Misplaced Pages

Banu Qurayza: Difference between revisions

Article snapshot taken from Wikipedia with creative commons attribution-sharealike license. Give it a read and then ask your questions in the chat. We can research this topic together.
Browse history interactively
← Previous editNext edit →Content deleted Content addedVisualWikitext
Revision as of 11:20, 5 June 2008 editBless sins (talk | contribs)Extended confirmed users, Pending changes reviewers16,862 edits regarding Str1977's accusation of terrorism see talk; rv censorship of 15-17% the article that removes content sourced to 10 different scholars← Previous edit Revision as of 04:05, 6 June 2008 edit undoYahel Guhan (talk | contribs)22,767 edits per strNext edit →
Line 2: Line 2:
] ]


The '''Banu Qurayza''' (] بني قريظة; بنو قريظة alternate spellings include '''Quraiza''', '''Qurayzah''', '''Quraytha''', and the archaic '''Koreiza''') were a ]ish tribe who lived in ], at the oasis of Yathrib (now known as ]). The '''Banu Qurayza''' (] بني قريظة; بنو قريظة alternate spellings include '''Quraiza''', '''Qurayzah''', '''Quraytha''', and the archaic '''Koreiza''') were a ]ish tribe who lived in ], at the oasis of Yathrib (now known as ]). In 627 CE, the tribe was charged with treason and collaboration with the invading armies during the ] and besieged by the Muslims commanded by ].<ref name="Peterson">Peterson, ''Muhammad: the prophet of God'', p. 125-127.</ref><ref>Ramadan, ''In the Footsteps of the Prophet'', p. 141.</ref> The Banu Qurayza surrendered and all the men, apart from a few who converted to ], were beheaded, while all the women and children were enslaved.<ref>Hodgson, ''The Venture of Islam'', vol. 1, p. 191.</ref><ref>Brown, ''A New Introduction to Islam'', p. 81.</ref>

During the ], Banu Qurayza located at the south of Medina, had entered into negotiations with Meccan forces to revolt against Muhammad. Although they were swayed by suggestions that Muhammad was sure to be overwhelmed, they desired reassurance in case the confederacy was unable to destroy him. No agreement was reached after the prolonged negotiations, in part due to sabotage attempts by Muhammad's scouts.<ref>Watt (1964) pp. 170-172</ref> After the retreat of the coalition, the Muslims accused the Banu Qurayza of treachery and besieged them in their forts for 25 days. The Banu Qurayza eventually surrendered and all the men, apart from a few who converted to Islam, were beheaded, while the women and children were enslaved.<ref name="Peterson">Peterson, ''Muhammad: the prophet of God'', p. 125-127.</ref><ref>Ramadan, ''In the Footsteps of the Prophet'', p. 141.</ref>


==History in pre-Islamic Arabia== ==History in pre-Islamic Arabia==
Line 11: Line 9:
They were dubbed priestly tribe (''kahinan'' in Arabic from the Hebrew ]).<ref>Stillman, ''The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book'', p. 9.</ref><ref name="Judaica">'']'', "Qurayza".</ref> ], the author of the traditional Muslim biography of Muhammad, traces their genealogy to ] and further to ]<ref name="Guillaume7">Guillaume, ''The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah'', p. 7.</ref> but gives only eight intermediaries between Aaron and the purported founder of the Qurayza tribe.<ref name="Kurayza"/> They were dubbed priestly tribe (''kahinan'' in Arabic from the Hebrew ]).<ref>Stillman, ''The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book'', p. 9.</ref><ref name="Judaica">'']'', "Qurayza".</ref> ], the author of the traditional Muslim biography of Muhammad, traces their genealogy to ] and further to ]<ref name="Guillaume7">Guillaume, ''The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah'', p. 7.</ref> but gives only eight intermediaries between Aaron and the purported founder of the Qurayza tribe.<ref name="Kurayza"/>


In the ] CE, the Qurayza lived in Yathrib together with two other major Jewish tribes: ] and ].<ref name="Kurayza"/> ] writes in his 10th-century collection of Arabic poetry '']'' that Jews arrived in Hijaz in the wake of the ]; the Qurayza settled in Mahzur, a ] in ].<ref>Serjeant, "The "Sunnah Jami'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the "Tahrim" of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called Constitution of Medina", p. 2-3.</ref> The 15th century Muslim scholar ] lists a dozen of other Jewish clans living in the town of which the most important one was ], closely aligned with the Banu Qurayza. The Jews introduced agriculture to Yathrib, growing ]s and ],<ref name="Kurayza"/> and this cultural and economic advantage enabled the Jews to dominate the local Arabs politically.<ref name="Peters192">Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 192-193.</ref> ] wrote that the Banu Qurayza were people of high lineage and of properties, "whereas we were but an Arab tribe who did not possess any palm trees nor vineyards, being people of only sheep and camels." ] later reported that during the ]n domination in ], the Banu Qurayza served as tax collectors for the ].<ref name="Peters192"/> In the ] CE, the Qurayza lived in Yathrib together with two other major Jewish tribes: ] and ].<ref name="Kurayza"/> ] writes in his tenth-century collection of Arabic poetry '']'' that Jews arrived in Hijaz in the wake of the ]; the Qurayza settled in Mahzur, a ] in ].<ref>Serjeant, "The "Sunnah Jami'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the "Tahrim" of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called Constitution of Medina", p. 2-3.</ref> The 15th century Muslim scholar ] lists a dozen of other Jewish clans living in the town of which the most important one was ], closely aligned with the Banu Qurayza. The Jews introduced agriculture to Yathrib, growing ]s and ],<ref name="Kurayza"/> and this cultural and economic advantage enabled the Jews to dominate the local Arabs politically.<ref name="Peters192">Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 192-193.</ref> ] wrote that the Banu Qurayza were people of high lineage and of properties, "whereas we were but an Arab tribe who did not possess any palm trees nor vineyards, being people of only sheep and camels." ] later reported that during the ]n domination in ], the Banu Qurayza served as tax collectors for the ].<ref name="Peters192"/>


===Account of the king of Himyar=== ===Account of the king of Himyar===
Line 17: Line 15:


===Arrival of the Aws and Khazraj=== ===Arrival of the Aws and Khazraj===
The situation changed after two Arab tribes named ] and ] arrived to Yathrib from ]. At first, these tribes were clients of the Jews, but toward the end of the fifth century CE, they revolted and became independent.<ref name="Madina"/> Most modern historians accept the claim of the Muslim sources that after the revolt, the Jewish tribes became clients of the Aws and the Khazraj.<ref name="Peters192"/><ref name="Judaica"/> ] however considers this clientship to be unhistorical prior to 627 and maintains that the Jews retained a measure of political independence after the Arab revolt.<ref name="Madina"/> The situation changed after two Arab tribes named ] and ] arrived to Yathrib from ]. At first, these tribes were clients of the Jews, but toward the end of the 5th century CE, they revolted and became independent.<ref name="Madina"/> Most modern historians accept the claim of the Muslim sources that after the revolt, the Jewish tribes became clients of the Aws and the Khazraj.<ref name="Peters192"/><ref name="Judaica"/> ] however considers this clientship to be unhistorical prior to 627 and maintains that the Jews retained a measure of political independence after the Arab revolt.<ref name="Madina"/>


Eventually, the Aws and the Khazraj became hostile to each other. They had been fighting possibly for around a hundred years before 620 and at least since 570s.<ref name="CambrWatt">Watt, "Muhammad", in: ''The Cambridge History of Islam''.</ref> The Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza were allied with the Aws, while the Banu Qaynuqa sided with the Khazraj.<ref>For alliances see Guillaume, p. 253.</ref> There are reports of the constant conflict between Banu Qurayza and Banu Nadir, the two allies of Aws, yet the sources often refer to these two tribes as “brothers”.<ref>''Encyclopedia of the Qur'an'', "Qurayza (Banu)".</ref> Aws and Khazraj and their Jewish allies fought a total of four wars.<ref name="Madina"/> The last and bloodiest altercation was the ],<ref name="Madina"/> the outcome of which was inconclusive. The continuing feud was probably the chief cause for the invitation of Muhammad to Yathrib in order to adjudicate in disputed cases.<ref name="Madina"/><ref name="CambrWatt"/> Eventually, the Aws and the Khazraj became hostile to each other. They had been fighting possibly for around a hundred years before 620 and at least since 570s.<ref name="CambrWatt">Watt, "Muhammad", in: ''The Cambridge History of Islam''.</ref> The Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza were allied with the Aws, while the Banu Qaynuqa sided with the Khazraj.<ref>For alliances see Guillaume, p. 253.</ref> There are reports of the constant conflict between Banu Qurayza and Banu Nadir, the two allies of Aws, yet the sources often refer to these two tribes as “brothers”.<ref>''Encyclopedia of the Qur'an'', "Qurayza (Banu)".</ref> Aws and Khazraj and their Jewish allies fought a total of four wars.<ref name="Madina"/> The last and bloodiest altercation was the ],<ref name="Madina"/> the outcome of which was inconclusive. The continuing feud was probably the chief cause for the invitation of Muhammad to Yathrib in order to adjudicate in disputed cases.<ref name="Madina"/><ref name="CambrWatt"/>
Line 25: Line 23:
Ibn Ishaq recorded that after ] arrived in Medina in 622, he established a compact, the ], which committed the Jewish and Muslim tribes to mutual cooperation. The nature of this document as recorded by Ibn Ishaq and transmitted by ] is the subject of dispute among modern historians, many of whom maintain that this "treaty" is possibly a collage of agreements, of different dates, and that it is not clear when they were made.<ref>Firestone, ''Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam'', p. 118, 170. For opinions disputing the early date of the Constitution of Medina, see e.g., Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 119.</ref><ref name="Welch">Welch, "Muhammad", ''Encyclopaedia of Islam''.</ref><ref name="Kurayza"/> Watt holds that the Qurayza and Nadir were probably mentioned in an earlier version of the Constitution requiring the parties not to support an enemy against each other.<ref name="Kurayza"/> Ibn Ishaq recorded that after ] arrived in Medina in 622, he established a compact, the ], which committed the Jewish and Muslim tribes to mutual cooperation. The nature of this document as recorded by Ibn Ishaq and transmitted by ] is the subject of dispute among modern historians, many of whom maintain that this "treaty" is possibly a collage of agreements, of different dates, and that it is not clear when they were made.<ref>Firestone, ''Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam'', p. 118, 170. For opinions disputing the early date of the Constitution of Medina, see e.g., Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 119.</ref><ref name="Welch">Welch, "Muhammad", ''Encyclopaedia of Islam''.</ref><ref name="Kurayza"/> Watt holds that the Qurayza and Nadir were probably mentioned in an earlier version of the Constitution requiring the parties not to support an enemy against each other.<ref name="Kurayza"/>


