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This article deals with territories annexed into Nazi Germany. For territories occupied in 1939 but not annexed, see General Government.

At the beginning of World War II, nearly a quarter of the pre-war Polish areas were annexed by Nazi Germany and placed under German civil administration. The annexation was part of the "fourth" partition of Poland by the Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, outlined months before in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.

Some smaller territories were annexed straight into the already existing Gaue East Prussia and Silesia, while from the bulk new Reichsgaue Danzig-West Prussia and Wartheland were created. Of those, Reichsgau Wartheland was the largest and the only one comprising solely annexed territory.

The Jewish and Polish population was subject to German-made genocide ,repressive measures, ethnic cleansing policies such organised mass murder, forced labour and expulsion of Poles and the deportation of Jews for forced labour and subsequent extermination. The long range German plans envisioned the Polish nation disappearing through extermination and slave labour Germanization was to be achieved by a contemporary German settlement, and a large number of ethnic Germans was moved in, mainly but not limited to Nazi-Soviet population transfers, before Allied victory stopped the designs of the German Reich.

After the Red Army took most of the territories during the Vistula-Oder offensive in early 1945, the Germans were relocated back to Germany as the annexed territories were returned to Poland.

Background

Already in the fall of 1933 Adolf Hitler declared to his closest associates that he intends to annex Western Poland as part of his planned Greater Germany. Those plans came to realization after invasion of Poland in September 1939, as the Third Reich in October annexed an area of 92,500 km² (23.7% of pre-war Poland) with a population of about 10,000,000 people (30% of the pre-war Polish population).. The remainder of the Polish territory was either annexed by the Soviet Union (201,000 km² or 51.6% of pre-war Poland as per the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) or made into the German-controlled General Government occupation zone (95,500 km² or 24.5% of pre-war Poland). A tiny portion of pre-war Poland (700 km²) was annexed by Nazi Slovakia.

Since 1935, Nazi Germany was divided into provinces (Gaue) which had replaced the former German states and Prussian provinces. Of the territories annexed, some were attached to the already existing Gaue East Prussia and Silesia (later Upper Silesia), while from others new Reichsgaue Danzig-West Prussia and Wartheland were constituted. Wartheland was the only Gau constituted solely from annexed territory, Danzig-West Prussia comprised also former German areas and the former Free City of Danzig. The occupied Generalgouvernement remained outside the Third Reich.

The annexation violated international law (in particular, the Hague Convention IV 1907). Nazi Germany's officials discussed the convention and tried to circumvent it by declaring the war against Poland over prior to the annexation, which in their view made the convention non-applicable.

Administration

Military and early civil administration, September 1939

On 8 and 13 September 1939, the German military districts of "Posen" (Poznan), commanded by general Alfred von Vollard-Bockelberg, and "Westpreußen" (West Prussia), commanded by general Walter Heitz, were established in conquered Greater Poland and Pomerelia, respectively. Based on laws of 21 May 1935 and 1 June 1938, the German military, Wehrmacht, shared its administrative powers with civilian "chief civil administrators" (Chefs der Zivilverwaltung, CdZ). German dictator Adolf Hitler appointed Arthur Greiser to become the CdZ of the Posen military district, and Danzig's Gauleiter Albert Forster to become the CdZ of the West Prussian military district. On 3 October 1939, the military districts "Lodz" and "Krakau" (Cracow) were set up under command of major generals Gerd von Rundstedt and Wilhelm List, and Hitler appointed Hans Frank and Arthur Seyß-Inquart as civil heads, respectively. Frank was at the same time appointed "supreme chief administrator" for all occupied territories.

Hitler's annexation decree, October 1939

A decree issued by Adolf Hitler on 8 October 1939 provided for the annexation of former western Polish areas and the former Free City of Danzig, and a separate by-law stipulated the inclusion of the Suwalki county.

The first two paragraphs of the decree established "Reichsgau Posen" in Greater Poland with the government regions (Regierungsbezirk) Hohensalza, Posen, and Kalisch, as well as "Reichsgau West Prussia" (Template:Lang-de) in Pomerelia with the government regions Bromberg, Danzig, and Marienwerder. These government regions were named after their chief cities Hohensalza (Inowrocław), Posen (Poznań), Kalish (Kalisz), Bromberg (Bydgoszcz), Danzig (Gdansk), and Marienwerder (Kwidzin). The annexed territories were twice as large as former Prussian conquests in Prussian Partition of Poland , contained twice as many people. Compared to the 1914 border the border of Reich was extended further 150-200 km on average. Despite this fact, Germany used old Prussian propaganda of creating a “German living wall” in Polish territories. On 29 January 1940, Reichsgau Posen was renamed "Reichsgau Wartheland" (Warthegau). Reichsgau West Prussia was renamed "Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia".

The remaining annexed areas were not made separate provinces but included in the existing provinces of East Prussia and Upper Silesia per §4 of Hitler's decree. Arthur Greiser was made Gauleiter of Reichsgau Posen, and Albert Forster of Reichsgau West Prussia.

Administrative changes following the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, June 1941

After the German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941, the district of Białystok, which included the Białystok, Bielsk Podlaski, Grajewo, Łomża, Sokółka, Volkovysk, and Grodno Counties, was attached to (not incorporated into) East Prussia. Other Polish territories, first annexed by Soviet Union and then by Germany, was incorporated into Reichskommissariat Ostland (in the north), Reichskommissariat Ukraine (in the south) and the General Government (Distrikt Galizien in the utmost south).

