed from maps and history books.

1967-present

During the 1967 Six-Day War, hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees were driven from the West Bank and East Jerusalem into Jordan. After the war, Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Palestinian refugees in Lebanon were killed or displaced during the 1982 Lebanon War.

The First Intifada began in 1987 and lasted until the 1993 Oslo Accords. The Second Intifada began in 2000. In 2005, Israel withdrew from Gaza and blockaded it. In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, Israel has built the Israeli West Bank barrier and created Palestinian enclaves.

In 2011, Israel passed the Nakba Law, which denies government funding to institutions that commemorate the Nakba.

Components

The Nakba encompasses the violent displacement and dispossession of Palestinians, and the destruction of their society, culture, identity, political rights, and national aspirations.

Displacement

During the 1947–49 Palestine war, an estimated 700,000 Palestinians fled or were expelled, comprising around 80% of the Palestinian Arab inhabitants of what became Israel. Almost half of this figure (approximately 250,000–300,000 Palestinians) had fled or had been expelled ahead of the Israeli Declaration of Independence in May 1948, a fact which was named as a casus belli for the entry of the Arab League into the country, sparking the 1948 Arab–Israeli War.

Clause 10.(b) of the cablegram from the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States to the UN Secretary-General of 15 May 1948 justifying the intervention by the Arab States, the Secretary-General of the League alleged that "approximately over a quarter of a million of the Arab population have been compelled to leave their homes and emigrate to neighbouring Arab countries." In the period after the war, a large number of Palestinians attempted to return to their homes; between 2,700 and 5,000 Palestinians were killed by Israel during this period, the vast majority being unarmed and intending to return for economic or social reasons.

The Nakba is described by several scholars, including Ilan Pappé, Ronit Lentin, and Yair Auron, as ethnic cleansing. Benny Morris in 2016 rejected the description of "ethnic cleansing" for 1948, while also stating that the label of "partial ethnic cleansing" for 1948 was debatable; in 2004 Morris was responding to the claim of "ethnic cleansing" ocurring in 1948 by stating that there were "circumstances in history that justify ethnic cleansing ... It was necessary to cleanse the hinterland ... the term they used at the time ... there was no choice but to expel the Palestinian population. To uproot it in the course of war"; Morris said this resulted in a "partial" expulsion of Arabs.

At the same time, a significant proportion of those Palestinians who remained in Israel became internally displaced. In 1950, UNRWA estimated that 46,000 of the 156,000 Palestinians who remained inside the borders demarcated as Israel by the 1949 Armistice Agreements were internally displaced refugees. As of 2003, some 274,000 Arab citizens of Israel – or one in four in Israel – were internally displaced from the events of 1948.

Dispossession and erasure

The UN Partition Plan of 1947 assigned 56% of Palestine to the future Jewish state, while the Palestinian majority, 66%, were to receive 44% of the territory. 80% of the land in the to-be Jewish state was already owned by Palestinians; 11% had a Jewish title. Before, during and after the 1947–1949 war, hundreds of Palestinian towns and villages were depopulated and destroyed. Geographic names throughout the country were erased and replaced with Hebrew names, sometimes derivatives of the historical Palestinian nomenclature, and sometimes new inventions. Numerous non-Jewish historical sites were destroyed, not just during the wars, but in a subsequent process over a number of decades. For example, over 80% of Palestinian village mosques have been destroyed, and artefacts have been removed from museums and archives.

A variety of laws were promulgated in Israel to legalize the expropriation of Palestinian land.

Statelessness and denationalization

The creation of Palestinian statelessness is a central component of the Nakba and continues to be a feature of Palestinian national life to the present day. All Arab Palestinians became immediately stateless as a result of the Nakba, although some took on other nationalities. After 1948, Palestinians ceased to be simply Palestinian, instead divided into Israeli-Palestinians, East Jerusalem Palestinians, UNRWA Palestinians, West Bank-Palestinians, and Gazan-Palestinians, each with different legal statuses and restrictions, in addition to the wider Palestinian diaspora who were able to achieve residency outside of historic Palestine and the refugee camps.

The first Israeli Nationality Law, passed on 14 July 1952, denationalized Palestinians, rendering the former Palestinian citizenship "devoid of substance", "not satisfactory and is inappropriate to the situation following the establishment of Israel".