Aside from the general agreements, the chronicles by Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi contain a report that after his arrival, Muhammad signed a special treaty with the Qurayza chief ]. Ibn Ishaq gives no sources, while al-Waqidi refers to Ka’b ibn Malik of Salima, a clan hostile to the Jews, and Mummad ibn Ka’b, the son of a Qurayza boy who was sold into slavery in the aftermath of the siege and subsequently became a Muslim. The sources are suspect of being against the Qurayza and therefore the historicity of this agreement between Muhammad and the Banu Qurayza is open to grave doubt. Among modern historians, R. B. Serjeant supports the historicity of this document and suggests that the Jews knew the "of the penalty for breaking faith with Muhammad".<ref name="serjeant">Serjeant, p. 36.</ref> On the other hand, ] argues that the Muslim historians had invented this agreement in order to justify the subsequent treatment of the Qurayza.<ref name="Stillman14-16">Stillman, p. 14-16.</ref> Watt also rejects the existence of such a special agreement. He and Serjeant, however, note that the Jews were bound by the aforementioned general agreement and by their alliance to the two Arab tribes not to support an enemy against Muhammad,<ref name="Kurayza"/> According to Serjeant, the Qurayza were aware of the two parts of a pact made between Muhammad and the Jewish tribes in the confederation according to which "Jews having their religion and the Muslims having their religion excepting anyone who acts wrongfully and commits crime/acts treacherously/ breaks an agreement, for he but slays himself and the people of his house."<ref name="serjeant"/> Aside from the general agreements, the chronicles by Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi contain a report that after his arrival, Muhammad signed a special treaty with the Qurayza chief ]. Ibn Ishaq gives no sources, while al-Waqidi refers to Ka’b ibn Malik of Salima, a clan hostile to the Jews, and Mummad ibn Ka’b, the son of a Qurayza boy who was sold into slavery in the aftermath of the siege and subsequently became a Muslim. The sources are suspect of being against the Qurayza and therefore the historicity of this agreement between Muhammad and the Banu Qurayza is open to grave doubt. Among modern historians, R. B. Serjeant supports the historicity of this document and suggests that the Jews knew the "of the penalty for breaking faith with Muhammad".<ref name="serjeant">Serjeant, p. 36.</ref> On the other hand, ] argues that the Muslim historians had invented this agreement in order to justify the subsequent treatment of the Qurayza.<ref name="Stillman14-16">Stillman, p. 14-16.</ref> Watt also rejects the existence of such a special agreement but notes note that the Jews were bound by the aforementioned general agreement and by their alliance to the two Arab tribes not to support an enemy against Muhammad,<ref name="Kurayza"/> Serjeant argrees with this and opines that the Qurayza were aware of the two parts of a pact made between Muhammad and the Jewish tribes in the confederation according to which "anyone who acts wrongfully and commits crime/acts treacherously/breaks an agreement{{clarifyme}}, for he but slays himself and the people of his house."<ref name="serjeant"/>


During the first few months after Muhammad's arrival in Medina, the Banu Qurayza were involved in a dispute with the Banu Nadir: The more powerful Nadir rigorously applied ] against the Qurayza, while not allowing it being enforced against themselves. Further, the ] paid for killing a man of the Qurayza was only half of the blood-money required for killing a man of the Nadir<ref>Ananikian, "Tahrif or the alteration of the bible according to the Moslems", p. 63-64.</ref>, placing the Qurayza in a socially inferior position. The Qurayza called on Muhammad as arbitrator, who delivered the surah {{cite quran|5|42-45|expand=no|style=nosup}} and judged that the Nadir and Qurayza should be treated alike in the application of lex talionis and raised the assessment of the Qurayza to the full amount of blood money.<ref>Guillaume, p. 267-268.</ref><ref name="serjeant">Serjeant, p. 36.</ref><ref name= Nomani>Nomani, p. 382.</ref> During the first few months after Muhammad's arrival in Medina, the Banu Qurayza were involved in a dispute with the Banu Nadir: The more powerful Nadir rigorously applied ] against the Qurayza, while not allowing it being enforced against themselves. Further, the ] paid for killing a man of the Qurayza was only half of the blood-money required for killing a man of the Nadir<ref>Ananikian, "Tahrif or the alteration of the bible according to the Moslems", p. 63-64.</ref>, placing the Qurayza in a socially inferior position. The Qurayza called on Muhammad as arbitrator, who delivered the surah {{cite quran|5|42-45|expand=no|style=nosup}} and judged that the Nadir and Qurayza should be treated alike in the application of lex talionis and raised the assessment of the Qurayza to the full amount of blood money.<ref>Guillaume, p. 267-268.</ref><ref name="serjeant">Serjeant, p. 36.</ref><ref name= Nomani>Nomani, p. 382.</ref>
Line 35: Line 33:
==Battle of the Trench== ==Battle of the Trench==
{{Main|Battle of the Trench}} {{Main|Battle of the Trench}}
In 627, a Quraysh-led army under the command of ], together with contingents from the ] tribe of ] and the exiled Banu Nadir, (collectively known as the "]") marched against Medina - the Muslim stronghold - and laid siege to it. In preparation, the Muslims had dug a defensive trench, and Al-Waqidi writes that the Banu Qurayza supplied the spades, picks, and baskets for its excavation.<ref name="Stillman14-16"/> Practically all of Medina's inhabitants opposed the 10,000 strong ] besieging the city, except the Banu Qurayza.<ref>Watt, 1956, p. 36</ref> According to Watt it is unclear whether or not their treaty with Muhammad, obliged the Qurayza help him defend Medina or merely to remain neutral,<ref>Watt<!--, "Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman"-->, 1974, p. 170.</ref> according to Ramadan, they had signed an agreement of mutual assistance with Muhammad.<ref name = R140>Ramadan, p. 140</ref> The Qurayza did not participate in the fighting - according to David Norcliffe, because they were offended by attacks against Jews in Muhammad's preaching - but lent tools to the town's defenders.<ref>Norcliffe, ''Islam: Faith and Practice'', p. 21.</ref> Although they did not commit any act overtly hostile to Muhammad, according to Watt,<ref name="Kurayza"/> they entered into negotiations with the invading army,<ref>Watt, Montgomery (1956). ''Muhammad at Medina,'' page 38.</ref> and came on the verge of attacking Muhammad in the rear - activities which were considered treasonable.<ref>Watt, 1974, p. 171</ref> In 627, a Quraysh-led army under the command of ], together with contingents from the ] tribe of ] and the exiled Banu Nadir, marched against Medina - the Muslim stronghold - and laid siege to it. According to Al-Waqidi, the Banu Qurayza helped the defense effort of Medina by supplying spades, picks, and baskets for the excavation of the defensive trench the defenders of Yathrib had dug in preparation.<ref name="Stillman14-16"/> They also possessed large numbers of weaponry, as upon their surrender 1,500 ]s, 2,000 lances, 300 suits of armor, and 500 shields were later seized by the Muslims.<ref name="Heck">Heck, "Arabia Without Spices: An Alternate Hypothesis", p. 547-567.</ref> It is unclear whether or not their treaty with Muhammad, obliged the Qurayza help him defend Medina or merely to remain neutral<ref>Watt, ''Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman'', p. 170.</ref>, according to Ramadan, they had signed an agreement of mutual assistance with Muhammad.<ref>Ramadan, p. 140</ref> The Qurayza did not participate in the fighting - according to David Norcliffe, because they were offended by attacks against Jews in Muhammad's preaching - but lent tools to the town's defenders.<ref>Norcliffe, ''Islam: Faith and Practice'', p. 21.</ref> According to Watt, the Banu Qurayza "seem to have tried to remain neutral" in the battle<ref>Watt, ''Muhammad at Medina'', p. 36.</ref> but later changed their attitude when a Jew from Khaybar persuaded them that Muhammad was sure to be overwhelmed<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> and though they did not commit any act overtly hostile to Muhammad, according to Watt,<ref name="Kurayza"/> they entered into negotiations with the invading army:<ref>Watt, ''Muhammad at Medina'', p. 38.</ref>


Thus far, the Banu Qurayza tried to remain neutral in the battle<ref>Watt, ''Muhammad at Medina'', p. 36.</ref> but later changed their attitude when a Jew from Khaybar persuaded them that Muhammad was sure to be overwhelmed.<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> During the siege, the Qurayza allowed ] (leader of the Banu Nadir) to return, whom Muhammad had exiled, and who had instigated the alliance of his tribe with the besieging Quraysh and Ghatafan tribes.<ref name= Nomani>Nomani, p. 382.</ref> Thus Akhtab persuaded the Qurayza chief Ka'b ibn Asad to help the Meccans conquer Medina, in spite of the Qurayza's covenant with Muhammad.<ref name = R140/> Ka'b was, according to Al-Waqidi's account, initially reluctant to break the contract and argued that Muhammad never broke any contract with them or exposed them to any shame, but decided to support the Meccans after Huyayy had promised to join the Qurayza in Medina if the besieging army would return to Mecca without having killed Muhammad.<ref>Guillaume, p. 453.</ref> ] and al-Waqidi report that Huyayy tore into pieces the agreement between Ka'b and Muhammad.<ref name="Kurayza"/><ref>See also above for the critical view on the historicity of this treaty.</ref> Ibn Ishaq writes that during the siege, the Qurayza allowed ] (leader of the Banu Nadir) to return, whom Muhammad had exiled, and who had instigated the alliance of his tribe with the besieging Quraysh and Ghatafan tribes.<ref name= Nomani>Nomani, p. 382.</ref> According to Ibn Ishaq, Akhtab persuaded the Qurayza chief Ka'b ibn Asad to help the Meccans conquer Medina. Ka'b was, according to Al-Waqidi's account, initially reluctant to break the contract and argued that Muhammad never broke any contract with them or exposed them to any shame, but decided to support the Meccans after Huyayy had promised to join the Qurayza in Medina if the besieging army would return to Mecca without having killed Muhammad.<ref>Guillaume, p. 453.</ref> ] and al-Waqidi report that Huyayy tore into pieces the agreement between Ka'b and Muhammad.<ref name="Kurayza"/><ref>See also above for the critical view on the historicity of this treaty.</ref>


