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	{{French Revolution}}
	The '''French Revolution''' (]-]) was a period in the history of ]. During this time, ] replaced the ] in France, and the French sector of the ] was forced to undergo radical restructuring. While France would oscillate among republic, empire, and monarchy for 75 years after the ] fell to a '']'' by ], the revolution nonetheless spelled a definitive end to the '']''. It eclipses the subsequent revolutions of ] and ] in the popular imagination. It is widely seen as a major turning point in continental European history, from the age of ] to that of the ], and even of the masses, as the dominant political force.

	== Causes ==
	{{main\|Causes of the French Revolution}}

	A number of factors led to the revolution; to some extent the old order succumbed to its own rigidity in the face of a changing world; to some extent, it fell to the ambitions of a rising ], allied with aggrieved peasants, wage-earners, and individuals of all classes who had come under the influence of the ideas of ]. As the revolution proceeded and as power devolved from the monarchy to legislative bodies, the conflicting interests of these initially allied groups would become the source of conflict and bloodshed.

	Causes of the French Revolution include the following:
	* A bad economic situation as well as an unmanageable national ], both caused by and exacerbating the burden of a grossly inequitable system of ] and ]'s funding of the ].
	* Resentment of royal ].
	* Aspiration for liberty and republicanism
	* Resentment of ] (seigneurialism) by peasants, wage-earners, and, to a lesser extent, the bourgeoisie
	* The rise of ] ideals.
	* ] scarcity in the months immediately before the revolution.
	* Resentment at noble privilege and dominance in public life by the ambitious professional classes.
	* Resentment of religious intolerance.
	* The failure of Louis XVI to deal effectively with these phenomena.

	]
	Proto-revolutionary activity started when the French king ] (reigned ]-]) faced a crisis in the royal finances. The French crown, which fiscally equated the French state, owed considerable debt. During the régimes of ] (ruled ]-]) and Louis XVI, several different ministers, including ] (Controller-General of Finances ]-]), and ] (Director-General of Finances ]-]), unsuccessfully proposed to revise the French tax system to a more uniform system. Such measures encountered consistent resistance from the '']s'' (law courts), dominated by the "Robe Nobility", which saw themselves as the nation's guardians against despotism, as well as from court factions, and both ministers were ultimately dismissed. ], who became Controller-General of the Finances in ], pursued a strategy of conspicuous spending as a means of convincing potential creditors of the confidence and stability of France's finances.

	However, Calonne, having conducted a lengthy review of France's financial situation, determined that it was not sustainable, and proposed a uniform ] as a means of setting France's finances in order in the long term. In the short-term, he hoped that a show of support from a hand-picked Assembly of Notables would restore confidence in French finances, and allow further borrowing until the land tax began to make up the difference and allow the beginning of repayment of the debt.

	Although Calonne convinced the king of the necessity of his reforms, the Assembly of Notables refused to endorse his measures, insisting that only a truly representative body, preferably the ] of the Kingdom, could approve new taxes. The King, seeing that Calonne himself was now a liability, dismissed him and replaced him with ], the Archbishop of Toulouse, who had been a leader of the opposition in the Assembly. Brienne now adopted a thorough-going reform position, granting various civil rights (including freedom of worship to Protestants), and promising the convocation of the Estates-General within five years, but also attempted in the meantime to go ahead with Calonne's plans. When the measures were opposed in the ''Parlement'' of Paris (due in part to the King's tactlessness), Brienne went on the attack, attempting to disband the parlements entirely and collect the new taxes in spite of them. This led to massive resistance across many parts of France, including the famous "Day of the Tiles" in ]. Even more importantly, the chaos across France convinced the short-term creditors on whom the French treasury depended to maintain its day-to-day operations to withdraw their loans, leading to a near-default, which forced Louis and Brienne to surrender.

	The king agreed on ], ] to convene the Estates-General in May ]; for the first time since ]. Brienne resigned on ], ], and Necker again took charge of the nation's finances. He used his position not to propose new reforms, but only to prepare for the meeting of the nation's representatives.

	== History ==
	=== The Estates-General of 1789 ===
	''For a more detailed description of the events of ] ]–] ], see ]''

	The calling of the Estates-General led to growing concern on the part of the opposition that the government would attempt to ] an assembly to its liking. In order to avoid this, the ''Parlement'' of Paris, having returned in triumph to the city, proclaimed that the Estates-General would have to meet according to the forms observed at its last meeting. Although it would appear that the magistrates were not specifically aware of the "forms of 1614" when they made this decision, this provoked an uproar. The ] Estates had consisted of equal numbers of representatives of each estate, and voting had been by order, with the ] (the clergy), the ] (the nobility), and the ] (everybody else) each receiving one vote.