Fracturing of society

The Nakba was the primary cause of the Palestinian diaspora; at the same time Israel was created as a Jewish homeland, the Palestinians were turned into a "refugee nation" with a "wandering identity". Today a majority of the 13.7 million Palestinians live in the diaspora, i.e. they live outside of the historical area of Mandatory Palestine, primarily in other countries of the Arab world. Of the 6.2 million people registered by the UN's dedicated Palestinian refugee agency, UNRWA, about 40% live in the West Bank and Gaza, and 60% in the diaspora. A large number of these diaspora refugees are not integrated into their host countries, as illustrated by the ongoing tension of Palestinians in Lebanon or the 1990–91 Palestinian exodus from Kuwait.

These factors have resulted in a Palestinian identity of "suffering", whilst the deterritorialization of the Palestinians has created a uniting factor and focal point in the desire to return to their lost homeland.

Long-term implications and "ongoing Nakba"

The most important long-term implications of the Nakba for the Palestinian people were the loss of their homeland, the fragmentation and marginalization of their national community, and their transformation into a stateless people.

Since the late 1990s, the phrase "ongoing Nakba" (Template:Lang-ar) has emerged to describe the "continuous experience of violence and dispossession" experienced by the Palestinian people. This term enjoins the understanding of the Nakba not as an event in 1948, but as an ongoing process that continues through to the present day. |—

On November 11, 2023 Israeli Agriculture Minister Avi Dichter remarked in an interview on N12 News on the nature of the 2023 Israel–Hamas war that "From an operational standpoint, you cannot wage a war like the IDF wants to in Gaza while the masses are between the tanks and the soldiers," he said. "It's the 2023 Gaza Nakba."

Terminology

The term Nakba was first applied to the events of 1948 by Constantin Zureiq, a professor of history at the American University of Beirut, in his 1948 book Manā an-Nakba (The Meaning of the Disaster). Zureiq wrote that "the tragic aspect of the Nakba is related to the fact that it is not a regular misfortune or a temporal evil, but a Disaster in the very essence of the word, one of the most difficult that Arabs have ever known over their long history." Prior to 1948, the "Year of the Catastrophe" among Arabs referred to 1920, when European colonial powers partitioned the Ottoman Empire into a series of separate states along lines of their own choosing.

The word was used again one year later by the Palestinian poet Burhan al-Deen al-Abushi. Zureiq's students subsequently founded the Arab Nationalist Movement in 1952, one of the first post-Nakba Palestinian political movements. In a six-volume encyclopedia Al-Nakba: Nakbat Bayt al-Maqdis Wal-Firdaws al-Mafqud (The Catastrophe: The Catastrophe of Jerusalem and the Lost Paradise) published between 1958–60, Aref al-Aref wrote: "How Can I call it but Nakba? When we the Arab people generally and the Palestinians particularly, faced such a disaster (Nakba) that we never faced like it along the centuries, our homeland was sealed, we expelled from our country, and we lost many of our beloved sons." Muhammad Nimr al-Hawari also used the term Nakba in the title of his book Sir al Nakba (The Secret behind the Disaster) written in 1955. The use of the term has evolved over time.

Initially, the use of the term Nakba among Palestinians was not universal. For example, for many years after 1948, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon avoided and even actively resisted using the term, because it lent permanency to a situation they viewed as temporary, and they often insisted on being called "returnees". In the 1950s and 1960s, terms they used to describe the events of 1948 included al-'ightiṣāb ("the rape"), or were more euphemistic, such as al-'aḥdāth ("the events"), al-hijra ("the exodus"), and lammā sharnā wa-tla'nā ("when we blackened our faces and left"). Nakba narratives were avoided by the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon in the 1970s, in favor of a narrative of revolution and renewal. Interest in the Nakba by organizations representing refugees in Lebanon surged in the 1990s due to the perception that the refugees' right of return might be negotiated away in exchange for Palestinian statehood, and the desire was to send a clear message to the international community that this right was non-negotiable.

National narratives

Palestinian national narrative

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to itadding to it or making an edit request. (October 2023)

The Palestinian national narrative regards the repercussions of the Nakba as a formative trauma defining its national, political and moral aspirations and its identity. The Palestinian people developed a victimized national identity in which they had lost their country as a result of the 1948 war. From the Palestinian perspective, they have been forced to pay for the Holocaust perpetrated in Europe with their freedom, properties and bodies instead of those who were truly responsible.