This decision of the Qurayza meant the whole strategy to defend Median collapsed, as the Qurayza's dealings with the invaders would allow the latter access to city. Rumors soon spread of Qurayza's one-sided renunciation of the pact, and such news were confirmed by Muhammad's scouts.<ref>Ramadan, 2007, p. 140</ref> Muhammad thus became anxious about the Qurayza's conduct and sent some of the leading Muslims to talk to them; the result was disquieting."<ref name="Kurayza"/> Muhammad then allowed a prominent elder from the Confederates, Nuaym ibn Masud, who had secretly converted to Islam, to go to Muhammad's enemies and sow discord among them. As he was respected by numerous tribes, he had no problem convincing them. Nuaym went to the Banu Qurayza and advised them to join the hostilities against Muhammad only if the besiegers provide ]s from among their chiefs. He then hurried to the invaders and warned them that if the Qurayza asked for hostages, it is because they intended to turn them over to the Medinan defenders. When the representatives of the Quraysh and the Ghatafan came to the Qurayza, asking for support in the planned decisive battle with Muhammad, the Qurayza indeed demanded hostages as a condition for attacking Muhammad.<ref>Ramadan, 2007, p. 143</ref>The representatives of the besiegers, keeping in mind Nuaym's advice, refused, breaking down negotiations<ref>Guillaume, p. 458-459.</ref> and resulting in the Banu Qurayza becoming extremely distrustful of the besieging army.<ref name="Peterson"/> The Qurayza did not take any actions to support them until Abu Sufyan's forces retreated.<ref name="Stillman14-16"/> Thus the threatened "second front" against the Muslims was never opened.<ref>Watt, 1956, p. 38</ref> Rumors of this one-sided renunciation of the pact spread and were confirmed by Muhammad's scouts. As this would have allowed the besiegers to access the city and thus meant the collapse of the defenders' strategy<ref>Ramadan, p. 140.</ref>, Muhammad "became anxious about their conduct and sent some of the leading Muslims to talk to them; the result was disquieting."<ref name="Kurayza"/> According to Ibn Ishaq, Muhammad ordered Nuaym ibn Masud, an well-respected elder of the Ghatafan who had secretly converted to Islam, to go to Muhammad's enemies and and sow discord among them. Nuaym went to the Qurayza and advised them to join the hostilities against Muhammad only if the besiegers provide ]s from among their chiefs. He then hurried to the invaders and warned them that if the Qurayza asked for hostages, it is because they intended to turn them over to the Medinan defenders. When the representatives of the Quraysh and the Ghatafan came to the Qurayza, asking for support in the planned decisive battle with Muhammad, the Qurayza indeed demanded hostages. The representatives of the besiegers refused, breaking down negotiations<ref>Guillaume, p. 458-459.</ref><ref>Ramadan, p. 143.</ref> and resulting in the Banu Qurayza becoming extremely distrustful of the besieging army.<ref name="Peterson"/> The Qurayza did not take any actions to support them until Abu Sufyan's forces retreated.<ref name="Stillman14-16"/> Thus the threat of a second front against the defenders never materialised.<ref>Watt, 1956, p. 38</ref>


==Siege and surrender== ==Siege and surrender==
{{Campaignbox Campaigns of Muhammad}} {{Campaignbox Campaigns of Muhammad}}
On the day of the Meccans' withdrawal, Muhammad led his forces against the Banu Qurayza neighborhood. He did so, Nasr states in the ], after discovering that the Qurayza had been complicit with the enemy during the battle.<ref name = Britannica>"Muhammad", ''Encyclopedia Britannica''</ref> The Muslim tradition, however, attributes this action to ] ] ordering Muhammad to besiege the tribe. The Banu Qurayza retreated into their stronghold and endured the siege for 25 days, because, according to ], they feared consequences of ].<ref name = Ramadan145>Ramadan (2007), p. 145-6</ref>. As their morale waned, Ka'b ibn Asad suggested three alternative ways out of their predicament: embrace Islam, kill their own children and women, then rush out for a charge to either win or die; or make a surprise attack on the ]. The Banu Qurayza accepted none of these alternatives and instead asked to confer with ], one of their allies from the Aws. According to Ibn Ishaq, Abu Lubaba felt pity for the women and children of the tribe who were crying and when asked whether the Qurayza should surrender to Muhammad, advised them to do so. However he also "made a sign with his hand toward his throat, indicating that would be slaughter". The account says that he later related that after giving his advice, "My feet had not moved away from the spot before I knew I had been false to God and His Apostle".<ref>Guillaume, p. 461-463; Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'' p. 222-223; Stillman, p. 137-140; Inamdar, 2001, p.166</ref> According to Watt, the next morning, the Banu Qurayza unconditionally surrendered and the Muslims seized their stronghold.<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> According to Hashmi, Buchanan and Moore, Banu Qurayza agreed to surrender on the terms of a Muslim arbitrator of their choosing.<ref>Hashmi, Sohail H.; Buchanan, Allen E; Moore, Margaret (2003), p.376 </ref> According to Abu-Nimer, this was based on the Arabian tradition of arbitration in which the parties submit their dispute to a person chosen by them. <ref>Mohammed Abu-Nimer (2000-2001), p.247</ref> Upon surrender the women and children were placed under the custody of a former rabbi, ].<ref>Ramdan, 2007, p. 145</ref> The Muslims found Banu Qurayza's large stockpile of weaponry - 1,500 ]s, 2,000 lances, 300 suits of armor, and 500 shields - and confiscated it.<ref name="Heck">Heck, "Arabia Without Spices: An Alternate Hypothesis", in: ''Journal Of The American Oriental Society'' 123 (2003).</ref> On the day of the Meccans' withdrawal, Muhammad led his forces against the Banu Qurayza neighborhood. According to the Muslim tradition, he had been ordered to do so by the ] ]. The Banu Qurayza retreated into their stronghold and endured the siege for 25 days. As their morale waned, Ka'b ibn Asad suggested three alternative ways out of their predicament: embrace Islam, kill their own children and women, then rush out for a charge to either win or die; or make a surprise attack on the ]. The Banu Qurayza accepted none of these alternatives and instead asked to confer with ], one of their allies from the Aws. According to Ibn Ishaq, Abu Lubaba felt pity for the women and children of the tribe who were crying and when asked whether the Qurayza should surrender to Muhammad, advised them to do so. However he also "made a sign with his hand toward his throat, indicating that would be slaughter".<ref>Guillaume, p. 461-463; Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 222-223; Stillman, p. 137-140.</ref> The next morning, the Banu Qurayza unconditionally surrendered and the Muslims seized their stronghold.<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> The women and children were placed under the custody of Abdullah ibn Sallam, a former rabbi who had converted to Islam.<ref>Ramadan, p. 145.</ref>


==Demise of the Banu Qurayza== ==Demise of the Banu Qurayza==
After the surrender of the Qurayza, some of the allied tribe of Aws wanted to honor this alliance asked Muhammad to treat the Qurayza leniently as he had previously treated the Qaynuqa for the sake of ]. (Arab custom required support of an ally, independent of the ally's conduct to a third party.)<ref name="WattProphetStatesman">Watt, ''Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman'', p. 170-175.</ref> The Banu Qurayza agreed<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> with Muhammad's suggestion that one of the Jews' Medinan allies would be the arbitrator, and both Muhammad and Qurayza appointed ], a leading man among the Aws, as judge.<ref name="Guillaume463"/><ref>{{cite journal After the surrender of the Qurayza, some of the allied tribe of Aws wanted to honor this alliance asked Muhammad to treat the Qurayza leniently as he had previously treated the Qaynuqa for the sake of ]. (Arab custom required support of an ally, independent of the ally's conduct to a third party.)<ref name="WattProphetStatesman">Watt, ''Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman'', p. 170-175.</ref> Muhammad then suggested that one of the Aws would be an arbitrator, and when they agreed, he appointed ], a leading man among the Aws who was dying from a wound suffered during the ], to decide the fate of the Jewish tribe.<ref name="Guillaume463"/> The Banu Qurayza reportedly also agreed to the appointment of Sa'ad ibn Mua'dh.<ref>Hashmi, Buchanan & Moore, ''States, Nations, and Borders: The Ethics of Making Boundaries''.</ref><ref>Ibn Kathir, {{clarifyme}}</ref> Sa'd ibn Mua'dh pronounced that "the men should be killed, the property divided, and the women and children taken as captives". Muhammad approved of the ruling, calling it similar to God's judgment.<ref name="Guillaume463">Guillaume, p. 463-464; Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 223-224; Stillman, p. 140-141; Adil, p. 395-396.</ref>
| author = Mohammed Abu-Nimer
| title = A Framework for Nonviolence and Peacebuilding in Islam
| journal = Journal of Law and Religion
| volume = 15
| issue = 1-2
| pages = 247
|date=2000-2001
}}</ref><ref>{{cite book
| last = Hashmi
| first = Sohail H.
| coauthors = Buchanan, Allen E; Moore, Margaret
| title = States, Nations, and Borders: The Ethics of Making Boundaries
| publisher = Cambridge University Press
|date=2003
}}</ref><ref>{{cite book
| last = Khadduri
| first = Majid
| title = War And Peace in the Law of Islam
| location = Baltimore
| publisher = Johns Hopkins Press
|date=1955
}}</ref>


According to Stillman, Muhammad chose ] so as not to pronounce the judgment himself after the precedents he had set with the Banu Qaynuqa and the Banu Nadir: "Sa`d took the hint and condemned the adult males to death and the hapless women and children to slavery." Furthermore, Stillman infers from Abu Lubaba's gesture that Muhammad had decided the fate of the Qurayza even before their surrender.<ref name="Stillman14-16"/>
After Sa'd ibn Mu'adh received promises from all other Muslims of abiding by his judgment,<ref name="Peterson"/> he pronounced that "the men should be killed, the property divided, and the women and children taken as captives". Muhammad approved of the ruling, calling it similar to God's judgment.<ref name="Guillaume463">Guillaume, p. 463-464; Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 223-224; Stillman, p. 140-141; Adil, p. 395-396.</ref> Shibli Nomani explains that Muhammad's approval was due to ], as the Islamic prophet had adopted Jewish customs on numerous occasions (e.g. ] as ], ] as ]).<ref>Nomani, 1970, p. 380</ref> Daniel C. Peterson, Tariq Ramadan, and Caesar Farah all concur that the judgment was in accordance with the ] 20:10-14.<ref name =Peterson/><ref name = Caesar>{{cite book
| last = Caesar
| first = Farah
| title = Islam: Beliefs and Observances
| publisher = Barron's Educational Series
|date=2003
| pages = 52
}}</ref><ref name = R228>Ramadan, 2007, p.146, 228</ref>