Administrative division

Demographics

Demography in 1939

Prior to the Nazi German invasion in September 1939 and the subsequent annexation in October, the territories consisted a total of 10,568,000 people or some 30% of pre-1939 Poland's population., with Poles being the overwhelming majority of the population, and Germans being a minority of around 600,000 people. The population data is subject to many factors-such as flights, losses due to war conditions, natural migration and others and suffers in certain cases from lack of reliable data. As such the exact detailed state of demograpics especially in border regions is often subject to various interpretations. although the general data is within the same ranges.

Heinemann and Zaglembie give a higher estimate regarding the Jewish population, whose number they put between 560,000 and 586,628 people.

Annexed territories were subjected to census compiled by the Nazi Germany in Danzig-West Prussia on 3 December, and in Warthegau and Upper Silesia on 17 December. A number of Poles tried to present themselves as Germans (Volksdeutsche) hoping to avoid the anti-Polish atrocities that occurred during the invasion.

Repressions against Polish and Jewish population

The German administration classified people based on racial criteria with Poles and Jews being considered "untermenschen" (subhumans) as opposed to Germans who according to the Nazi’s ideology at the time were "herrenvolk" (master race). This classification had not only ideological meaning but was expressed in all aspects of practical daily life and treatment of the population.

Three main goals were formulated by German authorities in regards to Polish population:

• Gradual biological eradication of Polish nation
• Expulsion out of the annexed areas and use of Poles as forced labour
• Changing remaining Poles into obedient low-skilled workers by draconian means

Because the Nazi Germany envisioned a near-term complete Germanization of the annexed territories, measures there differed from those implemented in the General Gouvernment. Germans and the remaining Poles and Jews were strictly segregated. In case of the Jews, this was achieved by ghettoization.

Racial segregation

To German authorities Poles and Jews represented other races who were alien to German people, Untermensch creatures-being seen as worst and on lower state then even dogs. One of the measures against them was segregation from the German people. The segregation of Germans and Poles was achieved by a variety of measures limiting their social interaction. Access to a variety of cinemas, theatres, museums, hotels, cafe’s, restaurants, parks, playgrounds ,public transport such as first and second class train departments and best city trolleys, public bathhouses, beaches, public phones and public benches was granted only to Germans, while forbidden by law for Poles and Jews. Poles were not allowed to attend German-held masses.Attending cultural activities or events for non-Germans was punishable, for example in Poznań, four young Polish women who attended an opera were sentenced by German court for 4 months of penal work camp Other laws made it obligatory for Poles to give way to Germans in every occasion on sidewalks, and all Poles were to bow down to Germans as form of greeting.. Poles and Jews were also adressed as animals; signs posted in public places warned: "Entrance is forbidden to Poles, Jews, and dogs"., when Germans wanted to silence Poles and Jewish they used expression “stop barking” or “shut your snouts” .

Support for Nazi policies was high among the German minority in the annexed territories Neverthless as part of their racial policies the German officials forbid friendly or supportive contacts by Germans to Poles and Jews were dealt with quickly and harshly by the authorities by imprisonment in concentration camps, confiscation of property or death sentences.. In practice this was not a problem for German administration as such cases remained rare-out of 786,000 Germans located in Wartheland only 529 cases of such relations were reported by German police in 1941 Intimiate contacts of Germans and Poles were forbidden, a Polish women caught in an affair with a German were arrested and in some cases forced into a brothel.

Part of the population was classified as Volksdeutsche, mostly German ethnic minority. Some Poles were classified as such as well, either by their own free will or by force which included death threats.

Economic discrimination

Many Polish owned buildings and enterprises were confiscated, and all jewelry, furniture, money, clothing were subject to forced confiscation. All executive positions which were formerly occupied by Poles and Jews were given to Germans. Poles were forbidden from owning rural and industrial enterpraises,transport firms, building firms, workshops. The Nazis seized tens of thousands of Polish enterprises, from large industrial firms to small shops, without payment to the owners. Higher taxes and obligatory contributions were enforced on Polish population. Polish workers were stripped from any right to holidays or leave from work. Paymen for overhours in work was abolished in general, only after working 61 hours in week were Poles allowed to receive a 10% higher compensation in pay(Germans were paid 100%). All employeed Poles were given the lowest possible pay for their work. Overall the German policy was to create a lowly educated slaves out of Poles for basic work.

Slave labour

While in General Gouvernment all Poles from age of 14 to 65 were subject to forced labour on behalf of Nazi German state in annexed territories children had to work from the age of 9 (and in rural areas from the age of 7-8), additionally the duty to perform slave labour for Germans was extended to the age of 70 for men in annexed territories . A network of outposts overseeing gathering of labour force was established by German authrotities that coordinated forced labour together with German police units.

Reducing biological growth of Polish population

To reduce the biological growth of the Polish people, a partial ban of marriage was introduced-Polish women were allowed to marry only at the age of 26 and men at the age of 28. Married couples were separated when subjected to forced labour in Germany, and calorie intake was lowered for Poles. The forced labour working hours for both parents often meant that a child or infant was left without care and incidents and infant deaths soared up. The supply of diary and fat products for Polish children were just 1/5th of that of German children. Likewise the winter brought many deaths as Germans limited the available heating materials to 1/4th of those available to Germans. A strict ban on collecting coal left by trucks and supply wagons on the streets by was introduced.

To further reduce the Polish population a German official Krumey from occupied Łódż demanded that Polish women were kept in work till their 8,5 month of pregnancy. The aim was to help in misscarriage and provoke ‘accidents’ that would result in failed birth. Neverthless German officials were extremely worried about Polish birth rate and various other ideas floated among German leadership how to not only prevent it, but to reduce it Among the proposals were-garrisoning the population in labour camps, making the age of allowing marriage much higher, creating labour battalions out of Polish population, introducing child tax, performing abortions, an extended forced work duty throughout life of the Poles combined with relocation to work camps, finally sterilization of Polish women. Doubts about the ability to perform mass sterilization hindered this idea however, as 55% of available doctors in certain parts of annexed territories were Poles and it was thought they would sabotage the action.

The German state organization SD performed its own study on the problem. Among the things it concluded was the fact that the number of Poles was wrongly estimated in initial years, however both the birth rate and survivial of German children was higher then that of the Poles. The proposad solution to Polish problem was mass sterilization of lower classes(named “primitives” by the report), sending married Poles to slave labour in Reich.

An original idea was proposed by Karl Zieger who believed those measures to be futile. Instead he postulated that whole Polish villages should be moved and scattered into Reich itself Czesław Madajczyk writes that the Nazis felt into a trap of perception-the seemingly high birth rate of Poles was one of consequences of expelling all Poles from higher classes into General Gouvernment-as such the Poles who remained were the ones with high birth rate, while those with few kids were no longer present. Madajczyk also remarks that stripping Poles of all cultural activity by the Germans and leaving them to spend all time outside of work in homes, led to conditions favourable to family life and rising birth rate.

One practice that had terrible effect on Polish women was refusal for female slave workers to travel home for birth. Pregnacies by Polish women-workers were subject to abortion, and in case of birth the children were taken by SS Lebensborn. Polish slave labours naturall were forbidden to engage in marriage.

The harsh nature of the German occupation however reduced the birth rate, in Poznań at the end of the war the birth rate was near zero, in Łódż and Innowrocław the birth rate was negative-they were more deaths then births. In comparision the birth rate of Germans went much up till the end of the war.

From 1939 birth rate survivial of 850 live births for 1000 births the rate fell to 680 per 1000 births in 1944 .

Discrimination of Polish language

A ban to use Polish language was implemented in all institutions and offices in annexed territories, as well in certain public places like public transport in the cities.

A particular form of opression was a law ordering the Poles to use German in all contacts with officials under penalty of imprisonment. Poles who didn’t knew German had to hire a translator-however such jobs were restricted by German authorities and Poles with knowledge of German who helped their countrymen for free were imprisoned. This law covered all contacts between Poles and Germans and made difficult if not impossible for Poles to pay obligatory taxes(which were higher for Poles) and various state imposed donations for German society by Poles.

A total ban on Polish language was proposed during the war, but as the areas still contained a large number of Poles, it was determined to be impractical at the time of the proposal.

A particular form of harassment was a law requiring imprisoned Poles to communicate with their families solely in German. In practice this meant that many families received no information on their close ones as correspondence in Polish was confiscated ..

Discrimination in education

Education standards for Poles were significantly lowered, so that in future Poles would become slaves to Germans. All Polish schools and cultural institutions were closed. Teaching of history, literature and geography to Poles was prohibited.

The Polish population was banned to perform or create any type of music and to own radio receivers. Distribution of Polish books was forbidden and persecuted by the German police, at the same time Polish libraries were closed and many of their possessions destroyed. In Poznań Germans collected all Polish books and burned them. Lending Polish books was punishable offense for which one could be sentenced to concentration camps.

In some regions schools for children were established where according to directives of Himmler Poles were to learn counting to 500, signing their name, and that obediance to Germans is ‘God’s will’. Writing and reading were not thought. Even so, such schools covered a small number of Polish children, for example in Łódż only 1/10 of children between 9 an 13 attended them. Often under the cover of education the Germans organised child labour senting the children to perform hard physical work.

Additionally education that would enable Poles possesing skills needed in manufactoring and trade was forbidden. Poles were banned from undertaing any exams for craftsment. Throughout the whole occupation this law was strictly observed.

Religion

German state’s fight during the war to destroy Polish nation covered religious life of Poles as well, especially in areas where in the past Poles and German state clashed already in struggle for existance in events like Kulturkampf. In those places the Catholic Church mobilised Polish resistance during Prussian partitions and served as stronghold for Polish identity. Due to this Nazi’s targetted it in annexed territories. In General Gouvernment the attitude of Nazi’s was different as it was to serve as temporary work camp and reservation for Poles and they wanted Church’s religion to serve as tool to control Poles(neverthless this meant extermination and terror against priests as well opposing Nazi plans) existance Many Polish priests were arrested and put into concentration camps or prisons or murdered in executions existance .Historic churches were destroyed and in several cases Germans defiled icons or religious items symbolic for Polish people. Poles were forbidden to attend funerals of other Poles unless they were direct and close family of the person which died. Several Polish churches were closed down. Selected Polish religious songs banned, while books containing them were confiscated and destroyed. Polish religious organisations were dissolved. In many places objects of religious worship of significance to Poles were destroyed or defilied.

The Nazi fight against Polish parts of Catholic Church was also problem for German Catholic Church, where many priests supported nationalists claims of Germany during the war and were faced with split of Church itself as Polish Catholics were persecuted.

Overall the German hierarchy silently accepted(and in some cases supported or encouraged) the discrimination and treatment of Poles as untermenschen, with notable individual exceptions who either protested or tried to help their fellow church members of non-German ethnicity. . In time, as the war continued the growing split between German Catholics and persecuted Polish church facing destruction worried Vatican and the Pope himself.