Shmuel Trigano, writing in the Jewish Political Studies Review published by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, outlines the evolution of the Nakba narrative through three stages. Initially, it depicted Palestinians as victims displaced by Israel's creation to make way for Jewish immigrants. The next phase recast the Six-Day War as Israel's colonization of Palestinian lands, aligning the Palestinian cause with anti-colonial sentiments. The final stage leverages Holocaust memories, accusing Israel of apartheid, resonating with Western guilt over the Holocaust. He argues these evolving interpretations omit complex historical factors involving failed attempts to eliminate Israel, contested territorial claims, and Jewish refugee displacement from Arab nations.

Israeli national narrative

The Israeli national narrative rejects the Palestinian characterization of 1948 as the Nakba (catastrophe), instead viewing it as the War of Independence that established Israel's statehood and sovereignty. It portrays the events of 1948 as the culmination of the Zionist movement and Jewish national aspirations, resulting in military success against invading Arab armies, armistice agreements, and recognition of Israel's legitimacy by the United Nations. While acknowledging some instances of Israeli responsibility for the Palestinian refugee crisis, as documented by historians like Benny Morris, the overarching Israeli narrative accommodates this within the context of Israel's emergence as a state under difficult war conditions, without negating Israel's foundational story and identity. It perceives the 1948 war and its outcome as an equally formative and fundamental event – as an act of justice and redemption for the Jewish people after centuries of historical suffering, and the key step in the "negation of the Diaspora".

According to this narrative, the Palestinian Arabs voluntarily fled their homes during the war, encouraged by Arab leaders who told Palestinians to temporarily evacuate so that Arab armies could destroy Israel, and then upon losing the war, refused to integrate them. This viewpoint also contrasts Jewish refugees absorbed by Israel with Palestinian refugees kept stateless by Arab countries as political pawns. In contrast to the Palestinian narrative, claims for depopulation of Arab villages and destruction of Palestinian homes are not acknowledged by the mainstream Israeli narrative, typically using terminology such as "abandoned" property and "population exchange" rather than "confiscated" or "expelled."

Israeli legislative measures

Israeli officials have repeatedly described the term as embodying an “Arab lie” or as a justification for terrorism. In 2009, the Israeli Education Ministry banned using the term “nakba” in textbooks for Arab children. In 2011, the Knesset forbade institutions from commemorating the event. According to Neve Gordon, a school ceremony memoralizing the Nakba would, under the 2011 law, have to respond to charges that it incited racism, violence and terrorism, and denied Israel's democratic character, in doing so. In 2023, after the United Nations instituted a commemoration day for the Nakba on 15 May, the Israeli ambassador Gilad Erdan remonstrated that the event itself was antisemitic.

In May 2009, Yisrael Beiteinu introduced a bill that would outlaw all Nakba commemorations, with a three-year prison sentence for such acts of remembrance. Following public criticism, the bill draft was changed, the prison sentence dropped and instead the Minister of Finance would have the authority to reduce state funding for Israeli institutions found to be "commemorating Independence Day or the day of the establishment of the state as a day of mourning". The new draft was approved by the Knesset in March 2011, and became known as the Nakba Law. The implementation of the new law unintentionally promoted knowledge of the Nakba within Israeli society, an example of the Streisand effect.

Nakba denial

According to some historians and academics, there exists a form of historical negationism that pertains to the 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight. The denial of the Nakba is central to Zionist narratives of 1948, and was largely facilitated by Israeli historiography up until the late 1980s, after which Israel's history began to be reviewed and rewritten by the New Historians. Subsequently, significant volumes of Israeli Jewish literature have emerged intent on "demystifying the past".

Nakba denial has been described as still prevalent in both Israeli and American discourse and linked to various tropes associated with anti-Arab racism. In 2011, Israel enacted the Nakba Law which authorized the withdrawal of state funds from organizations that discuss the Nakba. Israel also hosts grassroots movements, such as Zochrot, that have aimed to combat Nakba denial through direct memorial action. In May 2023, following the 75th anniversary of the Nakba, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas made the denial of the 1948 expulsion a crime punishable by two years in jail.

Historiography

Avraham Sela and Alon Kadish have argued that the Palestinian national memory of the Nakba has evolved over time, reconstructing the events of 1948 to serve contemporary Palestinian national demands. They argue that the Palestinian historiography of the Nakba tends to "entirely ignore" the attacks launched by Arab irregular and volunteer forces against the Yishuv, downplaying the role of Palestinian leaders in the events leading to the 1948 war and defeat.