Western historians believe that Muhammad was at least informed of Sa'd's decision to kill the men of the Qurayza.<ref name = Britannica/> According to Stillman, Muhammad chose ] so as not to pronounce the judgment himself after the precedents he had set with the Banu Qaynuqa and the Banu Nadir: "Sa`d took the hint and condemned the adult males to death and the hapless women and children to slavery." He further argues (inferring from Abu Lubaba's gesture) that the Qurayza's fate had been decided before their surrender.<ref name="Stillman14-16"/> Sa'd dismissed the pleas of the Aws, according to Watt, because being close to death and concerned with his afterlife, he put what he considered "his duty to God and the ]" before tribal allegiance.<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> According to Farah, Sa'd was convinced that the Qurayza would have meted out a similar fate upon the Muslim had they and their allies, and not Muhammad, been victorious instead.<ref name = Caesar/> Sa'd dismissed the pleas of the Aws, according to Watt, because being close to death and concerned with his afterlife, he put what he considered "his duty to God and the ]" before tribal allegiance.<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> Tariq Ramadan argues that Muhammad deviated from his earlier, more lenient treatment of prisoners as this was seen as "as sign of weakness if not madness".<ref>Ramadan, p. 145.</ref> and Peterson concurs that the Muslims wanted to deter future treachery by severe punishment.<ref name="Peterson"/>

On previous occasions (including the ]), when Muhammad had spared the lives prisoners, he found them fighting against him and killing Muslims soon after.<ref name =Peterson/> Tariq Ramadan argues that Muhammad's clemency, repeatedly betrayed, was seen as a sign of weakness and madness.<ref>Ramadan, p. 145.</ref> Peterson concurs that if the Muslims did not want to face threats repeatedly from the same enemies, they had to deter future treachery by severe punishment.<ref name="Peterson"/>


Ibn Ishaq describes the killing of the Banu Qurayza men as follows: Ibn Ishaq describes the killing of the Banu Qurayza men as follows:
{{cquote|Then they surrendered, and the apostle confined them in Medina in the quarter of d. al-Harith, a woman of B. al-Najjar. Then the apostle went out to the market of Medina (which is still its market today) and dug trenches in it. Then he sent for them and struck off their heads in those trenches as they were brought out to him in batches. Among them was the enemy of Allah Huyayy b. Akhtab and Ka`b b. Asad their chief. There were 600 or 700 in all, though some put the figure as high as 800 or 900. As they were being taken out in batches to the apostle they asked Ka`b what he thought would be done with them. He replied, 'Will you never understand? Don't you see that the summoner never stops and those who are taken away do not return? By Allah it is death!' This went on until the apostle made an end of them. Huyayy was brought out wearing a flowered robe in which he had made holes about the size of the finger-tips in every part so that it should not be taken from him as spoil, with his hands bound to his neck by a rope. When he saw the apostle he said, 'By God, I do not blame myself for opposing you, but he who forsakes God will be forsaken.' Then he went to the men and said, 'God's command is right. A book and a decree, and massacre have been written against the Sons of Israel.' Then he sat down and his head was struck off.<ref>Guillaume, p. 464; Stillman, p. 141-142; partially cited in Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 224.</ref>}} {{cquote|Then they surrendered, and the apostle confined them in Medina in the quarter of d. al-Harith, a woman of B. al-Najjar. Then the apostle went out to the market of Medina (which is still its market today) and dug trenches in it. Then he sent for them and struck off their heads in those trenches as they were brought out to him in batches. Among them was the enemy of Allah Huyayy b. Akhtab and Ka`b b. Asad their chief. There were 600 or 700 in all, though some put the figure as high as 800 or 900. As they were being taken out in batches to the apostle they asked Ka`b what he thought would be done with them. He replied, 'Will you never understand? Don't you see that the summoner never stops and those who are taken away do not return? By Allah it is death!' This went on until the apostle made an end of them. Huyayy was brought out wearing a flowered robe in which he had made holes about the size of the finger-tips in every part so that it should not be taken from him as spoil, with his hands bound to his neck by a rope. When he saw the apostle he said, 'By God, I do not blame myself for opposing you, but he who forsakes God will be forsaken.' Then he went to the men and said, 'God's command is right. A book and a decree, and massacre have been written against the Sons of Israel.' Then he sat down and his head was struck off.<ref>Guillaume, p. 464; Stillman, p. 141-142; partially cited in Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 224.</ref>}}

⚫ The men of the Banu Qurayza were killed by each member of the Aws, Qurayza's former allies. This participation served to reduce conflict amongst the members at that time and later. Muhammad, who had weighed group and clan affiliations, wanted to distance himself from these events; had he been involved, Subhash Inamdar argues, he would have risked alienating some of the Aws.<ref>Inamdar, 2001, p. 167</ref>


It is also reported, that alongside all the men, one woman who had thrown a millstone from the battlements during the siege and killed one of the Muslim besiegers, was put to death.<ref>Muir, ''A Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira'', . Muir follows Hishami and also refers to Aisha, who had related: "But I shall never cease to marvel at her good humour and laughter, although she knew that she was to die." ().</ref> ] writes in his '']'' that Banu Kilab, a clan of Arab clients of the Banu Qurayza, were killed alongside the Jewish tribe.<ref name="Lecker">Lecker, "On Arabs of the Banū Kilāb executed together with the Jewish Banū Qurayza", p. 69.</ref> It is also reported, that alongside all the men, one woman who had thrown a millstone from the battlements during the siege and killed one of the Muslim besiegers, was put to death.<ref>Muir, ''A Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira'', . Muir follows Hishami and also refers to Aisha, who had related: "But I shall never cease to marvel at her good humour and laughter, although she knew that she was to die." ().</ref> ] writes in his '']'' that Banu Kilab, a clan of Arab clients of the Banu Qurayza, were killed alongside the Jewish tribe.<ref name="Lecker">Lecker, "On Arabs of the Banū Kilāb executed together with the Jewish Banū Qurayza", p. 69.</ref>

⚫ The men of the Banu Qurayza were each killed by members of the Aws. Subhash Inamdar argues that this was done in order to avoid the risk of futher conflicts between Muhammad and the Aws. According to Inamdar, Muhammad wanted to distance himself from the events and, had he been involved, would have risked alienating some of the Aws.<ref>Inamdar, p. 167.</ref> The women and children


Three boys of the clan of Hadl, who had been with Qurayza in the strongholds, slipped out before the surrender and converted to Islam. The son of one of them, Muhammad ibn Ka'b al-Qurazi, gained distinction as a scholar. One or two other men also escaped. The spoils of battle, including the enslaved women and children of the tribe, were divided up among Muhammad's followers, with Muhammad himself taking a ], as was customary among Muslims. As part of his share of the booty, Muhammad selected one of the women, Rayhana, and took her as ].<ref name="rod213">Rodinson, ''Muhammad: Prophet of Islam'', p. 213.</ref> She is said to have later become a Muslim.<ref name="Kurayza"/> and Muhammad offered to free and marry her. According to some sources she accepted his proposal, while according to others she rejected it.<ref>Ramadan, p. 146.</ref> Three boys of the clan of Hadl, who had been with Qurayza in the strongholds, slipped out before the surrender and converted to Islam. The son of one of them, Muhammad ibn Ka'b al-Qurazi, gained distinction as a scholar. One or two other men also escaped. The spoils of battle, including the enslaved women and children of the tribe, were divided up among Muhammad's followers, with Muhammad himself taking a ], as was customary among Muslims. As part of his share of the booty, Muhammad selected one of the women, Rayhana, and took her as ].<ref name="rod213">Rodinson, ''Muhammad: Prophet of Islam'', p. 213.</ref> She is said to have later become a Muslim.<ref name="Kurayza"/> and Muhammad offered to free and marry her. According to some sources she accepted his proposal, while according to others she rejected it.<ref>Ramadan, p. 146.</ref>
⚫ Some of the women and children of the Banu Qurayza were bought and sold by Jews,<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> in particular the Banu Nadir. ] argues that this is because the Nadir felt responsible for the fate of the Qurayza, since it was their chieftain, ], who persuaded the Qurayza to go against their covenant with Muhammad.<ref name =Peterson>Peterson, ''Muhammad: the prophet of God'', p. 127.</ref>


⚫ Some of the women and children of the Banu Qurayza were bought and sold by Jews,<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> in particular the Banu Nadir. Peterson argues that this is because the Nadir felt responsible for the Quarayza due to the role of ] in the events.<ref name="Peterson"/>
⚫ Walid N. Arafat and ] have disputed that the Banu Qurayza were killed on a large scale.<ref name="Meri1">Meri, ''Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia'', p. 754.</ref> Ahmad argues that only the leaders of the tribe were killed.<ref>Ahmad, ''Muhammad and the Jews: A Re-examination''.</ref><ref>More specifically, Ahmad (p. 43) calculates that 600-900 males were killed and that there still remained 24,000 to 28,000 Jews in Medina.{{Fact|date=May 2008}}</ref><ref>Nemoy, "Barakat Ahmad's "Muhammad and the Jews"", p. 325. Nemoy is sourcing Ahmed's ''Muhammad and the Jews''.</ref> Arafat argued that ] gathered information from descendants of the Qurayza Jews, who embellished or manufactured the details of the incident. <ref name="Arafat">Arafat, "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina", p. 100-107. Arafat relates the testimony of ], who denounced this and other accounts as "odd tales" and quoted ], a contempory of Ibn Ishaq, whom he rejected as a "liar", an "impostor" and for seeking out the Jewish descendants for gathering information about Muhammad's campaign with their forefathers.</ref> Watt finds Arafat's arguments "not entirely convincing"<ref name="Kurayza"/>, while Meir J. Kister has contradicted {{clarifyme}} the arguments of Arafat and Ahmad.<ref>Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza".</ref>

⚫ Walid N. Arafat and ] have disputed that the Banu Qurayza were killed on a large scale.<ref name="Meri1">Meri, ''Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia'', p. 754.</ref> Ahmad argues that only the leaders of the tribe were killed.<ref>Ahmad, ''Muhammad and the Jews: A Re-examination''.</ref><ref>More specifically, Ahmad (p. 43) calculates that 600-900 males were killed and that there still remained 24,000 to 28,000 Jews in Medina.</ref><ref>Nemoy, "Barakat Ahmad's "Muhammad and the Jews"", p. 325. Nemoy is sourcing Ahmed's ''Muhammad and the Jews''.</ref> Arafat argued that ] gathered information from descendants of the Qurayza Jews, who embellished or manufactured the details of the incident. <ref name="Arafat">Arafat, "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina", p. 100-107. Arafat relates the testimony of ], who denounced this and other accounts as "odd tales" and quoted ], a contempory of Ibn Ishaq, whom he rejected as a "liar", an "impostor" and for seeking out the Jewish descendants for gathering information about Muhammad's campaign with their forefathers.</ref> Watt finds Arafat's arguments "not entirely convincing"<ref name="Kurayza"/>, while Meir J. Kister has contradicted {{clarifyme}} the arguments of Arafat and Ahmad.<ref>Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza".{{clarifyme}}</ref>