	Almost immediately the "Committee of Thirty", a body of liberal Parisians, began to agitate against this, arguing for a doubling of the Third Estate and voting by head (as had already been done in various provincial assemblies). Necker, speaking for the government, conceded further that the third estate should be doubled, but the question of voting by head was left for the meeting of the Estates themselves. But the resentments brought forward by the dispute remained powerful, and pamphlets, like ] ''What is the Third Estate?'' which argued that the privileged orders were parasites and the Third Estate was the nation itself, kept these resentments alive.

	When the Estates-General convened in ] on ] ], lengthy speeches by Necker and Lamoignon, the keeper of the seals, did little to give guidance to the deputies, who were remanded to separate meeting places to credential their members. The question of whether voting was ultimately to be by head or by order was again put aside for the moment, but the Third Estate now demanded that credentialing itself should take place as a group. Negotiations with the other estates to achieve this, however, were unsuccessful, as a bare majority of the clergy and a large majority of the nobility continued to support voting by order.

	=== The National Assembly ===
	] of the National Assembly making the Tennis Court Oath]]

	''For a more detailed description of the events of ] ]–] ], see ]''

	On ] 1789, the Abbé ] moved that the Third Estate, now meeting as the ''Communes'' (English: "Commons"), proceed with verification of its own powers and invite the other two estates to take part, but not to wait for them. They proceeded to do so, completing the process on ]. Then they voted a measure far more radical, declaring themselves the ], an assembly not of the Estates but of "the People". They invited the other orders to join them, but made it clear that they intended to conduct the nation's affairs with or without them.

	Louis XVI shut the Salle des États where the Assembly met. The Assembly moved their deliberations to the king's tennis court, where they proceeded to swear the ] (], 1789), under which they agreed not to separate until they had given France a ]. A majority of the representatives of the clergy soon joined them, as did forty-seven members of the nobility. By ] the royal party had overtly given in, although the military began to arrive in large numbers around ] and Versailles. Messages of support for the Assembly poured in from Paris and other French cities. On ], the Assembly reconstituted itself as the ].

	=== The National Constituent Assembly ===
	]'']]

	==== The storming of the Bastille ====
	''For a more detailed discussion, see ]''

	On ] 1789, King Louis, acting under the influence of the conservative nobles of his ], as well as his wife, ], and brother, the ], banished the reformist minister Necker and completely reconstructed the ministry. Much of Paris, presuming this to be the start of a royal coup, moved into open rebellion. Some of the military joined the mob; others remained neutral.

	On ] 1789, after four hours of combat, the insurgents seized the ] ], killing the governor, Marquis ], and several of his guards. Although the Parisians released only seven prisoners; four forgers, two lunatics, and a dangerous sexual offender, the Bastille served as a potent symbol of everything hated under the '']''. Returning to the ] (city hall), the mob accused the ''] des marchands'' (roughly, mayor) ] of treachery; his assassination took place ''en route'' to an ostensible trial at the ].

	The king and his military supporters backed down, at least for the time being. ] took up command of the National Guard at Paris; ], president of the National Assembly at the time of the ], became the city's mayor under a new governmental structure known as the ''commune''. The king visited Paris, where, on ], he accepted a ] ], as cries of ''vive la Nation'' "Long live the Nation" changed to ''vive le Roi'' "Long live the King".

	Nonetheless, after this violence, nobles, little assured by the apparent and, as it proved, temporary reconciliation of king and people, started to flee the country as '']s'', some of whom began plotting civil war within the kingdom and agitating for a European coalition against France.

	Necker, recalled to power, experienced but a short-lived triumph. An astute financier but a less astute politician, he overplayed his hand by demanding and obtaining a general amnesty, losing much of the people's favour in his moment of apparent triumph.

	By late July insurrection and the spirit of ] spread throughout France. In rural areas, many went beyond this: some burned title-deeds and no small number of ], as part of a general agrarian insurrection known as "la Grande Peur" (the ]).

	==== The abolition of feudalism ====
	''For a more detailed discussion, see ].''

	On ], 1789, the National Assembly abolished ], sweeping away both the seigneurial rights of the Second Estate and the ]s gathered by the First Estate. In the course of a few hours, nobles, clergy, towns, provinces, companies, and cities lost their special privileges.