In films and literature

Farha, a film about the Nakba directed by Jordanian director Darin J. Sallam, was chosen as Jordan's official submission for the 2023 Academy Awards International Feature Film category. In response, Avigdor Lieberman, the Israeli Finance Minister, ordered the treasury to withdraw government funding for Jaffa's Al Saraya Theater, where the film is scheduled for projection.

Museums

The Al Qarara Cultural Museum held a collection of pre-Nakba jewellery. It was destroyed in an explosion as a result of an Israeli attack in October 2023.

See also

• Al-Nakba: The Palestinian Catastrophe 1948
• Balfour Declaration
• Haifa Declaration
• Nakba Day
• Nakba Law
• The Holocaust and the Nakba

Notes

1. Note: The 6.2 million is composed of 5.55 million registered refugees and 0.63m other registered people; UNRWA's definition of Other Registered Persons refer to "those who, at the time of original registration did not satisfy all of UNRWA's Palestine refugee criteria, but who were determined to have suffered significant loss and/or hardship for reasons related to the 1948 conflict in Palestine; they also include persons who belong to the families of other registered persons."

References

Citations

1. ^ Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, pp. 511–512; Manna 2022, pp. 7–9; Khalidi 2020, pp. 60, 76, 82, 88–89; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, Introduction; Nashef 2018, p. 6; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 393 n. 2; Al-Hardan 2016, pp. xi, 2; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, p. 1; Lentin 2013, ch. 2; Sayigh 2013, pp. 52–55; Masalha 2012, pp. 1, 10–13; Milshtein 2009, p. 47; Ram 2009, pp. 366–367; Webman 2009, p. 29; Sa'di 2007, pp. 3, 8–9
2. ^ Pappe 2021, pp. 70-71 and 80; Khalidi 2020, p. 75; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 7 and 33 n.4; Khoury 2018, pp. xiii–xv; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 393, 405, 407, and 422-423; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 1 and 12-18; Masalha 2012, pp. 5, 12–14, 75 and 254; Sa'di & Abu-Lughod 2007, p. 10
3. Slater 2020, p. 406.
4. Masalha 2012, p. 3.
5. Dajani 2005, p. 42: "The nakba is the experience that has perhaps most defined Palestinian history. For the Palestinian, it is not merely a political event — the establishment of the state of Israel on 78 percent of the territory of the Palestine Mandate, or even, primarily a humanitarian one — the creation of the modern world's most enduring refugee problem. The nakba is of existential significance to Palestinians, representing both the shattering of the Palestinian community in Palestine and the consolidation of a shared national consciousness."
6. Sa'di & Abu-Lughod 2007, p. 3: "For Palestinians, the 1948 War led indeed to a "catastrophe." A society disintegrated, a people dispersed, and a complex and historically changing but taken for granted communal life was ended violently. The Nakba has thus become, both in Palestinian memory and history, the demarcation line between two qualitatively opposing periods. After 1948, the lives of the Palestinians at the individual, community, and national level were dramatically and irreversibly changed."
7. Khalidi, Rashid I. (1992). "Observations on the Right of Return". Journal of Palestine Studies. 21 (2): 29–40. doi:10.2307/2537217. JSTOR 2537217. Only by understanding the centrality of the catastrophe of politicide and expulsion that befell the Palestinian people – al-nakba in Arabic – is it possible to understand the Palestinians' sense of the right of return
8. ^ Sabbagh-Khoury 2023, pp. 30, 65, 71, 81, 182, 193–194; Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Manna 2022; Pappe 2022, pp. 33, 120–122, 126–132, 137, 239; Gutman & Tirosh 2021, p. 5; Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 77–109; Khalidi 2020, pp. 12, 73, 76, 231; Slater 2020, pp. 81–85; Shenhav 2019, pp. 48–61; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, Introduction; Masalha 2018, pp. 44, 52–54, 64, 319, 324, 376, 383; Nashef 2018, pp. 5–6, 52, 76; Auron 2017; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 393; Al-Hardan 2016, pp. 47–48; Natour 2016, p. 82; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 3–4, 8–18; Lentin 2013, ch. 2; Masalha 2012; Wolfe 2012, pp. 153–154, 160–161; Khoury 2012, pp. 258, 263–265; Knopf-Newman 2011, pp. 4–5, 25–32, 109, 180–182; Milshtein 2009, p. 50; Ram 2009, p. 388; Shlaim 2009, pp. 55, 288; Sa'di 2007, pp. 28–29, 249–250, 291–293, 298, 308; Pappe 2006; Schulz 2003, pp. 24, 31–32
9. Morris, Benny (10 October 2016). "Israel Conducted No Ethnic Cleansing in 1948". Haaretz. Retrieved 25 October 2023. Prof. Daniel Blatman distorts history when he says the new State of Israel, a country facing invading armies, carried out a policy of expelling the local Arabs.