===Analysis=== ===Analysis===
{{Citecheck|section|date=May 2008}}
The Qur'an briefly refers to the incident in the verse The Qur'an briefly refers to the incident in Surah
{{cite quran|33|26|expand=no|style=nosup}}<ref name="Arafat"/> and ] Muslim jurists have looked upon Surah {{cite quran|8|55-58|expand=no|style=nosup}} as a justification of the treatment of the Banu Qurayza, arguing that the Qurayza broke the pact with Muhammad, and thus Muhammad was justified in repudiating his side of the pact and declaring war on the Qurayza.<ref>Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 224.</ref>Arab Muslim theologians and historians have either viewed the incident as "the punishment of the Medina Jews, who were invited to convert and refused, perfectly exemplify the Quran's tales of what happened to those who rejected the prophets of old" or offered a political explanation.<ref>Peters, ''Islam. A Guide for Jews and Christians'', p. 77.</ref> {{cite quran|33|26|expand=no|style=nosup}}<ref name="Arafat"/> and Muslim jurists have looked upon Surah {{cite quran|8|55-58|expand=no|style=nosup}} as a justification of the treatment of the Banu Qurayza, arguing that the Qurayza broke the pact with Muhammad, and thus Muhammad was justified in repudiating his side of the pact and declaring war on the Qurayza.<ref>Peters, ''Muhammad and the Origins of Islam'', p. 224.</ref>Arab Muslim theologians and historians have either viewed the incident as "the punishment of the Medina Jews, who were invited to convert and refused, perfectly exemplify the Quran's tales of what happened to those who rejected the prophets of old" or offered a political explanation.<ref>Peters, ''Islam. A Guide for Jews and Christians'', p. 77.</ref>


⚫ Paret<ref name=paret>Paret, ''Mohammed und der Koran'', p. 122-124.</ref> and Watt<ref name=watt217>Watt, ''Muhammad at Medina'', p. 217-218.</ref><ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> say that the Banu Qurayza were killed not because of their faith but for "treasonable activities against the Medinan community"<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> and that Muhammad did not clear all Jews out of Medina.<ref name=paret/><ref name=watt217/>
⚫ In the 8th and early 9th century Muslim jurists, such as ], based their judgements and decrees about collective punishment for treachery on the accounts of the demise of the Qurayua, with which they were well acquainted.<ref>Kister, ''The Massacre of the Banū Quraiza'', p. 66.</ref> However, the proceedings of Muhammad with regard to the ] and the Banu Qurayza were not taken as a model for the relationship of Muslim states toward its Jewish subjects.<ref>''Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam'', "''Ahl al-Kitab''", p. 16</ref> In spite of the religious polemics the following principle was established, in the form of a saying ascribed to the Prophet:


⚫ In the 9th and early 9th century Muslim jurists, such as ], based their judgements and decrees about collective punishment for treachery on the accounts of the demise of the Qurayua, with which they were well acquainted.<ref>Kister, ''The Massacre of the Banū Quraiza'', p. 66.</ref> However, the proceedings of Muhammad with regard to the ] and the Banu Qurayza were not taken as a model for the relationship of Muslim states toward its Jewish subjects.<ref>''Handwörterbuch des Islam'', "''Ahl al-Kitab''".</ref><ref>Ayoub, p. 179; ''Sahih al-Bukhari'', and ) as authorities.</ref><ref>''Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam'', "''Ahl al-Kitab''.</ref><ref>Lewis, p. 32.</ref><ref>Khadduri, p. 175.</ref>
<blockquote>"He who wrongs a Jew or a Christian will have myself (Muhammad) as his accuser on the day of judgement."<ref>''Handwörterbuch des Islam'', "''Ahl al-Kitab''", 1941, p. 18</ref><ref>For similar accounts see: Yaḫyā ibn Ādam: ''Kitāb al-Kharāj''. Brill, 1896. p. 54 (cited in: James Hastings: ''Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics'' Part 23: v. 23. Kessinger, 2003. p. 367); Abu Dawud: ''Kitab as-Sunan''. </ref></blockquote>


⚫ Aiming at placing the events in their historical context, Watt points to the "harsh political circumstances of that era"<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> and argues that the treatment of Qurayza was regular Arab practice.<ref>Watt, ''Muhammad at Medina'', p. 296.</ref> Similar statements are made by Stillman<ref name="Stillman14-16"/>, Paret<ref name=paret/> and Rodinson.<ref name="rod213"/> On the other hand, Michael Lecker and Irving Zeitlin consider the events "unprecedented in the Arab peninsula - a novelty" and state that "prior to Islam, the annihilation of an adversary was never an aim of war."<ref name="Lecker"/><ref>Zeitlin, '''', p. 133.</ref>
In accordance with this principle the second caliph ] is supposed to have told his successor on his deathbed to "''abide by the rules and regulations concerning the Dhimmis of God and His Apostle, to fulfill their contracts completely and fight for them and not to tax them beyond their capabilities.''"<ref>Mahmoud Ayoub: ''Dhimmah in Qur'an and Hadith''. In: ''Arab Studies Quarterly'' 5 (1983). p. 179; see: ''Sahih al-Bukhari'', and </ref>


⚫ ==References in literature==
⚫ Paret<ref name=paret>Paret, ''Mohammed und der Koran'', p. 122-124.</ref> and Watt<ref name=watt217>Watt, ''Muhammad at Medina'', p. 217-218.</ref><ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> say that the Banu Qurayza were killed not because of their faith but for "treasonable activities against the Medinan community"<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/> and that Muhammad did not clear all Jews out of Medina.<ref name=paret/><ref name=watt217/> According to Barakat Ahmed's calculations, there still remained 24,000 to 28,000 Jews in Medina, after the demise of the Qurayza.<ref>Ahmed, 1979, p. 43</ref><ref>Peters, 1994, p.301:

"According to Ahmad, whose estimate of the Jewish population at 36,000-42,000 has already been cited, the departure of the Banu Nadir and the decimation of the Banu Qurayza would still have left between 24,000-28,000 Jews at Medina."</ref>

⚫ Aiming at placing the events in their historical context, Watt argues from the "harsh political circumstances of that era",<ref name="WattProphetStatesman"/>{{clarifyme}} and explains that the treatment of Qurayza was the regular practice of 7th century Arabs, who had no obligations towards one another. He points out that <ref>Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 1956, p.296</ref> Stillman extends the common practice of killing of adult men and the enslavement of women and children to the ancient world. He cites for example ]. 20:13-14 which enjoins Israelites to mete out a similar punishment on their enemies. He adds that the events can't be judged by modern day standards.<ref name="Stillman14-16"/> Similar statements are made by Paret<ref name=paret/>, ]<ref name = R228/> and ].<ref name="rod213"/> On the other hand, Michael Lecker and Irving Zeitlin argue that the demise of the Qurayza was unprecedented in the Arab peninsula and such an action was never an aim of war, prior to Islam.<ref name="Lecker"/><ref>Zeitlin, '''', p. 133.</ref>

⚫ ==In literature==


The fate of the Banu Qurayza became the subject of ]'s ] poem ''Ha-aharon li-Venei Kuraita'' (''The Last of the Banu Qurayza'').<ref name="Judaica"/> The fate of the Banu Qurayza became the subject of ]'s ] poem ''Ha-aharon li-Venei Kuraita'' (''The Last of the Banu Qurayza'').<ref name="Judaica"/>
Line 131: Line 93:
*'']''. Ed. P. Bearman et al., Leiden: Brill, 1960-2005. *'']''. Ed. P. Bearman et al., Leiden: Brill, 1960-2005.
*'']'' (CD-ROM Edition Version 1.0). Ed. ]. Keter Publishing House, 1997. ISBN 965-07-0665-8 *'']'' (CD-ROM Edition Version 1.0). Ed. ]. Keter Publishing House, 1997. ISBN 965-07-0665-8
*"Muhammad" (2007), ''Encyclopædia Britannica''. Retrieved January 29, 2007, from ].
*''Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam''. Ed. Hamilton A. R. Gibb, Johannes Hendrik Kramers. Leiden:Brill, 1953. *''Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam''. Ed. Hamilton A. R. Gibb, Johannes Hendrik Kramers. Leiden:Brill, 1953.
*''Handwörterbuch des Islam''. Ed. A. J. Wensinck, J. H. Kramers. Leiden: Brill, 1941. *''Handwörterbuch des Islam''. Ed. A. J. Wensinck, J. H. Kramers. Leiden: Brill, 1941.

===Jewish tribes=== ===Jewish tribes===


*Arafat, Walid N., "", in: '']'' 1976, p. 100-107. *Arafat, Walid N., "", in: '']'' 1976, p. 100-107.
*], ''Muhammad and the Jews, a Re-examination'', New Delhi. Vikas Publishing House for Indian Institute of Islamic studies. 1979 *], ''Muhammad and the Jews, a Re-examination'', New Delhi. Vikas Publishing House for Indian Institute of Islamic studies. 1979
*Kister, Meir J.: "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza. A re-examination of a tradition", in: ''Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam'' 8 (1986).{{clarifyme}} *Kister, Meir J., "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza. A re-examination of a tradition", in: ''Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam'' 8 (1986).{{clarifyme}}
*Lecker, Michael, "On Arabs of the Banū Kilāb executed together with the Jewish Banū Qurayza", in: ''Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam'' 19 (1995), p. 69. *Lecker, Michael, "On Arabs of the Banū Kilāb executed together with the Jewish Banū Qurayza", in: ''Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam'' 19 (1995), p. 69.
*Lewis, Bernard, ''The Jews of Islam''. ], 2004.1 *Newby, Gordon Darnell, ''A History of the Jews of Arabia: From Ancient Times to Their Eclipse Under Islam'' (Studies in Comparative Religion). University of South Carolina Press, 1988.
*Lewis, Bernard, ''The Jews of Islam''. Princeton University Press, 2004.
*Nemoy, Leon, "Barakat Ahmad's "Muhammad and the Jews"", in: ''The Jewish Quarterly Review, New Series'', vol. 72, No. 4. (April 1982), p. 325. *Nemoy, Leon, "Barakat Ahmad's "Muhammad and the Jews"", in: ''The Jewish Quarterly Review, New Series'', vol. 72, No. 4. (April 1982), p. 325.
*Newby, Gordon Darnell, ''A History of the Jews of Arabia: From Ancient Times to Their Eclipse Under Islam'' (Studies in Comparative Religion). University of South Carolina Press, 1988.
*Serjeant, R. B., "The "Sunnah Jami'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the "Tahrim" of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called Constitution of Medina", in: ''Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London'' 41 (1978), p. 1-42. *Serjeant, R. B., "The "Sunnah Jami'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the "Tahrim" of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called Constitution of Medina", in: ''Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London'' 41 (1978), p. 1-42.
*], ''The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book''. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979. ISBN 0-8276-0198-0 *], ''The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book''. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979. ISBN 0-8276-0198-0


====Further reading==== ====Further reading====
*]. ''The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians under Islam''. London: Associated University Presses, 1985. *], ''The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians under Islam''. London: Associated University Presses, 1985.
*Lecker, Michael. ''Jews and Arabs in Pre- And Early Islamic Arabia''. Ashgate Publishing, 1999. *Lecker, Michael, ''Jews and Arabs in Pre- And Early Islamic Arabia''. Ashgate Publishing, 1999.