The annexed parts of Poland covered the dioceses located in Gniezno, Poznań, Chełmno, Katowice, Włocławek, most of Łódż and Płock as well parts of Warsaw diocese, Łomża, Częstochowa and Kielce .

The German authorities in line with the policy of total Germanization aimed to completely destroy Polish church in those locations and replace it with German priests and structures. Polish priests were to be either expelled or exterminated

The main contact point for Nazi’s in those plans was German bishop Splett, who held close relations to Nazi Albert Forster, and purused plans to replace Polish clergy with German one. Another notable German member of the clergy was bishop Bertram who personally contacted Vatican with the request to Germanize Polish church organization Only when position of German Church became threatened itself Bertram called for freedom of faith.

Their work was helped by the fact that as German terror grew and became widely known many high-ranking members of Polish clergy sought refugee abroad to save themselfs(Germans were murdering elites of Polish nation as part of their plans) and their deputies were prevented from taking office.

The earliest victim was Pomorze region where almost every Polish church was closed down, robbed and turned ever into some kind of warehouse, stable or depot. Polish priests faced three waves of arrests after initial massacres. Those who were arrested ended in concentration camps of Dachau and Stutthof. Monestaries were closed, their collection of arts and books stolen or destroyed by the Germans. Splett cooperated wth Forster and introduced 200 German priests into Chełmno diocese where he took office from December 1939. Under his reign Polish priesthood was opressed and prayers and masses under his direction praised Hitler. He also issued a ban against use of Polish language in churches. When he banned confessions in Polish in may 1940 Vatican intervened and ordered that the ban be lifted. Not only did Splett defend his ban, he argued it was to “protect” people making the confessions. After this argument he tried to claim that confessions in Polish are used for “nationalistic means” . Eventually Vatican accepted his explanation. Besides banning Polish language, Splett ordered removal of Polish signs and names in graveyards from monuments and graves and in all churches under his jurisdiction. Albert Forster praised Splett’s work for Germany

In Wartheland the Germans decided against using German priests for Germanisation. The Polish church was to disappear completely. On 13 September 1941 an decree was issued in which the German administration rejected the existance of church as legal entity in that region. Three weeks later majority of Polish priests were sent to concentration camps. Out of 6 bishops in the region, only one managed to remain-Walenty Dymek. It was Dymek who through his energetic protests finally started worrying Vatican that it would eventuall lose all of the Polish Church in the region-in no less then in 2-3 months. Vatican concerned about the possibility of development of German National Catholci Church intervened and as first step appointed two administrators-one for German and one for Polish population in the region, with Dyme appointed as administrator over Polish population.

The condition of the Church in Warthegau region was catastrophic-till 1944 up to 1300 churches and temples were closed, with 500 turned into warehouses, two were simply blown up by the Germans, others were given to Evangelical Church. Cathedrals in Poznań and Włocławek were robbed from their relics and art. Part of the looted art. was destroyed by the Germans. In Gniezno the basilica was devastated. In Poznań Catholic press and organizations which formed the religious centre in the religion were destroyed. Most of religious monuments, rural crosses, small chaples were eradicated from the region as well. Access to masses was hindered, and often Germans subjected Polish worshippers leaving the church to łapanka. Up to 80% of Polish priests were to be expelled, and massive arrests followed. Eventually Germans abandoned any public justification or explanations regarding arrests and expulsions. From 2,500 priests in the Warthegau region 752 perished and 1/3 survived the war in prisons and concentration camps. In Poznań out of 800 Polish priests in 1939, only 34 remained in 1943.

In Upper Silesia Bishop of Katowice Adamski ordered Poles to pray in German and identify as Germans. Throughout the war Adamski encouraged this with acceptence of Polish Government in Exile, in order to save the local population from German genocide. In monasteries he brought Germans who would represent them to German officials. Neverthless at least 60 were closed. To avoid accusations of personal interests, after issuing this call he publicly declared himself Polish Despite Adamski’s actions the Upper Silesian Polish church was also subject of repression-43 priests were murdered in concentration camps and prisons, 2 died in executions for their collaboration with Polish resistance, 13 were expelled to General Gouvernment(including 2 bishops), several were stripped of their function.

Number of Polish priests killed within the territories annexed into German Reich(this list does not cover priests murdered by Germans in other territories of Poland they occupied during the war and in Germany itself)

Judicial system

In judicial system the proceedings against Poles were shortened. In court Poles had no legal protection. Public whipping, beatings of Poles were allowed by German authorities. Public beatings of Poles by Germans were accepted by law as long as the beating did not "lower the productivity of Pole". German criminal law was introduced on Polish territories annexed to Reich on 6 VI 1940. It contained several parts based solely on racial and ethnic category of the person subject to trial. Special courts were established which were granted right to pass death sentences in quick and easy way. The idea that Poles and Jews just like Germans could stand before the same court was unnacceptable to German authorities. The base idea of the law was to put as many as possible violations against German occupation under penalty. Prison as punishment was considered unsuitable and death sentence and whipping prefered in designed projects of the law. Additionally hard labour and very hard labour were introduced as methods of punishment. The core ideology of the law and its motivation was based on racist ideology. As the German Interior Ministry explained the foundation of the law was “Polish guilt which can’t be washed away, and that proves Poles are not worthy of Europe” and that the atrocious nature of Poles is the starting point of the German penal law . The new law gave almost unlimited right to pass death sentences against Poles and imprisonment in concentration camps. For example in Katowice the special court set up by the law passed in 40 % of cases deportation to Auschwitz as punishment and in 60% of cases death penalty. In Białystok in proceedings under Alfred Konig supervision 80% of accused were sentenced to death and 15 % to concentration camps. The harshness of German law was demonstrated by such sentences as 5 months of penal camp for a women who smiled to English POW’s in Ostrów Wielkpolski . Even children were punished-a 15 year old girl who gave a cigarette to a POW was sentenced for 3 months imprisonment in concentration camp. In order to intimidate Polish population a law was passed that ordered obligatory patricipation in mass executions.

Kindapping and murder of Polish children

Polish children were kidnapped for Germanization, forced labour and medical experiments. in annexed territories. They were forbidden to enter playgrounds for German children and their healtcare was lowered resulting in rising deaths among the young. As the war continued the attitude of Poles changed from hostility to hatred towards the Germans. While already animosity existed due to German opression of Poles in XIX century, the racist and genocidal actions of German state during Second World War heightened this conflict to another level.

Consequences

This repressive system unified the Polish reaction to German occupation, which went above political and ideological differences. The German actions of forced resettlement and deportation in territories annexed by Third Reich in the end brought disadvantageous consequences for the German population. The precedent they created justified the later relocation of the German population

Nazi Germanization plans by expulsion, resettlement and genocide

On October 7, 1939 Adolf Hitler appointed Heinrich Himmler as his settlement commissioner, responsible for all resettlement measures in the Altreich and the annexed territories as well as the Nazi-Soviet population exchanges. For his new office, Himmler chose the title Reichskommissar für die Festigung deutschen Volkstums ("Reich's commissioner for strengthening Germandom", RKF). The RKF staff (Stabshauptamt RKF) in concert with the 'Main Department of Race and Settlement' (Rasse- und Siedlungs-Hauptamt, RuSHA) of the SS planned and executed the genocidal policies of war-time resettlement and extermination process in the annexed territories. In October 1939, Himmler ordered the immediate expulsion of all Jews from the annexed territories, all "Congress Poles" from Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia, and all classified as "Reich's enemies" from the Warthegau, South East Prussia and East Upper Silesia.. The term “Reich enemies” was applied to all Poles with higher education, engaged in pre-war in any patriotic organisations or initiatives and generally those who manifested their Polish. Those expelled were to be deported to the Generalgouvernement.

This directive was superseded by another RKF-directive of early 1940, ordering the immediate expulsion of the remaining Jews and the replacement of 3.4 million(sprwadż) Poles with Germans settlers in the long run. This RKF szenario envisioned as a first step the settlement of 100,000 German families within the next three years. In this early stage planners believed the settlers would be relocated from the Altreich. "Racially valuable" Poles were to be exempted from deportion and "racially valuable" ethnic Germans were also to be settled. Himmler said he wanted to "create a blonde province here". Responsible for "racial evaluation" were 'Central Bureau for Immigration' (Einwandererzentralstelle, EWZ) and 'Central Bureau for Resettlement' (Umwandererzentralstelle, UWZ) of the SS' RuSHA. The annexed territories were to be Germanised in rural areas within 5 years and in urban areas within 10 years, the General Gouvernment in 15 years

In practice the war-time population shift in the annexed territories did not take on its planned extend, either in regard to the number of expelled Poles and the resettled Germans, or in regard to the origin of the settled Germans which was in the Soviet Union. Plans for a resettlement of Germans from the Third Reich were upheld in the Generalplan Ost but postponed to after the war. This plan envisioned the elimination of all Jews and in the long run the removal of initially 31, later 51 million Slavs to Siberia from a large area designated for German settlement., the removal being planned to consist of such actions as ethnic cleansing, mass executions, Hunger Plan and eradication of national groups by scattering them in isolated pockets labour.

In addition, other Germanic settlers such as Dutch, Danes and Swedes were envisioned to settle. A small Dutch artisan colony was already established in Poznań in 1941.

Expulsion and extermination of Poles and Jews

The Jewish and Polish population was subject to mass murder and expulsions already during the September invasion, triggering mass flight. The Jewish population was to be exterminated immediately during the Holocaust, only a few survived. Major concentration camps and extermination camps set up within the annexed territories were Auschwitz (consisting of several subcamps), Chelmno (Kulmhof), Potulice (Potulitz), Stutthof, and Soldau.

According to Heinemann, about 780,000 ethnic Poles in the annexed territories lost their homes between 1939 and 1944. Of these, at least 250,000 were deported to the Generalgouvernement, 310,000 were displaced or forced into Polenlager camps within the respective Gau, and the others were subject to forced labour either within the annexed territories or in the Altreich. Heinemann also refers to the number given by Madajczyk: 987,217 displaced in the annexed territories and the Zamosc region, including Jews.</ People were sometimes arrested from the street in so-called łapanki.

Heinemann further says that an additional 110,000 Jews were deported to the Generalgouvernement. Another more than 400,000 Jews were later deported to Auschwitz, Treblinka or Chelmno (Kulmhof) concentration camps, and thousands had died in the ghettos. Of the deported Jews, more than 300,000 were from Warthegau, 2,000 from Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia, 85,000 from East Upper Silesia, 30,000 from the Zichenau district and 200,000 from the Bialystok district both in South East Prussia.

Piotr Eberhardt cites numbers provided by Jastrzebski, 1968, who says that according to RKF documents, 365,000 were deported between 1939 and 1944. Jastrzebski further says that adding the numbers retrieved from documents of local authorities yields a higher total of 414,820 deported, and estimates a total of about 450,000 including unplanned and undocumented expulsions. Eberhardt says that on top of these numbers, many had fled, and cites numbers provided by Czeslaw Luczak, 1979, who estimates that between 918,000 and 928,000 were deported or evicted from the annexed territories between 1939 and 1944. A similar estimate (923,000) is also given by the Polish Institute of National Remembrance.

Heinemann and Łuczak ak as cited by Eberhardt detail the expulsions as follows: 81,000 Poles were displaced from their homes in East Upper Silesia, 22,000 of whom were deported to the Generalgouvernement. They were replaced with 38,000 ethnic Germans primarily from Bukovina. From the Zichenau and Suwalki areas of South East Prussia, 25,000 to 28,000 Poles were "evacuated", an additional 25,000 to 28,000 from the Bialystock area attached in 1941. In Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia, 123,000 to 124,000 were displaced until the end of 1942, 53,000 of whom were deported to the Generalgouvernement, the others were forced into camps where they were "racially evaluated". In the Warthegau, 630,000 were displaced between 1939 and 1944. Additionally, Luszak estimates that between 30,000 and 40,000 were subject to "wild" expulsions primarily in Pomerelia.

Poles due be deported to the Generalgouvernement were first put in camps where they were subject to racial evaluation (Durchschleusung) by the UWZ similar to the Durchschleusung of ethnic Germans (see below). Those deemed "capable of re-Germanization" (wiedereindeutschungsfähig) were not deported to the Generalgouvernement, but instead to the Altreich. According to "Historia Encyklopedia Szkolna Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne”, a total of 1.5 million people was expelled or deported, including those deported for slave labor in Germany or concentration and extermination camps. Eberhardt says a total of 1.053 million people were deported for forced labour from the annexed territories.

• Jews subjected to forced labour in Posen (Poznan), October 1941
• Auschwitz concentration camp, most infamous camp of the Holocaust, located in annexed East Upper Silesia
• Poles deported for forced labour in a camp in Germany proper
• Ghetto Litzmannstadt: Children rounded up for deportation to the Chelmno death camp
• Execution of Poles in Kóruik (Kursnik, Burgstadt), Warthegau; 20 October 1939

German colonization and settlement

Throughout the war the annexed Polish territories were subject to German colonization. The goal of Germany was to assimilate the territories politically, culturally, socially, and economically into the German Reich. According to Michael G. Esch in Ulf Brunnbauer, Because of the lack of settlers from the Altreich, the colonists were primarily ethnic Germans from areas further East. Other scholars point to influx of between 400,000 to 500.000 Germans from Altreich for occupation duties.

Piotr Eberhardt cites estimates for the ethnic German influx provided by Szobak, Luczak, and a collective report, ranging from 404,612 (Szobak) to 631,500 (Luczak). Anna Bramwell says 591,000 ethnic Germans moved into the annexed territories, and details the areas of colonists' origin as follows: 93,000 were from Bessarabia, 21,000 from Dobruja, 98,000 from Bukovina, 68,000 from Volhynia, 58,000 from Galicia, 130,000 from the Baltic states, 38,000 from eastern Poland, 72,000 from Sudetenland, and 13,000 from Slovenia./

Additionally some 400,000 German officials, technical staff, and clerks were sent to those areas in order to administrate them, according to joint Polish-German scholary publication on the aspect of population changes during the war Eberhardt estimates that the total influx from the Altreich was about 500,000 people.

William J. Duiker writes that up to two million Germans had been settled in pre-war Poland by 1942. Piotr Eberhardt gives a total of two million Germans present in the area of all pre-war Poland by the end of the war, 1.3 million of whom moved in during the war, adding to a pre-war population of 700,000.

The increase of German population was most visible in the towns, in Poznań the German population increased from ~6,000 in 1939 to 93,589 in 1944, in Łódż from ~60,000 to 140,721, and in Inowroclaw from 956 to 10,713. In Warthegau, where most Germans were settled, the share of the German population increased from 6.6% in 1939 to 21.2% in 1943.

Only those Germans deemed "racially valuable" were allowed to settle. People were "evaluated" and classified in the Durchschleusung process in which they were assigned to the categories RuS I ("most valuable") to IV ("not valuable"). Only RuS I to III were allowed to settle, those who found themselves in RuSIV were either classified as "A"-cases and brought to the Altreich for "non-selfdetermined work and re-education", or classified as "S"-cases who were either sent back to their original Eastern European homelands or "evacuated" to the Generalgouvernement. Initially, people classified as RuS III were to be deported to the Altreich for forced labour, yet since January 1940 were allowed to settle on smaller farms (20 hectare compared to 50 hectare farms for RuS I and II). This change was based on a personal order by Himmler and led to a more restrictive categorization by the classifying officials. About a million ethnic Germans had been subjected to Durchschleusung by the end of 1944. RuS I and II were assigned to between 60% aand 70% of the Baltic Germans and 44% of the Volhynian Germans, while many ethnic Germans from the Soviet Union were put in the lower categories.

Status of German minority

Nazi Germany put the Germans in a position to economically exploit the Polish society, and provided them with privileges and a comparably high standard of living at the expense of the Poles, to ensure their loyalty. While certain conditions under Nazi rule were limiting the freedoms of Germans, such as the dissolution of various German religious and political associations, the Nazi regime provided for political, cultural, and material benefits.

Germans received executive positions from which people classified as “Untermenschen” were removed. German was made the only official language.

Numerous cultural events were organized for German community. A network of public schools engaging in various forms of education was set up across the territories. Reich University of Posen was set up in Poznań replacing the former Polish one. At this university, studies of Eastern Europe were conducted, including theories on extermination of non-Germans and means to Germanize the region. Chairs for race policy and Jewish history were established

Germans received the right to enter any Polish home at will to perform revision and identification of people living there at any time, and could acquire possessions from Poles and Jews with little effort and mostly without payment or at a low price. For example, a German could easily request a Polish house or apartment from the government, even if Poles were still living there.

As the overwhelming majority of Germans in annexed authorities supported Nazi authorities and their policies, this gave the Nazi politicians a degree of self-confidence based on popular support. In Warthegau alone out of 309.002 Germans, 180,000 served in various organizations that provided assistance and were vital to Nazi plans against Poles and Jews. They provided invaluable due to their knowledge of local conditions and society. Motives for cooperation ranged from ideological support for Nazism to material opportunism. These local Germans were organized in the Selbstschutz paramilitia which engaged in arresting Jews and Poles, the oversight of their expulsions, and murder.

The Polish diaries and memoirs from the era remember Volksdeutsche as particulary brutal and ruthless group. Pomerania was noted as region with very strong pro-Nazi German society by Polish observers as well as Łódż. Support for German nationalisnm was especially evident in regards to young part of the population, which was strongly influenced by Nazis ideology. The mass conscription of young Germans in military by 1942 was greated with relief by Polish population. When trains with wounded and crippled German soldiers started returning from Eastern Front they were welcomed alongside train tracks by groups of celebrating Polish population.

Local Germans were rewarded for their support in genocide of Jews and Poles and invasion of Poland by high positions in administration and increased their wealth by confiscations of Polish and Jewish property.

The German colonists were of wide origin and their image varied. The ones from Bessarabia were considered the worst. In all however was noted a infinite support for Hitled and belief in German state’s supremacy, Many were thankfull for material benefits provided by German state. In time their attitude towards local Poles grew in harshness and ruthlessnes. While some initially talked to Poles, in time as they soaked up Nazi ideology, this stopped and some turned to violence against Poles. On farms the Poles were treated by Germans as farm animals, and some Germans treated their dogs more humanly then Polish slave labours.

Case study-Mława district

A case study of relationship of Germans towards Poles was conducted by Polish Home Army unit in Mława. From the start of the war till spring 1942 Polish Underground performed a throughout analysis of 1100 Germans and their actions and behaviour towards Polish population. Out of those 9 Germans engaged in friendly relationship with Poles or tried to help them (among those were 3 craftsmen, 3 policeman, 1 camp guard, 1 administration official). The group who took supported Nazis and engaged in despicable acts was much larger .

Post-war changes

None of the territorial changes were recognized by the Allies of World War II and the annexed territories were returned to re-established Poland after World War II. Germans living in the annexed territories were re-located to post-war Germany. In post-war Poland, some captured German Nazis and collaborators were put on trial. West Germany did not extradite people charged in Communist Poland.

See also

• Administrative division of Polish territories during World War II
• Former eastern territories of Germany
• Polish areas annexed by the Soviet Union
• Territorial changes of Poland
• Treatment of the Polish citizens by the occupiers
• World War II atrocities in Poland
• The Holocaust

Footnotes

1. ^ Maly Rocznik Statystyczny (wrzesien 1939 - czerwiec 1941), Ministerstwo Informacji i Documentacji, London 1941, p.5, as cited in Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.4
2. ^ "Położenie ludności polskiej w Kraju Warty 1939-1945. Dokumenty niemieckie", Poznań 1987, pages V-XIII
3. Wojciech Roszkowski Historia Polski 1914-1998
4. "Non-Germans" under the Third Reich Diemut Majer page 188 The Johns Hopkins University Press 2003
5. ^ Nowa Encyklopedia Powszechna PWN Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe Warszawa 2004 page 149 volume 6
6. ^ Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.399, ISBN 3486582062
7. Hague IV SECTION III MILITARY AUTHORITY OVER THE TERRITORY OF THE HOSTILE STATE (Art. 42. and later)
8. ^ Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.409, ISBN 3486582062
9. ^ Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.398, ISBN 3486582062
10. Andreas Toppe, Militär und Kriegsvölkerrecht: Rechtsnorm, Fachdiskurs und Kriegspraxis in Deutschland 1899-1940, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2008, p.397, ISBN 3486582062
11. "Erlaß des Führers und Reichskanzlers über die Gliederung und Verwaltung der Ostgebiete"
12. ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.4
13. Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 19-73 volume 1 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
14. Leni Yahil, Ina Friedman, Ḥayah Galai, The Holocaust: the fate of European Jewry, 1932-1945, Oxford University Press US, 1991, p.261, ISBN 0195045238: confirms reaching Bialystok in June 1941 and subsequent annexation of Bialystok and the surrounding area, but does not detail the counties
15. Bruno Wasser, Himmlers Raumplanung im Osten: Der Generalplan Ost in Polen, 1940-1944, Birkhäuser, 1993, p.20, ISBN 3764328525: confirming that B was attached, but not incorporated ("von Ostpreußen aus verwaltet")
16. ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, : 10,568,000 people Cite error: The named reference "Eberhardt" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
17. Ryszard Kaczmarek Górnoślązacy i górnośląscy gauleiterzy Biuletyn IPN NR 6–7 (41–42) 2004 page 46
18. ^ Bruno Wasser, Himmlers Raumplanung im Osten: Der Generalplan Ost in Polen, 1940-1944, Birkhäuser, 1993, p.20, ISBN 3764328525
19. ^ Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 234-286 volume 1 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
20. E. Wetzel, G. Hecht, Memorandum: Die Frage der Behandlung der Bevölkerung der ehemaligen polnischen Gebiete nach rassenpolitischen Gesichtspunkten. Hrsg. von der Reichsleitung, Rassenpoltisches Amt, Berlin 25.11. 1939, cited in this paper including a reference to Bundesarchiv R 49/75, page 10
21. ^ Zaglembie at jewishgen.org
22. ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.193, ISBN 3892446237
23. Stutthof museum website
24. Temple University presenting Götz Aly, The Nazi Census, commented by Edwin Black,
26. ^ Cite error: The named reference MadajczakPostawa was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
27. http://www.holocaust-trc.org/poles.htm
28. ^ Życie codzienne w okupowanej Wielkopolsce Marta Szczesiak OBEP IPN Poznań Głos Wielkopolski 2007
29. Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 485-506 volume 1 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
30. ^ Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 177-212 volume 2 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
31. ^ Czesław Madajczyk. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce pages 235-259 volume 2 , Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, 1970
32. Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.190, ISBN 3892446237
33. Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.191, ISBN 3892446237
34. ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.192, ISBN 3892446237
35. ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.195, ISBN 3892446237
36. Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.195, ISBN 3892446237: Himmler: Ich möchte hier eine blonde Provinz schaffen
37. dr hab. Bogdan Chrzanowski, GŁÓWNE ZAŁOŻENIA HITLEROWSKIEJ POLITYKI GERMANIZACYJNEJ,
38. "Germany and Eastern Europe: Cultural Identities and Cultural Differences" by Keith Bullivant, Geoffrey J. Giles, Walter Pape, Rodopi 1999 page 32
39. ^ Michael G. Esch in Ulf Brunnbauer, Michael G. Esch, Definitionsmacht, Utopie, Vergeltung: "ethnische Säuberungen" im östlichen Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts, LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 2006, p.111, ISBN 3825880338
40. HITLER'S PLANS FOR EASTERN EUROPE (Selections from Janusz Gumkowkski and Kazimierz Leszczynski, POLAND UNDER NAZI OCCUPATION)
41. Wojciech Roszkowski Historia Polski 1914-1998
42. Simone C. De Santiago Ramos, M.S., DEM SCHWERTE MUSS DER PFLUG FOLGEN: ŰBER-PEASANTS AND NATIONAL SOCIALIST SETTLEMENTS IN THE OCCUPIED EASTERN TERRITORIES DURING WORLD WAR TWO, p.57
43. ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.230, ISBN 3892446237..
44. ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.231, ISBN 3892446237
45. ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.16
46. Zygmunt Mańkowski; Tadeusz Pieronek; Andrzej Friszke; Thomas Urban (panel discussion), "Polacy wypędzeni", Biuletyn IPN, nr5 (40) May 2004 / Bulletin of the Institute of National Remembrance (Biuletyn Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej), issue: 05 / 2004, pages: 628,
47. ^ Cite error: The named reference Heinemann229 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
48. ^ Cite error: The named reference Heinemann228 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
49. Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.227, ISBN 3892446237
50. ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, pp.252,253, ISBN 3892446237
51. Historia Encyklopedia Szkolna Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne Warszawa 1993 page 357
52. Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.21
53. ^ Anna Bramwell citing the ILO study, Refugees in the age of total war, Routledge, 1988, p.123, ISBN 0044451946
54. Wysiedlenia, wypędzenia i ucieczki 1939-1959: atlas ziem Polski: Polacy, Żydzi, Niemcy, Ukraińcy.Warszawa Demart 2008
55. ^ Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.22
56. Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.24
57. Wysiedlenia, wypędzenia i ucieczki 1939-1959: atlas ziem Polski: Polacy, Żydzi, Niemcy, Ukraińcy.Warszawa Demart 2008
58. William J. Duiker, Jackson J. Spielvogel, World History‎, 1997: By 1942, two million ethnic Germans had been settled in Poland. page 794
59. Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.26 Eberhardt refers to Polska Zachodnia..., 1961, p.294
60. Piotr Eberhardt, Political Migrations in Poland, 1939-1948, Warsaw 2006, p.26
61. Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, pp.233ff, ISBN 3892446237
62. ^ Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.236, ISBN 3892446237
63. Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.244, ISBN 3892446237
64. Isabel Heinemann, "Rasse, Siedlung, deutsches Blut": das Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt der SS und die rassenpolitische Neuordnung Europas 2nd edition, Wallstein Verlag, 2003, p.244-246, ISBN 3892446237
65. ”Biologists under Hitler” Ute Deichmann, Thomas Dunlap Harvard University Press, 1999
66. “The German dictatorship: the origins, structure, and effects of national socialism” page 272 Karl Dietrich Bracher, Jean Steinberg - 1970 Praeger Publishers, 1970
67. The Origins of the Final Solution Christopher R. Browning, Jürgen Matthäus page 49 University of Nebraska Press, 2007

External links

• Map of Poland under German and Soviet occupation

• History of Poland (1939–1945)
• Military history of Germany during World War II
• World War II occupied territories
• Germany–Poland relations