10. ^ Golani, Motti; Manna, Adel (2011). Two sides of the coin: independence and Nakba, 1948: two narratives of the 1948 War and its outcome. Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation. p. 14. ISBN 978-90-8979-080-4. The Palestinians regard the Nakba and its repercussions as a formative trauma defining their identity and their national, moral, and political aspirations. As a result of the 1948 war, the Palestinian people, which to a large degree lost their country to the establishment of a Jewish state for the survivors of the Holocaust, developed a victimized national identity. From their perspective, the Palestinians have been forced to pay for the Jewish Holocaust with their bodies, their property, and their freedom instead of those who were truly responsible. Jewish Israelis, in contrast, see the war and its outcome not merely as an act of historical justice that changed the historical course of the Jewish people, which until that point had been filled with suffering and hardship, but also as a birth – the birth of Israel as an independent Jewish state after two thousand years of exile. As such, it must be pure and untainted, because if a person, a nation, or a state is born in sin, its entire essence is tainted. In this sense, discourse on the war is not at all historical but rather current and extremely sensitive. Its power and intensity is directly influenced by present day events. In the Israeli and the Palestinian cases, therefore, the 1948 war plays a pivotal role in two simple, clear, unequivocal, and harmonious narratives, with both peoples continuing to see the war as a formative event in their respective histories.
11. ^ Mori 2009.
12. ^ Partner, Nancy (2008). "The Linguistic Turn along Post-Postmodern Borders: Israeli/Palestinian Narrative Conflict". New Literary History. 39 (4): 823–845. doi:10.1353/nlh.0.0065. JSTOR 20533118. S2CID 144556954.
13. Schmemann, Serge (15 May 1998). "MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE OVERVIEW; 9 Palestinians Die in Protests Marking Israel's Anniversary". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 5 March 2022. Retrieved 7 April 2021. We are not asking for a lot. We are not asking for the moon. We are asking to close the chapter of nakba once and for all, for the refugees to return and to build an independent Palestinian state on our land, our land, our land, just like other peoples. We want to celebrate in our capital, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem.
14. Gladstone, Rick (15 May 2021). "An annual day of Palestinian grievance comes amid the upheaval". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 15 May 2021. Retrieved 15 May 2021.
15. Masalha 2012, p. 11.
16. Darwish 2001.
17. Williams 2009, p. 89.
18. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 2 and 7; Khoury 2018, pp. xi-xiii and xv; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 423; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, p. 8; Manna 2013, p. 89; Masalha 2012, pp. 44, 70, and 168; Wolfe 2012, p. 134.
19. Manna 2013, p. 89; Masalha 2012, p. 33, 54, and 150; Wolfe 2012, p. 143.
20. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 16; Manna 2013, p. 90; Masalha 2012, pp. 67–68, 150, 194.
21. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7; Manna 2013, pp. 88, 91, 93, and 99 n. 12; Masalha 2012, pp. 2 and 70; Wolfe 2012, p. 133.
22. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 1; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 408-409; Manna 2013, p. 91; Masalha 2012, pp. 23, 74, 90–91, 107, and 115; Wolfe 2012, p. 161 n.1.
23. Manna 2022, pp. 17; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 409; Masalha 2012, pp. 7 and 115.
24. Manna 2013, p. 91; Masalha 2012, pp. 2 and 68; Wolfe 2012, pp. 133–134.
25. Manna 2013, p. 93; Masalha 2012, pp. 5-6 and 68.
26. ^ Manna 2013.
27. Manna 2013, p. 91; Masalha 2012, pp. 6–7.
28. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 408; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2014, pp. 3-4 and 16; Masalha 2012, pp. 5 and 68.
29. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 407; Manna 2013, pp. 92–93; Masalha 2012, pp. 5 and 74; Wolfe 2012, p. 170 n.96.
30. Khalidi, p. 75 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFKhalidi (help); Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, pp. 407–408; Masalha 2012, p. 5; 1y2020 sfnm error: no target: CITEREF1y2020 (help).
31. Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, pp. 400-401 and 408; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2014, p. 4; Manna 2013, p. 93; Masalha 2012, p. 107 and 117; Wolfe 2012, p. 161 n.1.
32. Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 402-403 and 413; Manna 2013, p. 91; Masalha 2012, pp. 1–3, 73, and 102.