===Background: Muhammad, Islam and Arabia=== ===Background: Muhammad, Islam and Arabia===


*Adil, Hajjah Amina, ''Muhammad: The Messenger of Islam''. Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2002, p. 395-396 *Adil, Hajjah Amina, ''Muhammad: The Messenger of Islam''. Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2002, p. 395-396
*Ananikian, M. H., "Tahrif or the alteration of the bible according to the Moslems." ''The Muslim World'' Volume 14, Issue 1 (January 1924), p. 63-64. *Ananikian, M. H., "Tahrif or the alteration of the bible according to the Moslems", in: ''The Muslim World'' Volume 14, Issue 1 (January 1924), p. 63-64.
*Ayoub, Mahmoud, "Dhimmah in Qur'an and Hadith", in: ''Arab Studies Quarterly'' 5 (1983), p. 179. *Ayoub, Mahmoud, "Dhimmah in Qur'an and Hadith", in: ''Arab Studies Quarterly'' 5 (1983), p. 179.
*Brown, Daniel W., ''A New Introduction to Islam''. Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 0631216049 *Brown, Daniel W., ''A New Introduction to Islam''. Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 0631216049
*Firestone, Reuven, ''Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam''. Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-19-512580-0 *Firestone, Reuven, ''Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam''. Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-19-512580-0
Line 163: Line 124:
*Heck, Gene W., "Arabia Without Spices: An Alternate Hypothesis", in: ''Journal Of The American Oriental Society'' 123 (2003), p. 547-567. *Heck, Gene W., "Arabia Without Spices: An Alternate Hypothesis", in: ''Journal Of The American Oriental Society'' 123 (2003), p. 547-567.
*Hodgson, Marshall G.S., ''The Venture of Islam''. University of Chicago Press, 1974. *Hodgson, Marshall G.S., ''The Venture of Islam''. University of Chicago Press, 1974.
*Inamdar, Subhash. ''Muhammad and the Rise of Islam: The Creation of Group Identity''. Psychosocial Press, 2001. *Inamdar, Subhash, ''Muhammad and the Rise of Islam: The Creation of Group Identity''. Psychosocial Press, 2001.
*Khadduri, Majid, ''War and Peace in the Law of Islam''. John Hopkins Press, 1955. *Khadduri, Majid, ''War and Peace in the Law of Islam''. John Hopkins Press, 1955.
*Meri, Josef W., ''Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia''. Routledge, 2005. ISBN 0415966906. *Meri, Josef W., ''Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia''. Routledge, 2005. ISBN 0415966906.
Line 175: Line 136:
*], ''In the Footsteps of the Prophet''. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. *], ''In the Footsteps of the Prophet''. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
*], ''Muhammad: Prophet of Islam'', Tauris Parke Paperbacks, 2002. ISBN 1860648274 *], ''Muhammad: Prophet of Islam'', Tauris Parke Paperbacks, 2002. ISBN 1860648274
*]. ''Muhammad at Medina''. Oxford University Press, 1956. *], "Muhammad", in: ''The Cambridge History of Islam'', vol. 1. Cambridge University Press, 1970.
*Watt, William Montgomery, "Muhammad", in: ''The Cambridge History of Islam'', vol. 1. Cambridge University Press, 1970.
*Watt, William Montgomery, ''Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman''. Oxford University Press, 1961. *Watt, William Montgomery, ''Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman''. Oxford University Press, 1961.
*Watt, William Montgomery, ''Muhammad at Medina'', 1956.
*Zeitlin, Irving, ''The Historical Muhammad''. Polity Press 2007. ISBN 0745639984 *Zeitlin, Irving, ''The Historical Muhammad''. Polity Press 2007. ISBN 0745639984


Revision as of 04:05, 6 June 2008

Template:Totally-disputed

Detail from miniature painting The Prophet, Ali, and the Companions at the Massacre of the Prisoners of the Jewish Tribe of Beni Qurayzah, illustration of a 19th century text by Muhammad Rafi Bazil. Manuscript now in the British Library.

The Banu Qurayza (Arabic بني قريظة; بنو قريظة alternate spellings include Quraiza, Qurayzah, Quraytha, and the archaic Koreiza) were a Jewish tribe who lived in northern Arabia until the 7th century, at the oasis of Yathrib (now known as Medina). In 627 CE, the tribe was charged with treason and collaboration with the invading armies during the Battle of the Trench and besieged by the Muslims commanded by Muhammad. The Banu Qurayza surrendered and all the men, apart from a few who converted to Islam, were beheaded, while all the women and children were enslaved.

History in pre-Islamic Arabia

Early history

Extant sources provide no conclusive evidence whether the Banu Qurayza were ethnically Jewish or Arab converts to Judaism. Just like the other Jews of Yathrib, the Qurayza claimed to be of Israelite descent and observed the commandments of Judaism, but adopted many Arab customs and intermarried with Arabs. They were dubbed priestly tribe (kahinan in Arabic from the Hebrew kohanim). Ibn Ishaq, the author of the traditional Muslim biography of Muhammad, traces their genealogy to Aaron and further to Abraham but gives only eight intermediaries between Aaron and the purported founder of the Qurayza tribe.

In the 5th century CE, the Qurayza lived in Yathrib together with two other major Jewish tribes: Banu Qaynuqa and Banu Nadir. Al-Isfahani writes in his tenth-century collection of Arabic poetry Kitab al-Aghani that Jews arrived in Hijaz in the wake of the Jewish-Roman wars; the Qurayza settled in Mahzur, a wadi in Al Harrah. The 15th century Muslim scholar Al-Samhudi lists a dozen of other Jewish clans living in the town of which the most important one was Banu Hadl, closely aligned with the Banu Qurayza. The Jews introduced agriculture to Yathrib, growing date palms and cereals, and this cultural and economic advantage enabled the Jews to dominate the local Arabs politically. Al-Waqidi wrote that the Banu Qurayza were people of high lineage and of properties, "whereas we were but an Arab tribe who did not possess any palm trees nor vineyards, being people of only sheep and camels." Ibn Khordadbeh later reported that during the Persian domination in Hijaz, the Banu Qurayza served as tax collectors for the shah.

Account of the king of Himyar

Ibn Ishaq tells of a conflict between the last Yemenite King of Himyar and the residents of Yathrib. When the king was passing by the oasis, the residents killed his son, and the Yemenite ruler threatened to exterminate the people and cut down the palms. According to Ibn Ishaq, he was stopped from doing so by two rabbis from the Banu Qurayza, who implored the king to spare the oasis because it was the place "to which a prophet of the Quraysh would migrate in time to come, and it would be his home and resting-place". The Yemenite king thus did not destroy the town and converted to Judaism. He took the rabbis with him, and in Mecca, they reportedly recognized Kaaba as a temple built by Abraham and advised the king "to do what the people of Mecca did: to circumambulate the temple, to venerate and honor it, to shave his head and to behave with all humility until he had left its precincts." On approaching Yemen, tells Ibn Ishaq, the rabbis demonstrated to the local people a miracle by coming out of a fire unscathed and the Yemenites accepted Judaism.

Arrival of the Aws and Khazraj

The situation changed after two Arab tribes named Banu Aws and Banu Khazraj arrived to Yathrib from Yemen. At first, these tribes were clients of the Jews, but toward the end of the 5th century CE, they revolted and became independent. Most modern historians accept the claim of the Muslim sources that after the revolt, the Jewish tribes became clients of the Aws and the Khazraj. William Montgomery Watt however considers this clientship to be unhistorical prior to 627 and maintains that the Jews retained a measure of political independence after the Arab revolt.

Eventually, the Aws and the Khazraj became hostile to each other. They had been fighting possibly for around a hundred years before 620 and at least since 570s. The Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza were allied with the Aws, while the Banu Qaynuqa sided with the Khazraj. There are reports of the constant conflict between Banu Qurayza and Banu Nadir, the two allies of Aws, yet the sources often refer to these two tribes as “brothers”. Aws and Khazraj and their Jewish allies fought a total of four wars. The last and bloodiest altercation was the Battle of Bu'ath, the outcome of which was inconclusive. The continuing feud was probably the chief cause for the invitation of Muhammad to Yathrib in order to adjudicate in disputed cases.

Arrival of Muhammad

Main article: Migration to Medina

Ibn Ishaq recorded that after Muhammad arrived in Medina in 622, he established a compact, the Constitution of Medina, which committed the Jewish and Muslim tribes to mutual cooperation. The nature of this document as recorded by Ibn Ishaq and transmitted by Ibn Hisham is the subject of dispute among modern historians, many of whom maintain that this "treaty" is possibly a collage of agreements, of different dates, and that it is not clear when they were made. Watt holds that the Qurayza and Nadir were probably mentioned in an earlier version of the Constitution requiring the parties not to support an enemy against each other.

Aside from the general agreements, the chronicles by Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi contain a report that after his arrival, Muhammad signed a special treaty with the Qurayza chief Ka'b ibn Asad. Ibn Ishaq gives no sources, while al-Waqidi refers to Ka’b ibn Malik of Salima, a clan hostile to the Jews, and Mummad ibn Ka’b, the son of a Qurayza boy who was sold into slavery in the aftermath of the siege and subsequently became a Muslim. The sources are suspect of being against the Qurayza and therefore the historicity of this agreement between Muhammad and the Banu Qurayza is open to grave doubt. Among modern historians, R. B. Serjeant supports the historicity of this document and suggests that the Jews knew the "of the penalty for breaking faith with Muhammad". On the other hand, Norman Stillman argues that the Muslim historians had invented this agreement in order to justify the subsequent treatment of the Qurayza. Watt also rejects the existence of such a special agreement but notes note that the Jews were bound by the aforementioned general agreement and by their alliance to the two Arab tribes not to support an enemy against Muhammad, Serjeant argrees with this and opines that the Qurayza were aware of the two parts of a pact made between Muhammad and the Jewish tribes in the confederation according to which "anyone who acts wrongfully and commits crime/acts treacherously/breaks an agreement, for he but slays himself and the people of his house."