	While there would follow retreats, regrets, and much argument over the ''rachat au denier 30'' ("redemption at a thirty-years' purchase") specified in the legislation of ], the course now remained set, although the full process would take another four years.

	==== Dechristianisation ====
	''For a more detailed discussion, see ].''

	The revolution brought about a massive shifting of powers from the ] to the state. Legislation enacted in ] abolished the Church's authority to levy a ] on crops known as the '']'', cancelled special privileges for the clergy, and confiscated Church property; under the ''ancien régime'', the Church had been the largest landowner in the country. ] attempted to subordinate the clergy to the state, making them state employees. The ensuing years saw violent repression of the clergy, including the imprisonment and massacre of ]s throughout France. The ] between Napoleon and the Church ended the dechristianisation period and established the rules for a relationship between the Catholic Church and the French State that lasted until it was abrogated by the ] on the ] on ], ].

	==== The appearance of factions ====
	''For a more detailed discussion, please see ].''

	Factions within the Assembly began to become clearer. The ] ] and the abbé ] led what would become known as the ], the opposition to revolution. The "Royalist democrats" or ''monarchiens'', allied with Necker, inclined toward organising France along lines similar to the ]al model: they included ], the ], the ], and ], Comte de Virieu.

	The "National Party", representing the centre or centre-left of the assembly, included ], Lafayette, and Bailly; while ], ] and ] represented somewhat more extreme views. Almost alone in his radicalism on the left was the ] lawyer ].

	The abbé ] led in proposing legislation in this period and successfully forged consensus for some time between the political centre and the ].

	In Paris, various committees, the mayor, the assembly of representatives, and the individual districts each claimed authority independent of the others. The increasingly middle-class ] under Lafayette also slowly emerged as a power in its own right, as did other self-generated assemblies.

	Looking to the ] for a model, on ], 1789, the Assembly published the ]. Like the U.S. Declaration, it comprised a statement of principles rather than a ] with legal effect.

	==== Towards a constitution ====
	''For a more detailed discussion, see ].''

	The National Constituent Assembly functioned not only as a ], but also as a body to draft a new constitution.

	Necker, Mounier, Lally-Tollendal and others argued unsuccessfully for a ], with members appointed by the crown on the nomination of the people. The bulk of the nobles argued for an aristocratic ] elected by the nobles. The popular party carried the day: France would have a single, unicameral assembly. The king retained only a "suspensive veto": he could delay the implementation of a law, but not block it absolutely.

	The people of Paris thwarted Royalist efforts to block this new order: they marched on Versailles on ] 1789. After various scuffles and incidents, the king and the royal family allowed themselves to be brought back from Versailles to Paris.

	The Assembly replaced the historic ] with eighty-three '']s'', uniformly administered and approximately equal to one another in extent and population.

	Originally summoned to deal with a financial crisis, to date the Assembly had focused on other matters and only worsened the deficit. Mirabeau now led the move to address this matter, with the Assembly giving Necker complete financial dictatorship.

	==== Toward the Civil Constitution of the Clergy ====
	''For a more detailed discussion, see ].''

	To no small extent, the Assembly addressed the financial crisis by having the nation take over the property of the Church (while taking on the Church's expenses), through the law of ], 1789. In order to rapidly monetise such an enormous amount of property, the government introduced a new paper currency, '']s'', backed by the confiscated church lands.

	Further legislation on ], 1790, abolished ]. The ], passed on ], 1790 (although not signed by the king until ], ]), turned the remaining clergy into employees of the State and required that they take an oath of loyalty to the constitution. The ] also made the Catholic church an arm of the secular state.

	In response to this legislation, the archbishop of Aix and the bishop of Clermont led a walkout of clergy from the National Constituent Assembly. The ] never accepted the new arrangement, and it led to a schism between those clergy who swore the required oath and accepted the new arrangement ("jurors" or "constitutional clergy") and the "non-jurors" or "refractory priests" who refused to do so.

	==== From the anniversary of the Bastille to the death of Mirabeau ====
	''For a more detailed discussion of the events of ], ]–], ], see ].''

	The Assembly abolished the symbolic paraphernalia of the ''ancien régime'', armorial bearings, liveries, etc., which further alienated the more conservative nobles, and added to the ranks of the '']s''.

	On ], ], and for several days following, crowds in the ] celebrated the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille; Talleyrand performed a mass; participants swore an oath of "fidelity to the nation, the law, and the king"; the king and the royal family actively participated.

	The electors had originally chosen the members of the ] to serve for a single year, but by the ], the ''communes'' had bound themselves to meet continuously until France had a constitution. Right-wing elements now argued for a new election, but Mirabeau carried the day, asserting that the status of the assembly had fundamentally changed, and that no new election should take place before completing the constitution.

	In late 1790, several small counter-revolutionary uprisings broke out and efforts took place to turn all or part of the army against the revolution. These uniformly failed. The royal court, in ]'s words, "encouraged every anti-revolutionary enterprise and avowed none."

	The army faced considerable internal turmoil: General ] successfully put down a small rebellion, which added to his (accurate) reputation for counter-revolutionary sympathies.

	The new military code, under which promotion depended on seniority and proven competence (rather than on nobility) alienated some of the existing officer corps, who joined the ranks of the émigrés or became counter-revolutionaries from within.

	This period saw the rise of the political "clubs" in French politics, foremost among these the ]: according to the ], one hundred and fifty-two clubs had affiliated with the Jacobins by ], 1790. As the Jacobins became more of a broad popular organisation, some of its founders abandoned it to form the ]. Royalists established first the short-lived '']'' and later the '']''. They attempted unsuccessfully to curry public favour by distributing bread; nonetheless, they became the frequent target of protests and even riots, and the Paris municipal authorities finally closed down the Club Monarchique in January ].

	Amidst these intrigues, the Assembly continued to work on developing a constitution. A new judicial organisation made all magistracies temporary and independent of the throne. The legislators abolished hereditary offices, except for the monarchy itself. Jury trials started for criminal cases. The king would have the unique power to propose war, with the legislature then deciding whether to declare war. The Assembly abolished all internal trade barriers and suppressed guilds, masterships, and workers' organisations: any individual gained the right to practice a trade through the purchase of a license; strikes became illegal.

	In the winter of 1791, the Assembly considered, for the first time, legislation against the ''émigrés''. The debate pitted the safety of the State against the liberty of individuals to leave. Mirabeau carried the day against the measure, which he referred to as "worthy of being placed in the code of ]."

	However, Mirabeau died on ] ]. In Mignet's words, "No one succeeded him in power and popularity," and before the end of the year, the new Legislative Assembly would adopt this "draconian" measure.

	==== The Flight to Varennes ====
	''For a more detailed discussion, see ].''

	Louis XVI, opposed to the course of the revolution, but rejecting the potentially treacherous aid of the other monarchs of Europe, cast his lot with General Bouillé, who condemned both the emigration and the assembly, and promised him refuge and support in his camp at ].

	On the night of ], 1791, the royal family fled the Tuileries. However, the next day the overconfident king had the imprudence to show himself. Recognised and arrested at ] (in the ] '']'') late on ], he returned to Paris under guard.

	], ], and ], representing the Assembly, met the royal family at ] and returned with them. From this time, Barnave became a counselor and supporter of the royal family.

	When they reached Paris, the crowd remained silent. The Assembly provisionally suspended the king. He and Queen ] remained held under guard.

	==== The last days of the National Constituent Assembly ====
	''For a more detailed discussion, please see ].''

	With most of the Assembly still favouring a ] rather than a ], the various groupings reached a compromise which left Louis XVI little more than a figurehead: he had perforce to swear an oath to the constitution, and a decree declared that retracting the oath, heading an army for the purpose of making war upon the nation, or permitting anyone to do so in his name would amount to ''de facto'' abdication.

	] drafted a petition, insisting that in the eyes of the nation Louis XVI was deposed since his flight. An immense crowd gathered in the ] to sign the petition. ] and ] gave fiery speeches. The Assembly called for the municipal authorities to "preserve public order". The National Guard under Lafayette's command confronted the crowd. The soldiers first responded to a barrage of stones by firing in the air; the crowd did not back down, and Lafayette ordered his men to fire into the crowd, resulting in the killing of as many as fifty people.

	In the wake of this massacre the authorities closed many of the patriotic clubs, as well as radical newspapers such as ]'s '']''. Danton fled to England; Desmoulins and Marat went into hiding.

	Meanwhile, a renewed threat from abroad arose: ], ], and the king's brother ] issued the ] which considered the cause of Louis XVI as their own, demanded his total liberty and the dissolution of the Assembly, and promised an invasion of France on his behalf if the revolutionary authorities refused its conditions.

	If anything, the declaration further imperiled Louis. The French people expressed no respect for the dictates of foreign monarchs, and the threat of force merely resulted in the militarisation of the frontiers.

	Even before the "Flight to Varennes" the Assembly members had determined to debar themselves from the legislature that would succeed them, the ]. They now gathered the various constitutional laws they had passed into a single constitution, showed remarkable fortitude in choosing not to use this as an occasion for major revisions, and submitted it to the recently restored Louis XVI, who accepted it, writing "I engage to maintain it at home, to defend it from all attacks from abroad; and to cause its execution by all the means it places at my disposal". The king addressed the Assembly and received enthusiastic applause from members and spectators. The Assembly set the end of its term for ] ].

	Mignet has written, "The constitution of 1791... was the work of the middle class, then the strongest; for, as is well known, the predominant force ever takes possession of institutions... In this constitution the people was the source of all powers, but it exercised none."

	=== The Legislative Assembly and the fall of the Monarchy ===
	''For a more detailed description of the events of ] ]–] ], see main article ].''

	==== The Legislative Assembly ====
	Under the Constitution of 1791, France would function as a constitutional monarchy. The king had to share power with the elected ], but he still retained his royal veto and the ability to select ministers.

	The Legislative Assembly first met on ], 1791, and degenerated into chaos less than a year later. In the words of the ]: "In the attempt to govern, the Assembly failed altogether. It left behind an empty treasury, an undisciplined army and navy, and a people debauched by safe and successful riot."

	The Legislative Assembly consisted of about 165 ]s (constitutional monarchists) on the ], about 330 ]s (liberal republicans) and ]s (radical revolutionaries) on the ], and about 250 deputies unaffiliated with either faction.

	Early on, the king vetoed legislation that threatened the ''émigrés'' with death and that decreed that every ] must take within eight days the civic oath mandated by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Over the course of a year, disagreements like this would lead to a ].

	==== War ====
	The politics of the period inevitably drove France towards war with ] and its allies. The King, the Feuillants and the Girondins specifically wanted to wage war. The King (and many Feuillants with him) expected war would increase his personal popularity; he also foresaw an opportunity to exploit any defeat: either result would make him stronger. The Girondins wanted to export the Revolution throughout Europe. Only some of the radical Jacobins opposed war, preferring to consolidate and expand the revolution at home. The Austrian emperor ], brother of ], may have wished to avoid war, but he died on ], ].

	France declared war on ] (] ]) and ] joined on the Austrian side a few weeks later. The ] had begun.

	After early skirmishes went badly for France, the first significant military engagement of the war occurred with the Franco-Prussian ] (] 1792). Although heavy rain prevented a conclusive resolution, the French artillery proved its superiority. However, by this time, France stood in turmoil and the monarchy had effectively become a thing of the past.

	==== Constitutional Crisis ====
	]
	:''Main articles: ], ]''

	On the night of ] 1792, insurgents, supported by a new revolutionary ], assailed the Tuileries. The king and queen ended up prisoners and a rump session of the Legislative Assembly suspended the monarchy: little more than a third of the deputies were present, almost all of them Jacobins.

	What remained of a national government depended on the support of the insurrectionary Commune. When the Commune sent gangs of assassins into the prisons to butcher 1400 victims, and addressed a circular letter to the other cities of France inviting them to follow this example, the Assembly could offer only feeble resistance. This situation persisted until the ], charged with writing a new constitution, met on ], 1792 and became the new ''de facto'' government of France. The next day it abolished the monarchy and declared a republic. This date was later retroactively adopted as the beginning of ] of the ].

	=== The Convention ===
	]
	''For a more detailed description of the events of ] ]–] ], see ].''

	The legislative power in the new republic fell to a National Convention, while the executive power came to rest in the ]. The Girondins became the most influential party in the Convention and on the Committee.

	In the ], the Imperial and Prussian armies threatened retaliation on the French population should it resist their advance or the reinstatement of the monarchy. As a consequence, King Louis was seen as conspiring with the enemies of France. ] ] saw King Louis condemned to death for "conspiracy against the public liberty and the general safety" by a weak majority in Convention. The ] execution led to more wars with other European countries. Louis' Austrian-born queen, Marie Antoinette, would follow him to the guillotine on ].