33. Masalha 2012, p. 13.
34. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 405; Manna 2013, pp. 94–97; Masalha 2012, pp. 168–169.
35. Khalidi 2020, pp. 160–162; Manna 2013, p. 96; Masalha 2012, pp. 75, 137, 141–143, and 226-227.
36. Khalidi 2020, pp. 164–199; Manna 2013, p. 99 n. 16; Masalha 2012, p. 75.
37. Khalidi 2020, pp. 200–227; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2014, p. 15; Manna 2013, p. 97; Masalha 2012, pp. 75, 189-190 and 198-199.
38. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 1; Khoury 2018, p. xiv; Manna 2013, p. 97; Masalha 2012, p. 254.
39. Khoury 2018, p. xiv; Manna 2013, p. 97; Masalha 2012, p. 47 and 254.
40. Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 2; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 418 and 423; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2014, p. 14.
41. Masalha, Nur (1992). Expulsion of the Palestinians. Institute for Palestine Studies, this edition 2001, p. 175.
42. Rashid Khalidi (September 1998). Palestinian identity: the construction of modern national consciousness. Columbia University Press. p. 21. ISBN 978-0-231-10515-6. Archived from the original on 14 January 2023. Retrieved 27 April 2021. In 1948 half of Palestine's ... Arabs were uprooted from their homes and became refugees
43. According to Morris's estimates, 250,000 to 300,000 Palestinians left Israel during this stage, whereas Keesing's Contemporary Archives in London place the total number of refugees before Israel's independence at 300,000, as quoted in Mark Tessler's A History of the Arab–Israeli Conflict: "Keesing's Contemporary Archives" (London: Keesing's Publications, 1948–1973). p. 10101.
44. "Cablegram from the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States to the Secretary-General of the United Nations: S/745". undocs.org. 15 May 1948. Archived from the original on 1 September 2023. Retrieved 6 June 2012.
45. Morris, Benny (1997). Israel's Border Wars, 1949–1956: Arab Infiltration, Israeli Retaliation, and the Countdown to the Suez War. Clarendon Press. p. 432. ISBN 978-0-19-829262-3. The available documentation suggests that Israeli security forces and civilian guards, and their mines and booby-traps, killed somewhere between 2,700 and 5,000 Arab infiltrators during 1949–56. The evidence suggests that the vast majority of those killed were unarmed. The overwhelming majority had infiltrated for economic or social reasons. The majority of the infiltrators killed died during 1949–51; there was a drop to some 300–500 a year in 1952–4. Available statistics indicate a further drop in fatalities during 1955–6, despite the relative increase in terrorist infiltration.
46. Morris, Benny (10 October 2016). "Israel Conducted No Ethnic Cleansing in 1948". Haaretz. Archived from the original on 16 June 2022. Retrieved 25 October 2023. I don't accept the definition "ethnic cleansing" for what the Jews in prestate Israel did in 1948. (If you consider Lod and Ramle, maybe we can talk about partial ethnic cleansing.)
47. "Survival of the Fittest (Cont.)". Haaretz. 7 January 2004. Archived from the original on 13 June 2022. Retrieved 16 November 2023.
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56. Williams 2009, p. 98: "Just as the land of Palestine was to be cleared of the unwanted presence of its inhabitants, so the period after 1948 witnessed the ‘clearing’ of evidence of non-Jewish cultures: in the shape of their historical and archaeological remains, from the landscape as well as the looting of their artefacts from museums and archives. Part of this was sanctioned – if secret – Israeli government policy; part of it unattributable (military) vandalism – again. Astonishingly, as well as the ‘primitive’ cultural relics of the Palestinian past – with something like eighty per cent of village mosques demolished in this period – the destruction also included remarkable Roman remains, as in the city of Tiberias, which happened even when Israeli officials had specifically asked for them to be spared (see Rapaport 2007). Once again, just as the Nakba contrived to be both punctual historical event and persistent catastrophic condition, so the obliteration of historic non-Jewish sites in Palestine proved to be not simply a product of the destructive ecstasy of the moment of victory in 1948, but much more of a calculated, consistent approach, a policy that is still being carried out today, in pointless demolition, bulldozing and dynamiting in cities such as Nablus and Hebron."
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External links

• Chakraborty, Ranjani (15 May 2023). "Why Palestinians protest every May 15". Vox.

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