During the first few months after Muhammad's arrival in Medina, the Banu Qurayza were involved in a dispute with the Banu Nadir: The more powerful Nadir rigorously applied Lex talionis against the Qurayza, while not allowing it being enforced against themselves. Further, the blood money paid for killing a man of the Qurayza was only half of the blood-money required for killing a man of the Nadir, placing the Qurayza in a socially inferior position. The Qurayza called on Muhammad as arbitrator, who delivered the surah 5:42-45 and judged that the Nadir and Qurayza should be treated alike in the application of lex talionis and raised the assessment of the Qurayza to the full amount of blood money.

Tensions quickly mounted between the Muslim and Jewish communities, while Muhammad found himself in the state of warfare with his native Meccan tribe of the Quraysh. In 624, after his victory over the Meccans in the Battle of Badr, Muhammad expelled the Banu Qaynuqa from Medina. The Qurayza remained passive during the whole Qaynuqa affair, apparently because the Qaynuqa were historically allied with the Khazraj, while the Qurayza were the allies of the Aws.

Soon afterwards, Muhammad came into conflict with the Banu Nadir. He had one of the Banu Nadir's chiefs, the poet Ka'b ibn al-Ashraf, assassinated and after the Battle of Uhud accused the tribe of treachery and plotting against his life and expelled them from the city. The Qurayza remained passive during this conflict, according to R. B. Serjeant, because of the blood money issue related above.

Battle of the Trench

Main article: Battle of the Trench

In 627, a Quraysh-led army under the command of Abu Sufyan, together with contingents from the Bedouin tribe of Ghatafan and the exiled Banu Nadir, marched against Medina - the Muslim stronghold - and laid siege to it. According to Al-Waqidi, the Banu Qurayza helped the defense effort of Medina by supplying spades, picks, and baskets for the excavation of the defensive trench the defenders of Yathrib had dug in preparation. They also possessed large numbers of weaponry, as upon their surrender 1,500 swords, 2,000 lances, 300 suits of armor, and 500 shields were later seized by the Muslims. It is unclear whether or not their treaty with Muhammad, obliged the Qurayza help him defend Medina or merely to remain neutral, according to Ramadan, they had signed an agreement of mutual assistance with Muhammad. The Qurayza did not participate in the fighting - according to David Norcliffe, because they were offended by attacks against Jews in Muhammad's preaching - but lent tools to the town's defenders. According to Watt, the Banu Qurayza "seem to have tried to remain neutral" in the battle but later changed their attitude when a Jew from Khaybar persuaded them that Muhammad was sure to be overwhelmed and though they did not commit any act overtly hostile to Muhammad, according to Watt, they entered into negotiations with the invading army:

Ibn Ishaq writes that during the siege, the Qurayza allowed Huyayy ibn Akhtab (leader of the Banu Nadir) to return, whom Muhammad had exiled, and who had instigated the alliance of his tribe with the besieging Quraysh and Ghatafan tribes. According to Ibn Ishaq, Akhtab persuaded the Qurayza chief Ka'b ibn Asad to help the Meccans conquer Medina. Ka'b was, according to Al-Waqidi's account, initially reluctant to break the contract and argued that Muhammad never broke any contract with them or exposed them to any shame, but decided to support the Meccans after Huyayy had promised to join the Qurayza in Medina if the besieging army would return to Mecca without having killed Muhammad. Ibn Kathir and al-Waqidi report that Huyayy tore into pieces the agreement between Ka'b and Muhammad.

Rumors of this one-sided renunciation of the pact spread and were confirmed by Muhammad's scouts. As this would have allowed the besiegers to access the city and thus meant the collapse of the defenders' strategy, Muhammad "became anxious about their conduct and sent some of the leading Muslims to talk to them; the result was disquieting." According to Ibn Ishaq, Muhammad ordered Nuaym ibn Masud, an well-respected elder of the Ghatafan who had secretly converted to Islam, to go to Muhammad's enemies and and sow discord among them. Nuaym went to the Qurayza and advised them to join the hostilities against Muhammad only if the besiegers provide hostages from among their chiefs. He then hurried to the invaders and warned them that if the Qurayza asked for hostages, it is because they intended to turn them over to the Medinan defenders. When the representatives of the Quraysh and the Ghatafan came to the Qurayza, asking for support in the planned decisive battle with Muhammad, the Qurayza indeed demanded hostages. The representatives of the besiegers refused, breaking down negotiations and resulting in the Banu Qurayza becoming extremely distrustful of the besieging army. The Qurayza did not take any actions to support them until Abu Sufyan's forces retreated. Thus the threat of a second front against the defenders never materialised.

Siege and surrender

Campaigns of Muhammad
Further information: Military career of Muhammad

On the day of the Meccans' withdrawal, Muhammad led his forces against the Banu Qurayza neighborhood. According to the Muslim tradition, he had been ordered to do so by the angel Gabriel. The Banu Qurayza retreated into their stronghold and endured the siege for 25 days. As their morale waned, Ka'b ibn Asad suggested three alternative ways out of their predicament: embrace Islam, kill their own children and women, then rush out for a charge to either win or die; or make a surprise attack on the Sabbath. The Banu Qurayza accepted none of these alternatives and instead asked to confer with Abu Lubaba, one of their allies from the Aws. According to Ibn Ishaq, Abu Lubaba felt pity for the women and children of the tribe who were crying and when asked whether the Qurayza should surrender to Muhammad, advised them to do so. However he also "made a sign with his hand toward his throat, indicating that would be slaughter". The next morning, the Banu Qurayza unconditionally surrendered and the Muslims seized their stronghold. The women and children were placed under the custody of Abdullah ibn Sallam, a former rabbi who had converted to Islam.

Demise of the Banu Qurayza

After the surrender of the Qurayza, some of the allied tribe of Aws wanted to honor this alliance asked Muhammad to treat the Qurayza leniently as he had previously treated the Qaynuqa for the sake of Ibn Ubayy. (Arab custom required support of an ally, independent of the ally's conduct to a third party.) Muhammad then suggested that one of the Aws would be an arbitrator, and when they agreed, he appointed Sa'd ibn Mua'dh, a leading man among the Aws who was dying from a wound suffered during the Battle of the Trench, to decide the fate of the Jewish tribe. The Banu Qurayza reportedly also agreed to the appointment of Sa'ad ibn Mua'dh. Sa'd ibn Mua'dh pronounced that "the men should be killed, the property divided, and the women and children taken as captives". Muhammad approved of the ruling, calling it similar to God's judgment.

According to Stillman, Muhammad chose Sa'd ibn Mua'dh so as not to pronounce the judgment himself after the precedents he had set with the Banu Qaynuqa and the Banu Nadir: "Sa`d took the hint and condemned the adult males to death and the hapless women and children to slavery." Furthermore, Stillman infers from Abu Lubaba's gesture that Muhammad had decided the fate of the Qurayza even before their surrender.

Sa'd dismissed the pleas of the Aws, according to Watt, because being close to death and concerned with his afterlife, he put what he considered "his duty to God and the Muslim community" before tribal allegiance. Tariq Ramadan argues that Muhammad deviated from his earlier, more lenient treatment of prisoners as this was seen as "as sign of weakness if not madness". and Peterson concurs that the Muslims wanted to deter future treachery by severe punishment.

Ibn Ishaq describes the killing of the Banu Qurayza men as follows:

Then they surrendered, and the apostle confined them in Medina in the quarter of d. al-Harith, a woman of B. al-Najjar. Then the apostle went out to the market of Medina (which is still its market today) and dug trenches in it. Then he sent for them and struck off their heads in those trenches as they were brought out to him in batches. Among them was the enemy of Allah Huyayy b. Akhtab and Ka`b b. Asad their chief. There were 600 or 700 in all, though some put the figure as high as 800 or 900. As they were being taken out in batches to the apostle they asked Ka`b what he thought would be done with them. He replied, 'Will you never understand? Don't you see that the summoner never stops and those who are taken away do not return? By Allah it is death!' This went on until the apostle made an end of them. Huyayy was brought out wearing a flowered robe in which he had made holes about the size of the finger-tips in every part so that it should not be taken from him as spoil, with his hands bound to his neck by a rope. When he saw the apostle he said, 'By God, I do not blame myself for opposing you, but he who forsakes God will be forsaken.' Then he went to the men and said, 'God's command is right. A book and a decree, and massacre have been written against the Sons of Israel.' Then he sat down and his head was struck off.

It is also reported, that alongside all the men, one woman who had thrown a millstone from the battlements during the siege and killed one of the Muslim besiegers, was put to death. Ibn Asakir writes in his History of Damascus that Banu Kilab, a clan of Arab clients of the Banu Qurayza, were killed alongside the Jewish tribe.

The men of the Banu Qurayza were each killed by members of the Aws. Subhash Inamdar argues that this was done in order to avoid the risk of futher conflicts between Muhammad and the Aws. According to Inamdar, Muhammad wanted to distance himself from the events and, had he been involved, would have risked alienating some of the Aws. The women and children

Three boys of the clan of Hadl, who had been with Qurayza in the strongholds, slipped out before the surrender and converted to Islam. The son of one of them, Muhammad ibn Ka'b al-Qurazi, gained distinction as a scholar. One or two other men also escaped. The spoils of battle, including the enslaved women and children of the tribe, were divided up among Muhammad's followers, with Muhammad himself taking a fifth of the value, as was customary among Muslims. As part of his share of the booty, Muhammad selected one of the women, Rayhana, and took her as part of his captives. She is said to have later become a Muslim. and Muhammad offered to free and marry her. According to some sources she accepted his proposal, while according to others she rejected it.

Some of the women and children of the Banu Qurayza were bought and sold by Jews, in particular the Banu Nadir. Peterson argues that this is because the Nadir felt responsible for the Quarayza due to the role of their chieftain in the events.

Walid N. Arafat and Barakat Ahmad have disputed that the Banu Qurayza were killed on a large scale. Ahmad argues that only the leaders of the tribe were killed. Arafat argued that Ibn Ishaq gathered information from descendants of the Qurayza Jews, who embellished or manufactured the details of the incident. Watt finds Arafat's arguments "not entirely convincing", while Meir J. Kister has contradicted the arguments of Arafat and Ahmad.

Analysis

This section may contain citations that do not verify the text. Please check for citation inaccuracies. (May 2008) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

The Qur'an briefly refers to the incident in Surah 33:26 and Muslim jurists have looked upon Surah 8:55-58 as a justification of the treatment of the Banu Qurayza, arguing that the Qurayza broke the pact with Muhammad, and thus Muhammad was justified in repudiating his side of the pact and declaring war on the Qurayza.Arab Muslim theologians and historians have either viewed the incident as "the punishment of the Medina Jews, who were invited to convert and refused, perfectly exemplify the Quran's tales of what happened to those who rejected the prophets of old" or offered a political explanation.