	When war went badly, prices rose and the ] (poor labourers and radical Jacobins) rioted; counter-revolutionary activities began in some regions. This encouraged the Jacobins to seize power through a parliamentary ], backed up by force effected by mobilising public support against the Girondist faction, and by utilising the mob power of the Parisian ''sans-culottes''. An alliance of Jacobin and ''sans-culottes'' elements thus became the effective centre of the new government. Policy became considerably more radical.

	]: between 18,000 to 40,000 people were executed during the ]]]
	The ] came under the control of ], and the Jacobins unleashed the ] (]-]). At least 1200 people met their deaths under the ] or otherwise; after accusations of counter-revolutionary activities. The slightest hint of counter-revolutionary thoughts or activities (or, as in the case of ], revolutionary zeal exceeding that of those in power) could place one under suspicion, and the trials did not proceed scrupulously.

	In 1794 ] had ultra-radicals and moderate Jacobins executed; in consequence, however, his own popular support eroded markedly. On ], ], the French people revolted against the excesses of the Reign of Terror in what became known as the ]. It resulted in moderate Convention members deposing and executing Robespierre and several other leading members of the Committee of Public Safety. The new government was predominantly made up of Girondists who had survived the Terror, and after taking power, they took revenge as well by persecuting even those Jacobins who had helped to overthrow Robespierre, banning the Jacobin Club, and executing many of its former members in what was known as the ].

	The Convention approved the new "Constitution of the Year III" on ] ]; a ] ratified it in September; and it took effect on ], ].

	=== The Directory ===
	''For more information on the events of ] ]–] ], see ].''

	The new constitution installed the ] (]: ''Directory'') and created the first ] in French history. The parliament consisted of 500 representatives (the ''Conseil des Cinq-Cents'' (Council of the Five Hundred)) and 250 senators (the ''Conseil des Anciens'' (Council of Seniors)). Executive power went to five "directors", named annually by the ''Conseil des Anciens'' from a list submitted by the ''Conseil des Cinq-Cents''.

	The new ] met with opposition from remaining Jacobins and the royalists. The army suppressed riots and counter-revolutionary activities. In this way the army and its successful general, ] gained much power.

	On ] ] (] of the Year VIII) ] staged the '']'' which installed the ]; this effectively led to his dictatorship and eventually (in 1804) to his proclamation as emperor, which brought to a close the specifically ]an phase of the French Revolution.

	== See also ==
	* ]
	* ]
	* ]
	* ]
	* ]
	* ]
	* ]
	* ]

	=== Other revolutions in French history ===
	* ]
	* ]
	* ] of 1871
	* ], a noteworthy rebellion, though not quite a revolution

	== References==
	{{1911}}
	{{Mignet}}

	== Further reading ==
	* William Doyle: ''Oxford history of the French Revolution''. 2nd ed.; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002 ISBN 0-19-925298-X
	* William Doyle: ''Origins of the French Revolution''. 3rd ed.; Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999 ISBN 0-19-873175-2 ISBN 0-19-873174-4 (pbk)
	* ''Chronicle of the French Revolution 1788-1799''. London: Longman, and, Chronicle Communications, 1989 ISBN 0-582051-94-0
	** The English-language edition of the collaborative work ''Chronique de la Révolution 1788-1799'' (Paris: Larousse, 1988 ;ISBN 2-03-503250-4), produced under the direction of Jean Favier and others.
	* François Furet: ''La révolution en debat'' Paris: Gallimard, 1999 ISBN 2-07-040784-5
	** a short but important book with a series of articles on the historiography of the revolution
	* Peter McPhee: ''The French Revolution, 1789-1799''. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2002 ISBN 0-19-924414-6
	** a short but up-to-date and useful book which covers many areas including feminism and environment etc.
	* Timothy Tackett: ''Becoming a Revolutionary: the deputies of the French National Assembly and the emergence of a revolutionary culture (1789-1790)''. Princeton, N.J. ; Chichester : Princeton University Press, c1996 ISBN 0-691-04384-1
	** the most thorough research on the deputies of the Estates General and the National Assembly.
	* Stanley Loomis : "Paris in the Terror" – June 1793 – July 1794, Drum Book, 1986, ISBN 0-931933-18-8
	* Jean Vermeil : "L`autre Histoire de France", Editions du Félin, Paris, 1993, ISBN 2-86645-139-2
	** "The exactions of the revolutionaries in the Vendée" (Chapters 13 to 16). (In French)

	== External links ==
	* is a museum in ] dedicated to the French Revolution and ]

	]

	{{Link FA\|es}}

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Revision as of 12:45, 9 February 2006