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== Decline of the Olmec == | == Decline of the Olmec == | ||
It is not known with any clarity what happened to this culture. Their main center, San Lorenzo, was all but abandoned around 900 BC, and La Venta became the main city. Environmental changes may have been responsible for this move, with certain important rivers changing course. However, there is also some evidence suggestive of an invasion and destruction of Olmec artifacts around this time. At about 400 BC, La Venta also came to an end. By |
It is not known with any clarity what happened to this culture. Their main center, San Lorenzo, was all but abandoned around 900 BC, and La Venta became the main city. Environmental changes may have been responsible for this move, with certain important rivers changing course. However, there is also some evidence suggestive of an invasion and destruction of Olmec artifacts around this time. At about 400 BC, La Venta also came to an end. By AD ] their lands were occupied by successor cultures – most notably the ] to the east, the ] to the southwest, and the ] culture to the west. | ||
==Mormon speculation== | ==Mormon speculation== |
Revision as of 23:59, 6 December 2005
The Olmec were an ancient people living in the tropical lowlands of south-central Mexico, roughly in what are the modern-day states of Veracruz and Tabasco on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Their immediate cultural influence went much further though, Olmec artwork being found as far afield as El Salvador. The Olmec predominated in their lands from about 1200 BC to about 400 BC and they are, in fact, understood to be the progenitors and mother culture of every primary element common to later Mesoamerican civilizations.
Overview
The Olmec homeland is characterized by swampy lowlands punctuated by low hill ridges and volcanoes. The Olmec response to this environment was the construction of permanent city-temple complexes. The best-known Olmec centers are at San Lorenzo Tenochtitlán, La Venta, Tres Zapotes, Chalcatzingo, and La Mojarra.
The Olmec were the first Mesoamericans to develop a hieroglyphic script for their language, the earliest known example dating from 650 BC. They were perhaps the originators of the Mesoamerican ballgame so prevalent among later cultures of the region and used for recreational and religious purposes – certainly they were playing it before anyone else has been documented doing so.
Their religion developed all the important themes (an obsession with mathematics and with calendars, and a spiritual focus on death expressed through human sacrifice) found in successor cults. Finally, their political arrangements of strongly hierarchical city-state kingdoms were repeated by nearly every other Mexican and Central American civilization that followed.
Name
The name "Olmec" means "rubber people" in the Aztec's language: Nahuatl. It was the Aztec name for the people who lived in this area at the much later time of Aztec dominance. Ancient Mesoamericans, spanning from ancient Olmecs to Aztecs, extracted latex from Castilla elastica, a type of rubber tree in the area. The juice of a local vine, Ipomoea alba, was then mixed with this latex to create rubber as early as 1600 BC . The word "Olmec" also refers to the rubber balls used for their ancient ball game. Early modern explorers applied the name "Olmec" to the rediscovered ruins and art from this area before it was understood that these had been already abandoned more than a thousand years before the time of the people the Aztecs knew as the "Olmec". It is not known what name the ancient Olmec used for themselves; some later Mesoamerican accounts seem to refer to the ancient Olmec as "Tamoanchan".
Early history
Olmec culture originated at its base in San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan, where distinctively Olmec features begin to emerge around 1150 BC. The rise of civilization here was probably assisted by the local ecology of well watered rich alluvial soil, encouraging high maize production. This ecology may be compared to that of other ancient centres of civilization: Mesopotamia and the Nile valley. It is speculated that the dense population concentration at San Lorenzo encouraged the rise of an elite class that eventually ensured Olmec dominance and provided the social basis for the production of the symbolic and sophisticated luxury artifacts that define Olmec culture.
Evidence of materials in San Lorenzo that must have come from distant locations suggests that early Olmec elites had access to an extensive trading network in Central America. This was probably protected by some sort of military system. Sites such as Teopantecuanitlan show that the Olmecs were also living in Guerrero.
Olmec art
Much Olmec art is highly stylized and uses an iconography reflective of the religious meaning of the artworks. Some Olmec art, however, is surprisingly naturalistic, displaying an accuracy of depiction of human anatomy perhaps equaled in the Pre-Columbian New World only by the best Maya Classic era art. Olmec artforms emphasize monumental statuary and small jade carvings. A common theme is to be found in representations of a divine jaguar. Olmec figurines were also found abundantly through their period.
A team of archaeologists using NAA (neutron activation analysis) to compare over 1000 ancient Mesoamerican Olmec-style ceramic artifacts with 275 samples of clay so as to "fingerprint" pottery origination found "that the Olmec packaged and exported their beliefs throughout the region in the form of specialized ceramic designs and forms, which quickly became hallmarks of elite status in various regions of ancient Mexico" (Archaeological Institute of America, March 28, 2005 ).
See for photographs of an ancient Olmec "Bird Vessel" and bowl, both ceramic and dating to circa 1000 BC. Other ancient artifacts are listed (no photographs) at . Ceramics are produced in kilns capable of exceeding approximately 900° C (see pottery). The only other prehistoric culture known to have achieved such high temperatures is that of Ancient Egypt (; also see faience).
Olmec colossal heads
Perhaps the best-recognized Olmec art are the enormous helmeted heads. As no known pre-Columbian text explains these, these impressive monuments have been the subject of much speculation. These seem to be portraits of famous ball players, as the headgear is similar to that worn by players of the Mesoamerican ballgame in other monuments. Perhaps they depict kings rigged out in the accouterments of the game.
Some writers have pointed to the full, fleshy lips and wide noses of these monuments as evidence that the Olmec were actually immigrants from Africa or (in a more recent variation on the suggestion) that they represent supposed evidence of some Mesoamerican-African intermarriages. Mainstream scholars have remained unconvinced by this suggestion. They have pointed out that not all people with wide noses and thick lips are African; some Native Americans of this region still display these traits today without any other evidence of African ancestry. Thick lips and short, broad noses are the norm among Mesoamericans and tropical Mongoloids. It is also noted that the colossal heads show eye folds found in the local Mesoamericans, but not in most Africans. Some of these features are also present among the Khoisan and San Bushmen, suggesting a possible connection to the once widely spread Negrito peoples. These are thought to represent an early migratory group, and are still present in parts of Southeast Asia.
Were-Jaguar Motif
What is traditionally called the “were-jaguar” motif is the most distinctive and enigmatic design of Olmec art and iconography. Most commonly found depicted as figurines of were-jaguar babies, the motif can also be found carved into jade “votive axes” and celts, engraved onto various portable figurines of jade and jadeite materials, and depicted on several altars at La Venta. Typically characterized by almond-shaped eyes and fleshy lips, different variations on the motif can also include a cleft head, a toothless mouth, the presence of jaguar-like fangs, or some combination of these qualities. The motif was designated as “were-jaguar” because of the combination of human, generally baby-like, characteristics and potential jaguar-like qualities such as fangs and the cleft head that is characteristic of male jaguars. However, scholars have yet to come agreement on the meaning behind the were-jaguar motif.
Originally scholars believed that the predominance of the were-jaguar motif was possibly connected to a religious mythology that derived from the story of copulation between a male jaguar and a female human. Murals and statues from sites like Chalcatzingo and Potrero Nuevo seemed to reinforce this idea. However, scholars like Carolyn Tate (1999), Carson Murdy (1981), Whitney Davis (1978), and Peter Furst (1981) have proposed alternative ideas for the notions of human-jaguar copulation and the representation of jaguar characteristics.
Davis (1978) suggests, for instance, that the depictions of human-jaguar copulation on monuments at Laguna de los Cerros, Potrero Nuevo, and Rio Chiquito, as well as reliefs as Chalcatzingo, are perhaps the beginnings of a jaguar cult or are representative of conquest in battle rather than something more sexual. Rather than viewing the people and jaguar-figures in sexual situations, Davis sees the jaguar, or man in jaguar pelts, as an aggressor towards a defeated opponent. Most of the figures in the reliefs and monuments are clothed in loincloths, which would negate copulation, and Davis believes those that are naked appear dead or dying rather than in a sexual posture. It is not uncommon to see unclothed human figures as representative of dead captives or opponents in battle, as in the Danzantes of Monte Alban.
Even before Davis (1978) questioned the idea of a belief system centering on human-jaguar copulation, scholars like Michael Coe (1962) looked for other biological causes for the fleshy lips, cleft head, and toothless mouths that make up the were-jaguar motif. Genetic abnormalities like Down’s syndrome and spina bifida have been common explanations. People afflicted with spina bifida in particular present developmental defects that coincide with the were-jaguar characteristics. One such condition is encephaloceles, which among other things, can cause separation of the cranial sutures and result in depression, or cleft, in the head (Murdy 1981:863). Cranium bifidum can produce similar results. In addition, there is a higher chance of these conditions occurring within the same family, than randomly throughout the population (Murdy 1981: 863). If children born with this affliction were seen as divine or special in some way, multiple births of affected children within a family or familial line would have reinforced that family’s political and religious power.
Other ideas about the meaning of the were-jaguar motif question whether or not the diagnostic traits of the motif actually represent a jaguar. The cleft head of the “were-jaguar” is most often called into question. The cleft has been seen to represent a trait of the toad, as a “gender-specific female symbol” (Furst 1981: 151), or as distinguishing mark of a rain or maize supernatural being.
Several characteristics of the toad have led some to believe that the were-jaguar motif does not actually represent a jaguar. Species of toad that are commonly found in Mesoamerica, like Bufo marinus or Bufo valliceps have the pronounced cleft in the head, and like all toads have a fleshy mouth with toothless gums. These species of toad are known to have ceremonial and hallucinogenic properties for many cultures of Mesoamerica. Skeletal remains of these species, particularly B. marinus, have been found at several archaeological sites in Mesoamerica including Olmec ceremonial centers.
Those were-jaguar representations that have fangs commonly attributed as jaguar fangs can also be explained as toad-like. Several times a year, mature toads shed their skin. As the old skin is shed, the toad will eat it. As the skin is eaten it hangs out of the toad’s mouth and closely resembles the fangs of the were-jaguar. The process of regeneration could have symbolized death and rebirth in the earth and its maize crops. The toad then would have been seen as holding powers connected to rain and maize, which the Mesoamericans would have to draw upon through religious artifacts like the were-jaguar celts or the Las Limas figure.
Despite many possibilities for the origin of the were-jaguar motif, most scholars conclude that the were-jaguar is an early symbol for a rain and/or maize supernatural being. Contemporary studies of Mixe shamanism and indigenous beliefs show similarities to Olmec ritual practices that have been discovered through archaeology. Both the modern and ancient practices are connected to ideas represented in design elements of the were-jaguar motif. It is commonly accepted that the Olmec spoke some form of a Mixe-Zoquean language, and are most likely the ancestors of modern Mixe speakers, at least in language and now religious practices.
It is suggested that the key to understanding the religious connotations of the were-jaguar motif can be found by comparing the large serpentine mosaic offerings found at La Venta to contemporary Mixe indigenous beliefs. At La Venta, large mosaics in the form of the were-jaguar were buried deep underground, possibly creating a source of spiritual power. The mosaics potentially represent beliefs that are still found in the Mixe culture today. For example, the Mixe spiritual entity for water and life is closely associated with the term “fontanelle”. A fontanelle is the area of incompletely formed cranial bones in infants and is thought of as a means of communication with gods or deities in several indigenous North American cultures. The cleft head in the were-jaguar motif could represent the fontanelle associated with the Mixe water supernatural.
The were-jaguar motif has also been associated with the bar-and-four-dots design, found on the La Venta mosaics as well as many other were-jaguar designs in the form of a headband with four dots, or maize seeds, on it. The bar-and-four-dots is seen by many archaeologists as a symbol of earth and fertility. In modern Mixe culture, the earth supernatural being is associated with the northern direction and the color dark green (Tate 1999: 179). The La Venta mosaics can be related to these contemporary beliefs because the mosaics are located on the northern axis of La Venta and are made from dark green stones. At La Venta, it is easily seen how the were-jaguar motif relates to both rain and earth/maize spiritual entities.
References
Davis, Whitney. 1978. So-Called Jaguar-Human Copulation Scenes in Olmec Art. American Antiquity 43(3): 453-457.
Furst, Peter T. 1981. Jaguar Baby or Toad Mother: A New Look at an Old Problem in Olmec Iconography. In The Olmec and Their Neighbors, edited by E.P. Benson, pp 149-162. Dumbarton Oaks: Washington D.C.
Murdy, Carson N. 1981. Congenital Deformities and the Olmec Were-Jaguar Motif. American Antiquity 46(4): 861-871.
Tate, Carolyn E. 1999. Patrons of Shamanic Power: La Venta’s Supernatural Entities in Light of Mixe Beliefs. Ancient Mesoamerica 10: 169-188.
Religion
- Main article: Olmec mythology
Olmec art shows that such deities as the Feathered Serpent God and the Rain God were already in the Mesoamerican pantheon in Olmec times. What appears to be a half-human half-jaguar baby is also prominent.
Mathematics
The late Olmec had already begun to use a true zero (a shell glyph) several centuries before Ptolemy (possibly by the fourth century BC) which became an integral part of Maya numerals (see 0 (number): First use of the number).
Olmec people
Very few individual Olmec people are known to modern scholars; the following sample will perhaps convey some flavor of the people.
- Po Ngbe (at Guerrero) sometime between 900 and 600 BC
- "Harvest Mountain Lord"
- U-Kix-chan – Founder of the ruling dynasty of B'aakal, a Maya kingdom at Palenque.
- Yo Pe (at Mojarra) second century BC
Decline of the Olmec
It is not known with any clarity what happened to this culture. Their main center, San Lorenzo, was all but abandoned around 900 BC, and La Venta became the main city. Environmental changes may have been responsible for this move, with certain important rivers changing course. However, there is also some evidence suggestive of an invasion and destruction of Olmec artifacts around this time. At about 400 BC, La Venta also came to an end. By AD 1 their lands were occupied by successor cultures – most notably the Maya to the east, the Zapotec to the southwest, and the Teotihuacan culture to the west.
Mormon speculation
Some members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Mormons) have suggested that the Olmecs may be the Jaredites recorded in the Book of Mormon because of alleged similarities in the Olmec archaeological record. However, the book mentions things that are not known to have been part of the Olmec culture, such as iron, silk, and elephants. This speculation is not supported by any aspect of conventional Mesoamerican scholarship.
See also
References
- PubMed, Department of Immunology, Hospital 12 de Octubre, Universidad Complutense, Madrid, Spain. For questions, please e-mail: aarnaiz@eucmax.sim.ucm.es.
- Mother Culture, or Only a Sister?, The New York Times, March 15, 2005.