Paret and Watt say that the Banu Qurayza were killed not because of their faith but for "treasonable activities against the Medinan community" and that Muhammad did not clear all Jews out of Medina.

In the 9th and early 9th century Muslim jurists, such as Ash-Shafii, based their judgements and decrees about collective punishment for treachery on the accounts of the demise of the Qurayua, with which they were well acquainted. However, the proceedings of Muhammad with regard to the Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza were not taken as a model for the relationship of Muslim states toward its Jewish subjects.

Aiming at placing the events in their historical context, Watt points to the "harsh political circumstances of that era" and argues that the treatment of Qurayza was regular Arab practice. Similar statements are made by Stillman, Paret and Rodinson. On the other hand, Michael Lecker and Irving Zeitlin consider the events "unprecedented in the Arab peninsula - a novelty" and state that "prior to Islam, the annihilation of an adversary was never an aim of war."

References in literature

The fate of the Banu Qurayza became the subject of Shaul Tchernichovsky's Hebrew poem Ha-aharon li-Venei Kuraita (The Last of the Banu Qurayza).

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Peterson, Muhammad: the prophet of God, p. 125-127.
  2. Ramadan, In the Footsteps of the Prophet, p. 141.
  3. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, vol. 1, p. 191.
  4. Brown, A New Introduction to Islam, p. 81.
  5. ^ Watt, Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Kurayza, Banu".
  6. ^ Watt, Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Al-Madina".
  7. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book, p. 9.
  8. ^ Encyclopedia Judaica, "Qurayza".
  9. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah, p. 7.
  10. Serjeant, "The "Sunnah Jami'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the "Tahrim" of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called Constitution of Medina", p. 2-3.
  11. ^ Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 192-193.
  12. Muslim sources usually referred to Himyar kings by the dynastic title of "Tubba".
  13. Guillaume, p. 7-9; Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 49-50.
  14. ^ Watt, "Muhammad", in: The Cambridge History of Islam.
  15. For alliances see Guillaume, p. 253.
  16. Encyclopedia of the Qur'an, "Qurayza (Banu)".
  17. Firestone, Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam, p. 118, 170. For opinions disputing the early date of the Constitution of Medina, see e.g., Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 119.
  18. Welch, "Muhammad", Encyclopaedia of Islam.
  19. ^ Serjeant, p. 36.
  20. ^ Stillman, p. 14-16.
  21. Ananikian, "Tahrif or the alteration of the bible according to the Moslems", p. 63-64.
  22. Guillaume, p. 267-268.
  23. ^ Nomani, p. 382.
  24. See e.g. Stillman, p. 13.
  25. Heck, "Arabia Without Spices: An Alternate Hypothesis", p. 547-567.
  26. Watt, Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman, p. 170.
  27. Ramadan, p. 140
  28. Norcliffe, Islam: Faith and Practice, p. 21.
  29. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 36.
  30. ^ Watt, Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman, p. 170-175.
  31. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 38.
  32. Guillaume, p. 453.
  33. See also above for the critical view on the historicity of this treaty.
  34. Ramadan, p. 140.
  35. Guillaume, p. 458-459.
  36. Ramadan, p. 143.
  37. Watt, 1956, p. 38
  38. Guillaume, p. 461-463; Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 222-223; Stillman, p. 137-140.
  39. Ramadan, p. 145.
  40. ^ Guillaume, p. 463-464; Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 223-224; Stillman, p. 140-141; Adil, p. 395-396.
  41. Hashmi, Buchanan & Moore, States, Nations, and Borders: The Ethics of Making Boundaries.
  42. Ibn Kathir,
  43. Ramadan, p. 145.
  44. Guillaume, p. 464; Stillman, p. 141-142; partially cited in Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 224.
  45. Muir, A Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira, chapter XVII. Muir follows Hishami and also refers to Aisha, who had related: "But I shall never cease to marvel at her good humour and laughter, although she knew that she was to die." (Ibn Ishaq, Biography of Muhammad).
  46. ^ Lecker, "On Arabs of the Banū Kilāb executed together with the Jewish Banū Qurayza", p. 69.
  47. Inamdar, p. 167.
  48. ^ Rodinson, Muhammad: Prophet of Islam, p. 213.
  49. Ramadan, p. 146.
  50. Meri, Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia, p. 754.
  51. Ahmad, Muhammad and the Jews: A Re-examination.
  52. More specifically, Ahmad (p. 43) calculates that 600-900 males were killed and that there still remained 24,000 to 28,000 Jews in Medina.
  53. Nemoy, "Barakat Ahmad's "Muhammad and the Jews"", p. 325. Nemoy is sourcing Ahmed's Muhammad and the Jews.
  54. ^ Arafat, "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina", p. 100-107. Arafat relates the testimony of Ibn Hajar, who denounced this and other accounts as "odd tales" and quoted Malik ibn Anas, a contempory of Ibn Ishaq, whom he rejected as a "liar", an "impostor" and for seeking out the Jewish descendants for gathering information about Muhammad's campaign with their forefathers.
  55. Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza".
  56. Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 224.
  57. Peters, Islam. A Guide for Jews and Christians, p. 77.
  58. ^ Paret, Mohammed und der Koran, p. 122-124.
  59. ^ Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 217-218.
  60. Kister, The Massacre of the Banū Quraiza, p. 66.
  61. Handwörterbuch des Islam, "Ahl al-Kitab".
  62. Ayoub, p. 179; Sahih al-Bukhari, Vol. 2, Book 23, Number 475 and Volume 5, Book 57, Number 50) as authorities.
  63. Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Ahl al-Kitab.
  64. Lewis, p. 32.
  65. Khadduri, p. 175.
  66. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 296.
  67. Zeitlin, The Historical Muhammad, p. 133.

Literature

General references

  • Encyclopaedia of Islam. Ed. P. Bearman et al., Leiden: Brill, 1960-2005.
  • Encyclopedia Judaica (CD-ROM Edition Version 1.0). Ed. Cecil Roth. Keter Publishing House, 1997. ISBN 965-07-0665-8
  • Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. Ed. Hamilton A. R. Gibb, Johannes Hendrik Kramers. Leiden:Brill, 1953.
  • Handwörterbuch des Islam. Ed. A. J. Wensinck, J. H. Kramers. Leiden: Brill, 1941.

Jewish tribes

  • Arafat, Walid N., "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina", in: JRAS 1976, p. 100-107.
  • Ahmad, Barakat, Muhammad and the Jews, a Re-examination, New Delhi. Vikas Publishing House for Indian Institute of Islamic studies. 1979
  • Kister, Meir J., "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza. A re-examination of a tradition", in: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 (1986).
  • Lecker, Michael, "On Arabs of the Banū Kilāb executed together with the Jewish Banū Qurayza", in: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 19 (1995), p. 69.
  • Newby, Gordon Darnell, A History of the Jews of Arabia: From Ancient Times to Their Eclipse Under Islam (Studies in Comparative Religion). University of South Carolina Press, 1988.
  • Lewis, Bernard, The Jews of Islam. Princeton University Press, 2004.
  • Nemoy, Leon, "Barakat Ahmad's "Muhammad and the Jews"", in: The Jewish Quarterly Review, New Series, vol. 72, No. 4. (April 1982), p. 325.
  • Serjeant, R. B., "The "Sunnah Jami'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the "Tahrim" of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called Constitution of Medina", in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 41 (1978), p. 1-42.
  • Stillman, Norman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979. ISBN 0-8276-0198-0

Further reading

  • Bat Ye'or, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians under Islam. London: Associated University Presses, 1985.
  • Lecker, Michael, Jews and Arabs in Pre- And Early Islamic Arabia. Ashgate Publishing, 1999.

Background: Muhammad, Islam and Arabia

  • Adil, Hajjah Amina, Muhammad: The Messenger of Islam. Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2002, p. 395-396
  • Ananikian, M. H., "Tahrif or the alteration of the bible according to the Moslems", in: The Muslim World Volume 14, Issue 1 (January 1924), p. 63-64.
  • Ayoub, Mahmoud, "Dhimmah in Qur'an and Hadith", in: Arab Studies Quarterly 5 (1983), p. 179.
  • Brown, Daniel W., A New Introduction to Islam. Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 0631216049
  • Firestone, Reuven, Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam. Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-19-512580-0
  • Guillaume, Alfred, The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah. Oxford University Press, 1955. ISBN 0-1963-6033-1
  • Hashmi, Sohail H., Buchanan, Allen E. & Moore, Margaret, States, Nations, and Borders: The Ethics of Making Boundaries. Cambridge University Press, 2003.
  • Hawting, Gerald R. & Shareef, Abdul-Kader A., Approaches to the Qur'an. Routledge, 1993. ISBN 0415057558
  • Heck, Gene W., "Arabia Without Spices: An Alternate Hypothesis", in: Journal Of The American Oriental Society 123 (2003), p. 547-567.
  • Hodgson, Marshall G.S., The Venture of Islam. University of Chicago Press, 1974.
  • Inamdar, Subhash, Muhammad and the Rise of Islam: The Creation of Group Identity. Psychosocial Press, 2001.
  • Khadduri, Majid, War and Peace in the Law of Islam. John Hopkins Press, 1955.
  • Meri, Josef W., Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia. Routledge, 2005. ISBN 0415966906.
  • Muir, William, A Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira, vol. 3. London: Smith, Elder & Co, 1861.
  • Nomani, Shibli, Sirat al-Nabi. Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1970.
  • Norcliffe, David, Islam: Faith and Practice. Sussex Academic Press, 1999.
  • Paret, Rudi, Mohammed und der Koran. Geschichte und Verkündigung des arabischen Propheten.
  • Peters, Francis E., Muhammad and the Origins of Islam. State University of New York Press, 1994. ISBN 0-7914-1875-8.
  • Peters, Francis E., Islam. A Guide for Jews and Christians. Princeton University Press, 2003.
  • Peterson, Daniel C., Muhammad: the prophet of God. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 2007.
  • Ramadan, Tariq, In the Footsteps of the Prophet. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
  • Rodinson, Maxime, Muhammad: Prophet of Islam, Tauris Parke Paperbacks, 2002. ISBN 1860648274
  • Watt, William Montgomery, "Muhammad", in: The Cambridge History of Islam, vol. 1. Cambridge University Press, 1970.
  • Watt, William Montgomery, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman. Oxford University Press, 1961.
  • Watt, William Montgomery, Muhammad at Medina, 1956.
  • Zeitlin, Irving, The Historical Muhammad. Polity Press 2007. ISBN 0745639984

External links

Jewish tribes of Arabia
Jews and Judaism
History
Population
Diaspora
Languages
(Diasporic)
Philosophy
Branches
Literature
Culture
Studies
Italics indicate extinct languages
Categories: