| Revision as of 00:07, 21 May 2011 view sourceStevea20022002 (talk | contribs)52 editsmNo edit summary← Previous edit | Revision as of 12:50, 21 May 2011 view source 10bjones (talk | contribs)19 edits ←Replaced content with 'hi i do not like fasisct people'Tag: blankingNext edit → | ||
| Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
| hi | |||
| {{About||the Italian political movement|Italian Fascism}} | |||
| i do not like fasisct people | |||
| {{Criticism section|date=April 2011}} | |||
| {{pp-move-indef|small=yes}} | |||
| {{Fascism sidebar}} | |||
| {{Nationalism sidebar}} | |||
| {{Forms of government}} | |||
| '''Fascism''' ({{IPAc-en|icon|ˈ|f|æ|ʃ|ɪ|z|əm}}) is a ], ] ] political ]. <ref>Turner, Henry Ashby. ''Reappraisals of Fascism''. New Viewpoints, 1975. p. 162. States fascism's "goals of radical and authoritarian nationalism".</ref><ref>Larsen, Stein Ugelvik; Hagtvet, Bernt; Myklebust, Jan Petter. ''Who were the Fascists Fascists: social roots of European Fascism''. p. 424."organized form of integrative radical nationalist authoritarianism"</ref> Fascists advocate the creation of a ] ] that seeks the mass mobilization of a nation through ], ], and family policy including ].<ref>Cyprian Blamires. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006. Pp. 670.</ref> Fascists seek to purge forces and ideas deemed to be the cause of ] and ] and produce their nation's rebirth based on commitment to the national community based on organic unity where individuals are bound together by suprapersonal connections of ] and ].<ref>Cyprian Blamires. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006. Pp. 140-141.</ref> Fascists believe that a nation requires strong leadership, singular collective identity, and the will and ability to commit violence and wage war in order to keep the nation strong.<ref name=gj120>Grčić, Joseph. ''Ethics and political theory''. Lanham, Maryland, USA: University of America, Inc, 2000. p. 120</ref> Fascist governments forbid and suppress opposition to the state.<ref>Kent, Allen; Lancour, Harold; Nasri, William Z. ''Encyclopedia of Library and Information Science: Volume 62 – Supplement 25 – Automated Discourse Generation to the User-Centered Revolution: 1970–1995.'' CRC Press, 1998. ISBN 9780824720629. p. 69.</ref> | |||
| Fascists promote violence and war as actions that create national regeneration, spirit and ].<ref>Griffin, Roger (ed.); Feldman, Matthew (ed.). ''Fascism: Fascism and culture''. London, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. p. 185.</ref> Fascists exalt ] as providing positive transformation in society, in providing spiritual renovation, education, instilling of a will to dominate in people's character, and creating national comradeship through military service.<ref>Kallis, Aristotle. ''Fascist Ideology: Territory and Expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945''. New York, USA: Routledge, 2000. Pp. 39-40.</ref> | |||
| Fascism was founded by Italian ] in ] who combined ] and ] political views, but it gravitated to the right in the early 1920s.<ref name="ZeevSternhell">Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 161.</ref><ref>Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, USA: Branden Books, 2007. p. 76</ref> The majority of scholars generally consider fascism to be on the ],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.publiceye.org/eyes/whatfasc.html |title= What is Fascism? Some General Ideological Features |last=Lyons |first=Matthew N. |work=PublicEye.org |publisher=Political Research Associates |accessdate=2009-10-27}}</ref><ref name="ah.brookes.ac.uk">Griffin, Roger: "The Palingenetic Core of Fascism", ''Che cos'è il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche'', Ideazione editrice, Rome, 2003 </ref><ref name=sr3>Stackleberg, Rodney , Routeledge, 1999, p. 3</ref><ref name=er71>Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003 pp 71–80 </ref> while others claim it is the extreme form of a centrist ideology. <ref name=ls112>Lipset, Seymour: "Fascism as Extremism of the Middle Class", ''The Political Man'', Johns Hopkins University Press, 1959 pp 127-179</ref> | |||
| Fascism is ], ], anti-individualist, ], ], anti-], anti-proletarian and anti-].<ref>Walter Laqueur. ''Fascism - a reader's guide: analyses, interpretations, bibliography''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 1976. Pp. 16.</ref> It entails a distinctive type of anti-] and is typically, with a few exceptions, ].<ref>Walter Laqueur. ''Fascism - a reader's guide: analyses, interpretations, bibliography''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 1976. Pp. 16.</ref> Fascism rejects the concepts of ], ], and ] in favour of action, ], ], ], and ].<ref>Frank Bealey, Allan G. Johnson. The Blackwell dictionary of political science: a user's guide to its terms. 2nd edition. Malden, Massachusetts, USA: Blackwell Publishers, 2000. p. 129.</ref> In economics, fascists oppose ] (as a ] movement) and ] (as a ] movement) for being exclusive economic class-based movements.<ref>Walter Laqueur, Walter. ''Fascism: A Readers' Guide : Analysis, Interpretations, Bibliography''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 1976 (first edition, 1978 (paperback edition). p. 338.</ref> Fascists present their ideology as that of an economically trans-class movement that promotes resolving economic ] to secure national solidarity.<ref>Griffin, Roger. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA: St. Martins Press, 1991. pp. 222–223.</ref> They support a regulated, multi-class, integrated national economic system.<ref>Stanley G. Payne. ''Fascism: Comparison and Definition''. Madison, Wisconson, USA: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980. Pp. 7. </ref> | |||
| ==Etymology== | |||
| The term ''fascismo'' is derived from the ] word '']''. The fasces, which consisted of a bundle of rods that were tied around an axe, was an ] symbol of the authority of the civic ]. They were carried by his ]s and could be used for ] and ] at his command.<ref>{{cite book|last = New World|first =Websters|title =Webster's II New College Dictionary| publisher =Houghton Mifflin Reference Books| isbn =0618396012|year = 2005}}</ref><ref name="paynee">{{cite book|last = Payne|first =Stanley|title =A History of Fascism, 1914–45| publisher =]| isbn =0299148742|year = 1995}}</ref> The word ''fascismo'' also relates to political organizations in Italy known as ], groups similar to ]s or ]s. | |||
| The symbolism of the fasces suggested ''strength through unity'': a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.<ref>{{cite book|last =Doordan|first =Dennis P| title =In the Shadow of the Fasces: Political Design in Fascist Italy| publisher =The MIT Press| isbn =0299148742|year =1995}}</ref> Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements. For example the ] symbol is a bunch of arrows joined together by a ].<ref>{{cite book|last = Parkins|first =Wendy|title =Fashioning the Body Politic: Dress, Gender, Citizenship| publisher =Berg Publishers| isbn =1859735878|year = 2002}}</ref> | |||
| ==Definitions== | |||
| {{Main|Definitions of fascism}} | |||
| Historians, political scientists and other scholars have long debated the exact nature of fascism.<ref name="pheonix">{{cite book |last=Gregor |first=A. James |title=Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time |publisher=Transaction Publishers |isbn=0765808552 |year=2002}}</ref> Each form of fascism is distinct, leaving many definitions too wide or narrow.<ref name="deff">{{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G |title=Fascism, Comparison and Definition |publisher=University of Wisconsin Press |isbn=0299080641 |year=1983}}</ref><ref name="intelligentguide">{{cite book |last=Griffiths |first=Richard |title=An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism |publisher=Duckworth |isbn=0715629182}}</ref> Since the 1990s, scholars including ], Roger Eatwell, ] and ] have been gathering a rough consensus on the ideology's core tenets. | |||
| For Griffin, fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence.<ref>Roger Griffin, '''', Chapter published in Alessandro Campi (ed.), ''Che cos'è il fascismo?'' Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, Ideazione editrice, Roma, 2003, pp. 97–122.</ref> | |||
| Paxton sees fascism as "obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity". In Paxton's interpretation, fascists are "committed nationalist militants", working uneasily alongside traditional elites and abandoning democratic liberties in pursuit of "internal cleansing" or territorial expansion.<ref name="anatomnyfascismo"/> | |||
| One common definition of fascism focuses on three groups of ideas: the ''Fascist Negations'' of anti-liberalism, anti-communism and anti-conservatism; nationalist, authoritarian goals for the creation of a regulated economic structure to transform social relations within a modern, self-determined culture; a political aesthetic using romantic symbolism, mass mobilisation, a positive view of violence, promotion of masculinity and youth and charismatic leadership.<ref>Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman p. 420-421, 2004 Taylor and Francis.</ref><ref>Kallis, Aristotle, ed. (2003). ''The Fascism Reader,'' London: Routledge, pages 84–85.</ref><ref>Renton, David. ''Fascism: Theory and Practice'', p. 21, London: Pluto Press, 1999.</ref></blockquote> | |||
| ===Position in the political spectrum=== | |||
| Fascism is normally described as "]",<ref>Eatwell, Roger: "A Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism", ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003, p 79. </ref><ref name=Oxford>{{cite web|title=Fascism|url=http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/fascism?view=uk|work=Oxford English Dictionary|publisher=Oxford Dictionaries Online|accessdate=18 May 2011}}</ref> although writers have found placing fascism on a conventional ]-right ] difficult.<ref>Turner, Stephen P., Käsler, Dirk: ''Sociology Responds to Fascism'', Routledge. 2004, p. 222</ref> There is a scholarly consensus that fascism was influenced by both left and right, conservative and anti-conservative, national and supranational, rational and anti-rational.<ref name="ah.brookes.ac.uk"/> A number of historians have regarded fascism either as a revolutionary centrist doctrine, as a doctrine which mixes philosophies of the left and the right, or as both of those things.<ref name=sr3/><ref name=er71>Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', ''The Fascism Reader'', Routledge, 2003 pp. 71–80 </ref><ref name=ls112/> | |||
| There were factions within ] on both the left and the right. The accommodation of the political right into Fascism in the early 1920s led to the creation of a number of internal factions in the Italian Fascist movement. The "Fascist left" included ], ], and ], who were committed to advancing ] as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and the common people.<ref name=sgp112>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001. p. 112.</ref> The "Fascist right" included members of the Fascist paramilitary "''Squadristi''" and former members of the ] (ANI).<ref name=sgp112/> The ''Squadristi'' wanted to establish of Fascism as a complete dictatorship, while the former ANI members, including ], sought an authoritarian corporatist state to replace the liberal state in Italy, while retaining existing elites.<ref name=sgp112/> There were also smaller factions within the Italian Fascist movement, such as the "clerical Fascists" who sought to shift Italian Fascism from its anti-Catholic roots to accepting Catholicism. There were also "monarchist Fascists" who sought to use Fascism to create an ] under King ].<ref name=sgp112/> | |||
| A number of fascist movements described themselves as a "]" outside of the traditional political spectrum.<ref>Mosse, G: "Toward a General Theory of Fascism", ''Fascism'', ed. Griffin, Routeledge, 2003</ref> Mussolini promoted ambiguity about fascism's positions in order to rally as many people to it as possible, saying fascists can be "aristocrats or democrats, revolutionaries and reactionaries, ] and anti-proletarians, pacifists and anti-pacifists".<ref name=nm54>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: ], 1997. p. 54.</ref> Mussolini claimed that Italian Fascism's economic system of ] could be identified as either ] or ], which in either case involved "the bureaucratisation of the economic activities of the nation."<ref name=mb158-159>Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". ''A Primer of Italian Fascism''. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. pp. 158–159.</ref> Mussolini described fascism in any language he found useful.<ref name=nm54/><ref> "a final indicator of the amibiguity between left and right extremes is that many militants switch sides, including the very founder of fascism, Benito Mussolini" Terrorism today, Christopher C. Harmon, Routledge, 2000 ISBN 9780714649986 316 pages</ref> Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera was critical of both left-wing and right-wing politics, once saying that "basically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile".<ref>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 58.</ref> | |||
| ===Contemporary international views=== | |||
| Initially fascism and the Italian Fascists in particular were popular in the world, until ] and the defeat of the ]. ] supported the Italian Fascist regime as late as 1937, claiming that Mussolini had strong qualities that safeguarded Italy from the threat of communism, which was worth the sacrifice of liberties.<ref>Chris Wrigley. ''Winston Churchill: a biographical companion''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2002. p. 272.</ref> ] ] once claimed that he was the first fascist and declared his respect for the lower-class origins of Mussolini and ].<ref>Robert A. Hill (editor). "The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Vol. X". ''Africa for the Africans, 1923–1945''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 2006. p. 600.</ref> ], prior to the ], said that he was "keeping in touch with the admirable gentleman", referring to Mussolini.<ref>Brice Harris, Jr. ''United States and the Italo-Ethiopian Crisis''. Stanford, California, USA: Stanford California Press p. 43.</ref> ] traveled to Italy to meet Mussolini in December 1931 with the intention of attempting to spread the value of peace.<ref>Stanley Wolpert. ''Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi''. New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press, p. 163.</ref><ref>Mohandas Gandhi, Homer Alexander Jack. New York, New York, USA: Grove, 1956. p. 386.</ref> | |||
| ===''Fascist'' as epithet=== | |||
| {{Main|Fascist (epithet)}} | |||
| Following the defeat of the ] in ], the term ] has been used as a ] word,<ref>Gregor. Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought, Princeton University Press, 2005 ISBN 0691120099 282 p. 4</ref> often referring to widely varying movements across the political spectrum.<ref>George Orwell, What is Fascism? </ref> In political discourse, the term "fascist" is commonly used to denote authoritarian tendencies, but is often used as a pejorative ] by adherents to both left-wing and right-wing politics to denigrate those with opposing viewpoints. ] wrote in 1944 that "the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist'".<ref name="orwell1944">{{cite news|url=http://orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc|publisher=Orwell.ru|title=George Orwell: ‘What is Fascism?’|date=8 January 2008}}</ref></blockquote> ] argued in 2005 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times".<ref name="intelligentguide">{{cite book |last=Griffiths |first=Richard |title=An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism|publisher=Duckworth|url=http://books.google.com/?id=Y668AAAACAAJ&dq=Griffiths,+Richard |isbn=0715629182 |year=2000}}</ref> "Fascist" is sometimes applied to post-war organisations and ways of thinking that academics more commonly term "]".<ref>{{cite book |last=Woolf|first=Stuart |title=Fascism in Europe|publisher=Methuen |year=1981 |url=http://books.google.com/?id=iaMOAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA18 |isbn=9780416302400}}</ref> | |||
| ===Used within and against Communism=== | |||
| ] ] from the 1970s, commemorating a killed party member. Slogan reads 'Neither Fascism, nor Social fascism. Popular Government']] | |||
| Contrary to the common mainstream academic and popular use of the term, Communist states have sometimes been referred to as "fascist". Marxist interpretations of the term have, for example, been applied in relation to ] under ] and ] under ].<ref name=rg231/> Herbert Matthews, of the '']'' asked "Should we now place Stalinist Russia in the same category as Hitlerite Germany? Should we say that she is Fascist?".<ref>Matthews, Claudio. ''Fascism Is Not Dead...'', ''Nation's Business'', 1946.</ref> ] wrote extensively of "Red Fascism".<ref>Hoover, J. Edgar. '''', 1947.</ref> | |||
| Chinese Marxists used the term to denounce the Soviet Union during the ], and likewise, the Soviets used the term to identify Chinese Marxists.<ref>Quarantotto, Claudio. ''Tutti Fascisti'', 1976.</ref> | |||
| ==Historical causes and development== | |||
| ===Fusion of nationalism and Sorelianism and split in the left (1907–1914)=== | |||
| A key element in the creation of fascism was the fusion of agendas of ] on the political ] with ] ] on the ], around the outbreak of ].<ref name="ZeevSternhell" /> Sorelian syndicalism, unlike other ideologies on the left, held an elitist view that the morality of the working-class needed to be raised.<ref name=zs162>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 162.</ref> The Sorelian concept of the positive nature of social war and its insistence on moral revolution led some syndicalists to believe that war was the ultimate manifestation of social change and moral revolution.<ref name=zs162/> | |||
| Nationalist and militarist influences that had begun to combine with syndicalism since 1907 created a split in the political left.<ref name="ZeevSternhell"/> This split was strong in Italy, where nationalists and syndicalists increasingly influenced each other.<ref name="ZeevSternhell"/> ] nationalism, close to Sorelism, influenced radical Italian nationalist ].<ref name=zs163>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 163.</ref> Corradini spoke of the need for a ] movement, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action and a willingness to fight.<ref name=zs163/> Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue ] in order to challenge the "]" French and British.<ref name=mb9>Martin Blinkhorn. ''Mussolini and fascist Italy''. Second edition. New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2003 p. 9.</ref> Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing ] (ANI), which claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption within its political class, liberalism, and division caused by "ignoble socialism".<ref name=mb9/> The ANI held ties and influence among ], Catholics, and the business community.<ref name=mb9/> | |||
| Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of ] values, ], ], ], ], and ] and the promotion of ], ], and violence.<ref>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 32.</ref> | |||
| Radical nationalism in Italy – support for expansionism and cultural revolution to create a "New Man" and a "New State" – began to grow in 1912 during the Italian conquest of ] and was supported by Italian ] and members of the ANI.<ref>Emilio Gentile. The struggle for modernity: nationalism, futurism, and fascism. Westport, Connecticut, USA: Praeger Publishers, 2003. p. 5.</ref> The ANI claimed that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world and advocated a strong state and ], claiming that humans are naturally predatory and that nations were in a constant struggle where only the strongest could survive.<ref>Emilio Gentile. The struggle for modernity: nationalism, futurism, and fascism. Westport, Connecticut, USA: Praeger Publishers, 2003. p. 6.</ref> | |||
| However, until 1914, Italian nationalists and revolutionary syndicalists with nationalist leanings remained apart. Such syndicalists opposed the ] of 1911 as an affair of financial interests and not the nation.<ref name=zs170>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 170.</ref> World War I was seen by both Italian nationalists and syndicalists as a national affair.<ref>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 173.</ref> | |||
| ===World War I and the founding of Fascism (1914–1920)=== | |||
| {{Missing information|the formation of the Italian Fascist Party|date=January 2011}} | |||
| At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war.<ref name=zs170/> The ] opposed the war on the grounds of ], but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported intervention against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their ] regimes needed to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism.<ref name=zs175>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 175.</ref> Corradini presented the same need for Italy as a "proletarian nation" to defeat a reactionary Germany from a nationalist perspective.<ref>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. pp. 173, 175.</ref> The beginning of fascism resulted from this split, with ] forming the Revolutionary Fascio for International Action in October 1914.<ref name=zs175/> At the same time, Benito Mussolini joined the interventionist cause.<ref>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 214.</ref> The Fascists supported nationalism and claimed that ] was a failure.<ref name=zs175/> | |||
| At this time, the Fascists did not have an integrated set of policies and the movement was very small. Its attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and it was regularly harassed by government authorities and orthodox socialists.<ref>Anthony James Gregor. ''Young Mussolini and the intellectual origins of fascism''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA; London, England, UK: University of California Press, 1979. p. 195–196.</ref> Antagonism between interventionists, including Fascists, and anti-interventionist orthodox socialists resulted in violence.<ref name=ajg196>Anthony James Gregor. ''Young Mussolini and the intellectual origins of fascism''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA; London, England, UK: University of California Press, 1979. p. 196.</ref> Attacks on interventionists were so violent that even democratic socialists who opposed the war, such as ], said that the Italian Socialist Party had gone too far in its campaign to silence supporters of the war.<ref name=ajg196/> | |||
| Italy's use of daredevil elite ] known as the '']'', beginning in 1917, was an important influence on Fascism.<ref name=rg207>Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman. Fascism: Fascism and culture. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. p. 207.</ref> The ''Arditi'' were soldiers who were specifically trained for a life of violence and wore unique blackshirt uniforms and fezzes.<ref name=rg207/> The ''Arditi'' formed a national organization in November 1918, the ''Associazione fra gli Arditi d'Italia'', which by mid-1919 had about twenty thousand young men within it.<ref name=rg207/> Mussolini appealed to the ''Arditi'', and the Fascists' '']'', developed after the war, were based upon the ''Arditi''.<ref name=rg207/> | |||
| With the split between anti-interventionist Marxists and pro-interventionist Fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable. The Fascists presented themselves as ] and as opposed to Soviet communism.<ref>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 178.</ref> Benito Mussolini consolidated control over the Fascist movement in 1919 with the founding of the '']'', whose opposition to orthodox socialism he declared: | |||
| {{quote|We declare war against socialism, not because it is socialism, but because it has opposed nationalism. Although we can discuss the question of what socialism is, what is its program, and what are its tactics, one thing is obvious: the official Italian Socialist Party has been reactionary and absolutely conservative. If its views had prevailed, our survival in the world of today would be impossible.<ref>Stanislao G. Pugliese. ''Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present''. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004. 43–44.</ref>}} | |||
| In 1919, ] and ] movement leader ] created '']'' (a.k.a. the ''Fascist Manifesto'').<ref>Dahlia S. Elazar. The making of fascism: class, state, and counter-revolution, Italy 1919–1922. Westport, Connecticut, USA: Praeger Publishers, 2001. p. 73</ref> The Manifesto was presented on June 6, 1919 in the Fascist newspaper ''Il Popolo d'Italia''. The Manifesto supported the creation of ] for both men ] (the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded<ref>Kevin Passmore, Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, p. 116</ref>); ] on a regional basis; government representation through a ] system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, communications, etc.; and the abolition of the ].<ref>Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, USA: Branden Books, 2007. p. 69.</ref> The Manifesto supported the creation of an ] for all workers, a ], worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong ] on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics, and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of their{{Who|date=January 2011}} profits.<ref>Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, USA: Branden Books, 2007. pp. 69–70.</ref> It also called for the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties, ] of the armaments industry, and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive.<ref>Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, USA: Branden Books, 2007. p. 70.</ref> | |||
| The next events that influenced the Fascists were the raid of ] by Italian nationalist ] and the founding of the ] in 1920.<ref>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 186.</ref> D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist ] ] alongside D'Annunzio's political views.<ref>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 187.</ref> Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy.<ref name=zs189>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 189.</ref> | |||
| ===Shift to the right and consolidation of political strength (1920–1922)=== | |||
| Beginning in 1920, Fascism began to make a shift towards the political right.<ref name=zs189/> This occurred as militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy, where 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Years".<ref>Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, USA: Branden Books, 2007. p. 73.</ref> Mussolini and the Fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy.<ref>Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, USA: Branden Books, 2007. p. 75.</ref> | |||
| Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.<ref name=zs189/> The Fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.<ref name=zs193>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 193.</ref> The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign of the political right by allying with the right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.<ref name=zs193/> | |||
| Fascism sought to accommodate Italian ] by making major alterations to its political agenda – abandoning its previous ], ], and ], adopting policies in support of ], and accepting the ] and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.<ref name=ga145>De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins and development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. p. 145.</ref> To appeal to Italian conservatives, Fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including promotion of a woman's role as a mother.<ref>Fascists and conservatives: the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe. Routdlege, 1990. p. 14.</ref> Though Fascism adopted a number of positions designed to appeal to ], the Fascists sought to maintain Fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will by being revolutionary."<ref>Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. ''The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution''. Princeton University Press, 1994. p. 190.</ref> The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.<ref>Martin Blinkhorn. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. 2nd edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 p. 22.</ref> | |||
| Prior to its shift to the right, Fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.<ref>Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, USA: Branden Books, 2007. p. 72.</ref> Afterward, the Fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921.<ref>Cristogianni Borsella, Adolph Caso. ''Fascist Italy: A Concise Historical Narrative''. Wellesley, Massachusetts, USA: Branden Books, 2007. p. 76.</ref> | |||
| ===Rise to power and initial international spread of fascism (1922–1929)=== | |||
| Beginning in 1922, Fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and homes of socialist leadership figures to one of violent occupation of cities. The Fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over multiple cities, including ], ], ], ], ], and ].<ref name=rop87>Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Random House, Inc., 2005 p. 87.</ref> The Fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and ] unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of Trent and Bolzano.<ref name=rop87/> After seizing these cities, the Fascists made plans to take ].<ref name=rop87/> | |||
| On 24 October 1922, the Fascist party held its annual congress in ], where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.<ref name=rop87/> The march would be led by four prominent Fascist leaders representing its different factions: ], a Blackshirt leader; General ]; ], an ex-syndicalist; and ], a monarchist Fascist.<ref name=rop87/> Mussolini himself remained in Milan to await the results of the actions.<ref name=rop87/> The Fascists managed to seize control of multiple post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.<ref name=rop88>Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Random House, Inc., 2005 p. 88.</ref> The Italian government had been in a steady state of turmoil, with multiple governments being created and then being defeated.<ref name=rop88/> The Italian government initially took action to prevent the Fascists from entering Rome, but King ] perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.<ref name=rop90>Robert O. Paxton. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. New York, New York, USA; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Random House, Inc., 2005 p. 90.</ref> Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as ], and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.<ref name=rop90/> Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "]", as a "seizure" of power due to Fascists' heroic exploits.<ref name=rop87/> | |||
| Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government, because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.<ref name=sgp110>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 110.</ref> The coalition government included a cabinet led by Mussolini and thirteen other ministers, only three of whom were Fascists; others included representatives from the army and the navy, two Catholic Popolari members, two ], one ], one ], one Nationalist member, and the pro-Fascist philosopher ].<ref name=sgp110/> Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued ] policies under the direction of liberal finance minister ], including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service.<ref name=sgp110/> Initially, little drastic change in government policy had occurred and repressive police actions against communist and ] rebels were limited.<ref name=sgp110/> At the same time, however, Mussolini consolidated his control over the ] by creating a governing executive for the party, the ], whose agenda he controlled.<ref name=sgp110/> In addition, the ''Squadristi'' blackshirt militia was transformed into the state-run ], led by regular army officers.<ref name=sgp110/> Militant ''Squadristi'' were initially highly dissatisfied with Mussolini's government and demanded a "Fascist revolution".<ref name=sgp110/> | |||
| In this period, to appease the King of Italy, Mussolini formed a close political alliance between the Italian Fascists and Italy's conservative faction in Parliament, which was led by ], a conservative ] and nationalist who was a member of the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI).<ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins and development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. pp. 45 and 54.</ref> The ANI joined the National Fascist Party in 1923.<ref>De Grand, Alexander. ''Italian fascism: its origins and development''. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. p. 45.</ref> Because of the merger of the Nationalists with the Fascists, tensions existed between the conservative nationalist and revolutionary syndicalist factions of the movement.<ref name=rs21>Roland Sarti. "Italian fascism: radical politics and conservative goals". ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Ed. Martin Blinkhorn. 2nd edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 p. 21.</ref> The conservative and syndicalist factions of the Fascist movement sought to reconcile their differences, secure unity, and promote fascism by taking on the views of each other.<ref name=rs22>Roland Sarti. "Italian fascism: radical politics and conservative goals". ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Ed. Martin Blinkhorn. 2nd edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 p. 22.</ref> Conservative nationalist Fascists promoted fascism as a revolutionary movement to appease the revolutionary syndicalists while, to appease conservative nationalist fascists, revolutionary syndicalist Fascists declared they wanted to secure social stability and insure economic productivity.<ref name=rs22/> | |||
| The Fascists began their attempt to entrench Fascism in Italy with the ], which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.<ref name=sgp113>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 113.</ref> The Acerbo Law was passed in spite of numerous abstentions from the vote.<ref name=sgp113/> In the 1924 election, the Fascists, along with moderates and conservatives, formed a coalition candidate list, and through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation, the list won with 66% of the vote, allowing it to receive 403 seats, most of which went to the Fascists.<ref name=sgp113/> In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy ] was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.<ref name=sgp113/> The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the ].<ref name=sgp114>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 114.</ref> On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but he insisted that he had done nothing wrong. He proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.<ref name=sgp114/> From 1925 to 1929, Fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced, and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King. Efforts to Fascistize Italian society accelerated beginning in 1926, with Fascists taking positions in local administration and 30% of all prefects being administered by appointed Fascists by 1929.<ref>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 115.</ref> In 1929, the Fascist regime gained the political support and blessing of the Roman Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the ], which gave the papacy state sovereignty and financial compensation for the seizure of Church lands by the liberal state in the nineteenth century.<ref>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. pp. 119–120.</ref> Though Fascist propaganda had begun to speak of the new regime as an all-encompassing "]" state beginning in 1925, the Fascist party and regime never gained total control over Italy's institutions; King Victor Emmanuel III remained head of state, the armed forces and the judicial system retained considerable autonomy from the Fascist state, Fascist militias were under military control, and initially the economy had relative autonomy as well.<ref>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 122.</ref> | |||
| The Fascist regime began to create a corporatist economic system in 1925 with creation of the ], in which the Italian employers' association ] and Fascist trade unions agreed to recognize each other as the sole representatives of Italy's employers and employees, excluding non-Fascist trade unions.<ref name=cb150>Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 150.</ref> The Fascist regime first created a Ministry of Corporations that organized the Italian economy into 22 sectoral corporations, banned workers' strikes and lock-outs, and in 1927 created the ], which established workers' rights and duties and created labour tribunals to arbitrate employer-employee disputes.<ref name=cb150/> In practice, the sectoral corporations exercised little independence and were largely controlled by the regime, and employee organizations were rarely led by employees themselves but instead by appointed Fascist party members.<ref name=cb150/> | |||
| In the 1920s, Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included an attack on the Greek island of ], aims to expand Italian territory in the ], plans to wage war against ] and ], attempts to bring Yugoslavia into civil war by supporting Croat and Macedonian separatists to legitimize Italian intervention, and making ] a '']'' ] of Italy, which was achieved through diplomatic means by 1927.<ref>Aristotle A. Kallis. Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922–1945. London, England, UK: Routledge, 2000. p. 132.</ref> In response to revolt in the Italian colony of ], Fascist Italy abandoned previous liberal-era colonial policy of cooperation with local leaders. Instead, claiming that Italians were a superior race to African races and thereby had the right to colonize the "inferior" Africans, it sought to settle 10 to 15 million Italians in Libya.<ref name=aaa134>Ali Abdullatif Ahmida. ''The making of modern Libya: state formation, colonization, and resistance, 1830–1922''. Albany, New York, USA: State University of New York Press, 1994. pp. 134–135.</ref> This resulted in an aggressive military campaign against natives in Libya, including mass killings, the use of ]s, and the forced starvation of thousands of people.<ref name=aaa134/> | |||
| The March on Rome brought Fascism international attention. One early admirer of the Italian Fascists was ], who, less than a month after the March, had begun to model himself and the ] upon Mussolini and the Fascists.<ref>Ian Kershaw. Hitler, 1889–1936: hubris. New York, New York, USA; London, England, UK: W. W. Norton & Company, 2000. p. 182.</ref> The Nazis, led by Hitler and the German war hero ], attempted a "March on Berlin" modeled upon the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed ] in ] in November 1923, where the Nazis briefly captured ]n Minister President ] and announced the creation of a new German government to be led by a ] of von Kahr, Hitler, and Ludendorff.<ref>David Jablonsky. ''The Nazi Party in dissolution: Hitler and the Verbotzeit, 1923–1925''. London, England, UK; Totowa, New Jersey, USA: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1989. pp. 20–26, 30</ref> The Beer Hall Putsch was crushed by Bavarian police, and Hitler and other leading Nazis were arrested and detained until 1925. Another early admirer of Italian Fascism was ], leader of the ] (known by its acronym MOVE) and a self-defined "national socialist" who in 1919 spoke of the need for major changes in property and in 1923 stated the need of a "march on Budapest".<ref name=sgp132>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital Printing Edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 132</ref> Amid a political crisis in Spain involving increased strike activity and rising support for ], Spanish army commander ] engaged in a successful coup against the Spanish government in 1923 and installed himself as a dictator as head of a conservative military ] that dismantled the established party system of government.<ref>Dylan J. Riley. ''The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945''. Baltimore, Maryland, USA: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010. p. 87</ref> Upon achieving power, Primo de Rivera sought to resolve the economic crisis by presenting himself as a compromise arbitrator figure between workers and bosses, and his regime created a corporatist economic system based on the Italian Fascist model.<ref>Dylan J. Riley. ''The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945''. Baltimore, Maryland, USA: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010. pp. 87, 90</ref> | |||
| ===International surge of fascism and World War II (1929–1945)=== | |||
| The events of the ] resulted in an international surge of fascism and the creation of multiple fascist regimes and regimes that adopted fascist policies. The most important new fascist regime was ], under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. With the rise of Hitler and the Nazis to power in 1933, ] was dissolved in Germany, and the Nazis mobilized the country for war, with expansionist territorial aims against multiple countries. In the 1930s the Nazis implemented racial laws that deliberately discriminated against, disenfranchised, and persecuted Jews, homosexuals and other racial and minority groups. Hungarian fascist ] rose to power as Prime Minister of Hungary in 1932 and visited Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to consolidate good relations with the two regimes. He attempted to entrench his ] throughout the country; created an eight-hour work day, a forty-eight hour work week in industry, and sought to entrench a corporatist economy; and pursued irredentist claims on Hungary's neighbors.<ref>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital Printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 270.</ref> The fascist ] movement in ] soared in political support after 1933, gaining representation in the Romanian government, and an Iron Guard member assassinated Romanian prime minister ].<ref>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital Printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. pp. 282–288.</ref> A variety of para-fascist governments that borrowed elements from fascism were formed during the Great Depression, including those of ], ], ], and ].<ref>Stanley G. Payne. ''A history of fascism, 1914–1945''. Digital Printing edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 2005. p. 145.</ref> | |||
| Fascism also expanded influence outside of Europe, especially in East Asia, the Middle East, and South America. In ], ]'s ''Kai-tsu p'ai'' (Reorganization) faction of the ] (Nationalist Party of China) supported ] in the late 1930s.<ref>Dongyoun Hwang. ''Wang Jingwei, The National Government, and the Problem of Collaboration.'' Ph.D. Dissertation, Duke University. UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor Michigain. 2000, 118.</ref><ref>Larsen, Stein Ugelvik (ed.). ''Fascism Outside of Europe''. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. ISBN 0880339888. P. 255.</ref> In ], the ], a Nazi movement was formed by ]. The ] led by ], claimed as many as 200,000 members although following coup attempts it faced a crackdown from the ] of ] in 1937.<ref>Griffin, ''The Nature of Fascism'', pp. 150-2</ref> The ] of ] was a ] movement that supported Nazism and exercised influence in Iraqi government through cabinet minister ] who formed a youth paramilitary movement.<ref>I. Gershoni, James P. Jankowski. ''Confronting fascism in Egypt: dictatorship versus democracy in the 1930s''. Stanford, California, USA: Stanford University Press, 2010. Pp. 273.</ref> in the 1930s The ] gained seats in Chile's parliament and attempted a coup d'état that resulted in the ] of 1938.<ref>Stanley G. Payne, ''A History of Fascism: 1914-1945'', London: Routledge, 2001, p. 341-342.</ref> Peruvian president ] founded the ] in 1931 as the state party for his dictatorship. Upon the Revolutionary Union being taken over by ] who sought to mobilise mass support for the group's ] in a manner akin to fascism. He even started a Blackshirts paramilitary arm as a copy of the ], although the Union lost heavily in the 1936 elections and faded into obscurity.<ref>], ''A History of Fascism'', 2001, p. 343</ref> | |||
| During the Great Depression, Mussolini promoted active state intervention in the economy. He denounced the contemporary "]" that he claimed began in 1914 as a failure due to its alleged ], support for unlimited ] and intention to create the "standardization of humankind".<ref name=gb2000>Günter Berghaus. ''Fascism and theatre: comparative studies on the aesthetics and politics of performance''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 2000. 136–137</ref> However, Mussolini claimed that the industrial developments of earlier "]" were valuable and continued to support private property as long as it was productive.<ref name=gb2000/> With the onset of the Great Depression, Fascist Italy began large-scale state intervention into the economy, establishing the ] (''Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale'', IRI), a giant state-owned firm and holding company that provided state funding to failing private enterprises.<ref name=cb189>Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 189.</ref> The IRI was made a permanent institution in Fascist Italy in 1937, pursued Fascist policies to create national ], and had the power to take over private firms to maximize war production.<ref name=cb189/> Nazi Germany similarly pursued an economic agenda with the aims of autarky and rearmament and imposed ] policies, including forcing the German steel industry to use lower-quality German iron ore rather than superior-quality imported iron.<ref>Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson. ''World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1''. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 190.</ref> | |||
| ==Ideological origins== | |||
| {{main|Ideological origins of Fascism}} | |||
| Although fascism is considered to have first emerged in France in the 1880s, its influences have been considered to go back as far as ]. ], ], and ] have also been considered as influential, as well as contemporary ideas such as the ] of ], the ] of | |||
| ], the nationalist and authoritarian philosophy of ] and the conservatism and social Darwinism of ]. | |||
| ==Core tenets== | |||
| ===Nationalism=== | |||
| Fascists saw the struggle of nation and race as fundamental in society, in opposition to communism's perception of class struggle.<ref>Ebenstein, William. 1964. ''Today's Isms: Communism, Fascism, Capitalism, and Socialism.'' Prentice Hall (original from the University of Michigan). p. 178. </ref> The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity which binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.<ref>Oliver Zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 1890–1940 (London, Palgrave, 2003), chapter 4, pp. 80–107.</ref> Fascism seeks to solve economic, political, and social problems by achieving a ] national rebirth, exalting the ] or ] above all else, and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.<ref name="anatomnyfascismo">{{cite book |last=Paxton |first=Robert |title=The Anatomy of Fascism |publisher=Vintage Books |isbn=1400040949}}</ref><ref name="natureoffascismo">{{cite book |last=Griffin |first=Roger |title=The Nature of Fascism |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=0312071329 |year=1991}}</ref><ref name="walterlaq">{{cite book |last=Laqueuer |first=Walter |title=Fascism: Past, Present, Future |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=019511793X |year=1997|page=223}}</ref><ref name="britannicafasc">{{cite news |url=http://search.eb.com/eb/article-9117286 |publisher=] |title=Fascism |date=8 January 2008}}</ref><ref name="Passmore">{{cite book |last=Passmore |first=Kevin |title=Fascism: A Very Short Introduction |publisher=Oxford University Press |url=http://books.google.com/?id=EQG0AAAACAAJ&dq=A+Very |isbn=0192801554 |year=2002}}</ref> Benito Mussolini stated in 1922, "For us the nation is not just territory but something spiritual... A nation is great when it translates into reality the force of its spirit."<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 0192892495. p. 44.</ref> | |||
| According to ], an Irish national ], "before everything we must give a national lead to our people...The first essential is national unity. We can only have that when the Corporative system is accepted".<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 0192892495. p. 183.</ref> | |||
| ] described the Nazis as being affiliated with authoritarian nationalism: | |||
| <blockquote> | |||
| It enables us to see at once why democracy and Bolshevism, which in the eyes of the world are irrevocably opposed to one another, meet again and again on common ground in their joint hatred of and attacks on authoritarian nationalist concepts of State and State systems. For the authoritarian nationalist conception of the State represents something essentially new. In it the French Revolution is superseded.<ref>"Goebbels on National-Socialism, Bolshevism and Democracy, ''Documents on International Affairs'', vol. II, 1938, pp. 17–19. Accessed from the Jewish Virtual Library on February 5, 2009. Joseph Goebbels describes the Nazis as being allied with countries which had "authoritarian nationalist" ideology and conception of the state.</ref> | |||
| </blockquote> | |||
| ], leader of the Brazilian ] party, emphasized the role of the nation: | |||
| <blockquote> | |||
| The best governments in the world cannot succeed in pulling a country out of the quagmire, out of apathy, if they do not express themselves as national energies...Strong governments cannot result either from conspiracies or from military coups, just as they cannot come out of the machinations of parties or the Machiavellian game of political lobbying. They can only be born from the actual roots of the Nation.<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 0192892495. p. 236.</ref> | |||
| </blockquote> | |||
| ====Foreign policy==== | |||
| Italian fascists described expansionist ] as a necessity. The 1932 ''Italian Encyclopedia'' stated: "For Fascism, the growth of empire, that is to say the expansion of the nation, is an essential manifestation of vitality, and its opposite a sign of decadence."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/mussolini-fascism.html |title=Fordham.edu |publisher=Fordham.edu |accessdate=2010-06-04}}</ref> Similarly, the Nazis promoted territorial expansionism to provide "living space" to the German nation.<ref>Kershaw, Ian. 2000. Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 442. </ref> Fascists opposed ] and believed that a nation must have a warrior mentality.<ref name=psg485>Payne, Stanley G. ''A History of Fascism, 1914–1945.'' Routledge, 1996. pp. 485–486.</ref> Benito Mussolini spoke of war idealistically as a source of masculine pride, and spoke negatively of pacifism: | |||
| <blockquote> | |||
| War alone brings up to their highest tension all human energies and puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the courage to meet it. Fascism carries this anti-pacifist struggle into the lives of individuals. It is education for combat... war is to man what maternity is to the woman. I do not believe in perpetual peace; not only do I not believe in it but I find it depressing and a negation of all the fundamental virtues of a man.<ref>Bollas, Christopher. 1993. Being a Character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Experience. Routledge. ISBN 9780415088152. p. 205. Speaks of Italian Fascism supporting war and opposing pacifism.</ref></blockquote> | |||
| ===Authoritarianism=== | |||
| Many fascist movements support the creation of a ] state. Mussolini's '']'' states, "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."<ref>Mussolini, Benito. 1935. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. Rome: Ardita Publishers. p 14.</ref> Some have argued that, in spite of Italian Fascism's attempt at totalitarianism, it became an authoritarian cult of personality around Mussolini.<ref>Linz, Juan José. 2000. ''Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes: with a major new introduction''. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 7. </ref> | |||
| In ''The Legal Basis of the Total State'', Nazi political theorist ] described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disastrous pluralism tearing the German people apart"<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Legal Basis of the Total State" – by Carl Schmitt. ''Fascism''. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 72.</ref> | |||
| Japanese fascist ] advocated that Japan follow the Italian and German models, which were "a form of more democratic government going beyond democracy" which itself had "lost its spirit and decayed into a mechanism which insists only on numerical superiority without considering the essence of human beings."<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Need for a Totalitarian Japan" – by Nakano Seigo. ''Fascism''. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 239.</ref> | |||
| A key authoritarian element of fascism is its endorsement of a prime national leader, who is often known simply as the "Leader" or a similar title, such as '']'' in Italian, '']'' in German, '']'' in Spanish, '']'' in Croatia, or '']'' in Romanian. Fascist leaders who ruled countries were not always heads of state, but were heads of government, such as Benito Mussolini, who held power under the King of Italy, ]. | |||
| ===Social Darwinism=== | |||
| Fascist movements have commonly held ] views of nations, races, and societies.<ref name=psg485/> They argue that nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or ] people, while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people, in order to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict.<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed.). Fascism. Oxford University Press, 1995. p. 59.</ref> | |||
| Italian Fascist philosopher ] in '']'' promoted the concept of conflict as an act of progress, stating that "mankind only progresses through division, and progress is achieved through the clash and victory of one side over another".<ref name=hm285>Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860–1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. p. 285.</ref> Italian Fascist ] claimed that conflict was inevitable: | |||
| <blockquote> | |||
| Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest and less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict.<ref name=hm285/></blockquote> | |||
| In Germany, the Nazis used social Darwinism to promote their ] concept of the German nation as part of the ] and the need for the Aryan race to be victorious in what the Nazis believed was a ] — an ongoing competition and conflict between races.<ref>Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860–1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. pp. 282, 284.</ref> They attempted to strengthen the Aryan race in Germany by killing those they regarded as weak. To this end, ] was introduced in the late 1930s and organized the killing of roughly 275,000 handicapped and elderly German and non-German civilians using carbon monoxide gas.<ref>Hunt, Lynn, Thomas R. Martin, Barbara H. Rosenwein, R. Po-chia Hsia, and Bonnie G. Smith. The Making of the West: Peoples and Cultures. 2nd ed. Vol. C. Boston: Bedford St. Martins, 2005. p. 1064.</ref> | |||
| ===Social interventionism=== | |||
| Generally, fascist movements endorsed ] dedicated to influencing society to promote the state's interests.{{Citation needed|date=January 2009}} According to G.V. Rimlinger, one cannot speak of “fascist social policy” as a single concept with logical and internally consistent ideas and common identifiable goals.<ref>Rimlinger, G.V. ‘’Social Policy Under German Fascism’’ in by Martin Rein, Gosta Esping-Andersen, and Lee Rainwater, p. 61, M.E. Sharpe, 1987.</ref> | |||
| Fascists spoke of creating a "new man" and a "new civilization" as part of their intention to transform society.<ref>Gentile, Emilio. The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, and Fascism. p. 86. </ref> Mussolini promised a “social revolution” for “remaking” the Italian people.<ref>Knight, Patricia , p. 72, Routledge, 2003.</ref> ] promised to purge Germany of non-Aryan influences on society and to create a pure Aryan race through ]. | |||
| ====Indoctrination==== | |||
| Fascist states pursued policies of social ] through ] in education and the media and regulation of the production of educational and media materials.<ref>Pauley, Bruce F. 2003. Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini: Totalitarianism in the Twentieth Century Italy. Wheeling: Harlan Davidson, Inc. Pauley, p. 117.</ref><ref>Payne, Stanley G. 1996. ''A History of Fascism, 1914–1945''. Routledge </ref> Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state.<ref>Pauley, 2003. 117–119.</ref> Therefore, fascism tends to be ].<ref>Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldma , 2004 Taylor and Francis</ref> The Nazis, in particular, despised intellectuals and university professors. Hitler declared them unreliable, useless, and even dangerous.<ref>Evans, p. 299</ref> He said: "When I take a look at the intellectual classes we have – unfortunately, I suppose, they are necessary; otherwise one could one day, I don't know, exterminate them or something – but unfortunately they're necessary."<ref>Domarus, ''Hitler'' II. 251–252</ref> | |||
| ====Abortion, eugenics and euthanasia==== | |||
| The Fascist government in Italy banned literature on ] and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state.<ref>De Grazia, Victoria. 2002. ''How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922–1945''. ]. p. 55.</ref> The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy "pure" German, "]" fetuses remained strictly forbidden.<ref>Henry Friedlander, ''The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution'' (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of Northern Carolina Press, 1995): 30.</ref> For non-Aryans, abortion was often compelled. Their ] program also stemmed from the "progressive biomedical model" of ].<ref>McLaren, Angus, Twentieth-Century Sexuality p. 139 Blackwell Publishing 1999</ref> | |||
| In 1935 Nazi Germany expanded the legality of ] by amending ], to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders.<ref>{{cite book |last=Friedlander |first=Henry |title=The origins of Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to the final solution |publisher=] |location=] |year=1995 |page= |isbn=0-8078-4675-9 |oclc=60191622 |accessdate=2008-12-10}}</ref> The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission and the fetus was not yet viable,<ref>{{cite book |last=Proctor |first=Robert E. |title=Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis |publisher=] |location=] |year=1989 |page= |isbn=0-674-74578-7 |oclc=20760638 |quote=This emendation allowed abortion only if the woman granted permission, and only if the fetus was not old enough to survive outside the womb. It is unclear if either of these qualifications was enforced.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |first=Margaret |last=Arnot |coauthors=Cornelie Usborne |title=Gender and Crime in Modern Europe |publisher=] |location=] |year=1999 |page= |isbn=1-85728-745-2 |oclc=249726924 |accessdate=2008-12-10}}</ref> and for purposes of so-called ].<ref>{{cite book |last=Proctor |first=Robert E. |title=Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis |publisher=] |location=] |year=1989 |pages=122–123 |isbn=0-674-74578-7 |oclc=20760638 |quote=Abortion, in other words, could be allowed if it was in the interest of racial hygiene... the Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior... On November 10, 1938, a Luneberg court declared abortion legal for Jews.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Tierney |first=Helen |title=Women's studies encyclopedia |publisher=] |location=] |year=1999 |page= |isbn=0-313-31072-6 |oclc=38504469 |accessdate=2008-12-10 |quote=In 1939, it was announced that Jewish women could seek abortions, but non-Jewish women could not.}}</ref> | |||
| ====Culture, gender and sexuality==== | |||
| Fascism promoted principles of ] heroism, militarism, and discipline and rejected ] and ].<ref>Roger Griffin, The `post-fascism' of the Alleanza Nazionale: a case-study in ideological morphology, ''Journal of Political Ideologies'', Vol. 1, No. 2, 1996</ref> | |||
| ] stood in favour of expanding voting rights to women. In 1920, Benito Mussolini declared that "Fascists do not belong to the crowd of the vain and skeptical who undervalue women's social and political importance. Who cares about voting? You will vote!".<ref name=gg58>Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers''. Routledge, 2004. p. 58</ref> In November 1925, women were given restricted voting rights, juxtaposed to the eliminaton of opposition parties and enabling of the Fascist government to rule with dictatorial powers. Fascist women's organizations, disgruntled at the lukewarm reforms, were then made subordinate to the secretariat of the party, headed by Fascist conservative and ] ], although gradual women's suffrage was retained.<ref name=gg58/><ref>Kevin Passmore ''Women, Gender and Fascism'', p. 16</ref> In the 1920s, the Italian Fascist government's '']'' (OND) allowed working women to attend various entertainment and recreation events, including sports that in the past had traditionally been played by men.<ref>Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers''. Routledge, 2004. pp. 144–145.</ref> The regime was criticized by the ], which claimed that these activities were causing "masculinization" of women.<ref name=gg145>Gori, Gigliola. ''Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers''. Routledge, 2004. p. 145.</ref> The Fascists responded to such criticism by restricting women to only being allowed to take part in "feminine" sports, forbidding them to be part of sports that were played mostly by men.<ref name=gg145/> | |||
| Mussolini perceived women's primary role as childbearers, while men were warriors; he once said, "war is to man what maternity is to the woman".<ref>Bollas, Christopher. 1993. Being a Character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Experience. Routledge. ISBN 9780415088152. p. 205.</ref> In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families and initiated policies designed to reduce the number of women employed.<ref>McDonald, Harmish. 1999. ''Mussolini and Italian Fascism''. Nelson Thornes. p. 27.</ref> Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation", and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.<ref>Mann, Michael. ''Fascists''. Cambridge University Press, 2004. p. 101.</ref> In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" that Italy was facing at the time and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing". Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".<ref>Durham, Martin. ''Women and fascism''. Routledge, 1998. p. 15.</ref> | |||
| Nazi policies toward women strongly encouraged them to stay at home to bear children and keep house.<ref>Evans, 331–332</ref> This policy was reinforced by bestowing the Cross of Honor of the German Mother on women bearing four or more babies. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood and divorce, but at other times the Nazis opposed such behaviour.<ref>Ann Taylor Allen. (broken link) H-German, H-Net Reviews, January 2006</ref> The growth of Nazi power, however, was accompanied by a breakdown of traditional sexual morals with regard to extramarital sex and licentiousness.<ref>Hau, Michael, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany (review) Modernism/modernity – Volume 14, Number 2, April 2007, pp. 378–380, The Johns Hopkins University Press</ref> | |||
| Fascist movements and governments opposed ]. The Italian Fascist government declared it illegal in Italy in 1931.<ref>McDonald, 1999. p. 27.</ref> The Nazis thought homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted, and undermined the masculinity that they promoted, because it did not produce children.<ref>Evans, p. 529</ref> They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern ] and the study of ], which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.<ref>Ann Taylor Allen. Review of Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism January 2006</ref> Critics have claimed that the Nazis' claim of scientific reasons behind their promotion of racism and hostility to homosexuals is ],<ref>Baumslag, Naomi; Pellgrino, Edmund D. 2005. ''Murderous medicine: Nazi doctors, human experimentation, and typhus''. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 37. Claims Nazi scientific reasoning for racial policy was pseudoscience</ref><ref>Lancaster, Roger N.''The Trouble of Nature: Sex in Science and Popular Culture''. University of California Press. p. 10. Claims that Nazi scientific reasoning for anti-homosexual policy was pseudoscience.</ref> Open homosexuals were among those interned in Nazi concentration camps.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/article.php?ModuleId=10005261 |title=Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich |publisher=Ushmm.org |accessdate=2010-06-04}}</ref> The British Union of Fascists opposed homosexuality and pejoratively questioned their opponents' heterosexuality.<ref>Gottlieb, Julie V., Linehan, Thomas P. p. 93.</ref> The Romanian ] opposed homosexuality as undermining society.<ref>Volovici, Nationalist Ideology, p. 98, citing N. Cainic, Ortodoxie şi etnocraţie, pp. 162–4.</ref> | |||
| ===Economic policies=== | |||
| {{See|Economics of fascism}} | |||
| Fascists promoted their ideology as a "]" between capitalism and ].<ref name=pm168>Philip Morgan, ''Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945'', Taylor & Francis, 2003, p. 168. ISBN 0415169437</ref> Italian Fascism involved corporatism, a political system in which the economy is collectively managed by employers, workers, and state officials by formal mechanisms at the national level.<ref>''The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right'' (2002) by Peter Jonathan Davies and Derek Lynch, Routledge (UK), ISBN 0415214947 p. 143.</ref> Fascists advocated a new national class-based economic system, variously termed "national corporatism", "national socialism" or "national syndicalism".<ref name="deff"/> The common aim of all fascist movements was elimination of the autonomy or, in some cases, the existence of large-scale capitalism.<ref>Payne, Stanley (1996). ''A History of Fascism''. Routledge. ISBN 1857285956 p.10</ref> | |||
| Fascist governments exercised control over private property but did not nationalize it.<ref>Pauley. 2003. pp. 72, 84.</ref> They pursued economic policies to strengthen state power and spread ideology, such as consolidating trade unions to be state- or party-controlled.<ref>Pauley. 2003. p. 85.</ref> Attempts were made by both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to establish "]" (self-sufficiency) through significant economic planning, but neither achieved economic self-sufficiency.<ref>Pauley. 2003. p. 86.</ref> | |||
| ====National corporatism, socialism and syndicalism==== | |||
| Fascists supported the unifying of proletarian workers to their cause along corporatistic, socialistic, or syndicalistic lines, promoting the creation of a strong proletarian nation, but not a proletarian class.<ref>Payne, Stanley G. 1996. A History of Fascism, 1914–1945. Routledge. p. 64.</ref> Italian Fascism's economy was based on ], and a number of other fascist movements similarly promoted corporatism. ] of the ], describing fascist corporatism, said that "it means a nation organized as the human body, with each organ performing its individual function but working in harmony with the whole".<ref name=re208>Robert Eccleshall, Vincent Geoghegan, Richard Jay, Michael Kenny, Iain Mackenzie, Rick Wilford. ''Political Ideologies: an introduction''. 2nd ed. Routledge, 1994. p. 208.</ref> Fascists were not hostile to the '']'' or to small businesses, and they promised these groups, alongside the proletariat, protection from the upper-class bourgeoisie, big business, and Marxism. The promotion of these groups is the source of the term "extremism of the centre" to describe fascism.<ref name=gr101>Griffen, Roger (editor). Chapter 8: "Extremism of the Centre" – by Seymour Martin Lipset. ''International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus.'' Arnold Readers. p. 101.</ref> | |||
| Fascism blamed capitalist ] for creating class conflict and communists for exploiting it.<ref name="books.google.com">Welch, David. Modern European History, 1871–2000. . (Speaks of fascism opposing capitalism for creating class conflict and communism for exploiting class conflict).</ref> In Italy, the Fascist period presided over the creation of the largest number of state-owned enterprises in ], such as the nationalisation of ] companies into a single state enterprise called the Italian General Agency for Petroleum (''Azienda Generale Italiani Petroli'', AGIP).<ref>Schachter, Gustav; Engelbourg, Saul. 2005. ''Cultural Continuity In Advanced Economies: Britain And The U.S. Versus Continental Europe.'' Published by Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. .</ref> Fascists made populist appeals to the ], especially the lower middle class, by promising to protect small businesses and property owners from communism, and by promising an economy based on competition and profit while pledging to oppose big business.<ref name=gr101/> | |||
| In 1933, Benito Mussolini declared Italian Fascism's opposition to the "decadent capitalism" that he claimed prevailed in the world at the time, but he did not denounce capitalism entirely. Mussolini claimed that capitalism had degenerated in three stages, starting with dynamic or ] (1830–1870), followed by static capitalism (1870–1914), and reaching its final form of decadent capitalism or "]" beginning in 1914.<ref name=fz136>Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. ''Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy''. University of California Press, 2000. p. 136.</ref> Mussolini argued that Italian Fascism was in favour of dynamic and heroic capitalism for its contribution to ] and its technical developments, but that it did not favour supercapitalism, which he claimed was incompatible with Italy's agricultural sector.<ref name=fz136/> | |||
| Thus Mussolini claimed that Italy under Fascist rule was not capitalist in the contemporary use of the term, which referred to supercapitalism.<ref name=fz136/> Mussolini denounced supercapitalism for causing the "standardization of humankind" and for causing excessive consumption.<ref>Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. ''Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy''. University of California Press, 2000. p. 137.</ref> Mussolini claimed that at the stage of supercapitalism, "a capitalist enterprise, when difficulties arise, throws itself like a dead weight into the state's arms. It is then that state intervention begins and becomes more necessary. It is then that those who once ignored the state now seek it out anxiously."<ref>Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". ''A Primer of Italian Fascism''. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. p. 158.</ref> He saw Fascism as the next logical step to solve the problems of supercapitalism and claimed that this step could be seen as a form of earlier capitalism which involved state intervention, saying "our path would lead inexorably into ], which is nothing more nor less than ] turned on its head. In either event, the result is the bureaucratization of the economic activities of the nation."<ref name="mb158-159"/> | |||
| Other fascist regimes were indifferent or hostile to ]. The Nazis initially attempted to form a corporatist economic system like that of Fascist Italy, creating the National Socialist Institute for Corporatism in May 1933, which included many major economists who argued that corporatism was consistent with National Socialism.<ref>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 47.</ref><ref>Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, 2002. p. 103</ref> In '']'', Hitler spoke enthusiastically about the "National Socialist corporative idea" as one which would eventually "take the place of ruinous class warfare"<ref>The Fascism Reader by Aristotle A. Kallis.</ref> However, the Nazis later came to view corporatism as detrimental to Germany and institutionalizing and legitimizing social differences within the German nation. Instead, the Nazis began to promote economic organisation that emphasized the biological unity of the German national community.<ref>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 49.</ref> | |||
| Hitler continued to refer to corporatism in propaganda, but it was not put into place, even though a number of Nazi officials such as ], ], ], and ] were in favour of a ] form of corporatism, since corporations had been influential in German history in the ] era.<ref>Vincent, Andrew. ''Modern Political Ideologies.'' 3rd edition. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. pp. 158–159.</ref> | |||
| Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera did not believe that corporatism was effective and denounced it as a propaganda ploy, saying "this stuff about the corporative state is another piece of windbaggery".<ref>Vincent, Andrew. ''Modern Political Ideologies.'' 3rd edition. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. p. 160.</ref> | |||
| ====Economic planning==== | |||
| Fascists opposed the ] economic policies that were dominant in the era prior to the ].<ref>David Baker, "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?", ''New Political Economy'', Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pages 227–250.</ref> After the Great Depression began, many people from across the ] blamed laissez-faire capitalism, and fascists promoted their ideology as a "]" between capitalism and ].<ref name=pm168/> | |||
| Fascists declared their opposition to ], ] charging, and profiteering.<ref>Frank Bealey & others. Elements of Political Science. Edinburgh University Press, 1999, p. 202</ref> ] and other anti-Semitic fascists considered finance capitalism a "]" "]".<ref>]. 1986. "Anti-Semitism and National Socialism." ''Germans and Jews Since the Holocaust: The Changing Situation in West Germany'', ed. Anson Rabinbach and Jack Zipes. New York: Homes & Meier.</ref> Fascist governments introduced ], wage controls and other types of ] measures.<ref name = "Andreski-p64">Stanislav Andreski, Wars, Revolutions, Dictatorships, Routledge 1992, page 64</ref> | |||
| Fascists thought that private property should be regulated to ensure that "benefit to the community precedes benefit to the individual."<ref>Richard Allen Epstein, ''Principles for a Free Society: Reconciling Individual Liberty With the Common Good'', De Capo Press 2002, p. 168</ref> Private ] rights were supported but were contingent upon service to the state.<ref>James A. Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 7</ref> For example, "an owner of agricultural land may be compelled to raise wheat instead of sheep and employ more labour than he would find profitable."<ref>Herbert Kitschelt, Anthony J. McGann. The Radical Right in Western Europe: a comparative analysis. 1996 University of Michigan Press. p. 30</ref> However, they promoted the interests of successful small businesses.<ref>De Grand, ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany'', pp. 48–51.</ref> Mussolini wrote approvingly of the notion that profits should not be taken away from those who produced them by their own labour, saying "I do not respect — I even hate — those men that leech a tenth of the riches produced by others".<ref>Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. p. 26.</ref> | |||
| According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, '']'' was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.<ref>Tibor Ivan Berend, ''An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe'', Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 93</ref> The ], promulgated by the ], stated in article 7: "The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation", then continued in article 9: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."<ref>Italian: ''Lo Stato corporativo considera l’iniziativa privata, nel campo della produzione, come lo strumento più utile ed efficiente della Nazione.''</ref> | |||
| ====Social welfare==== | |||
| Benito Mussolini promised a "social revolution" that would "remake" the ]. According to Patricia Knight, this was only achieved in part.<ref name=kp72>Knight, Patricia, Mussolini and Fascism, p. 72, Routledge, 2003.</ref> The people who primarily benefited from Italian fascist social policies were members of the ] and ]es, who filled jobs in the vastly expanded government workforce, which grew from about 500,000 to 1,000,000 jobs in 1930 alone.<ref name=kp72/> Health and welfare spending grew dramatically under Italian fascism, with welfare rising from 7% of the budget in 1930 to 20% in 1940.<ref>Pollard, John Francis, The Fascist Experience in Italy, p. 80 Routledge 1998</ref> | |||
| The '']'' (OND) or "National After-work Program" was one major social welfare initiative in Fascist Italy. Created in 1925, it was the state's largest recreational organisation for adults.<ref name=pauley3>Pauley, p. 113</ref> The ''Dopolavoro'' was responsible for establishing and maintaining 11,000 sports grounds, over 6,400 libraries, 800 movie houses, 1,200 theatres, and over 2,000 orchestras.<ref name=pauley3/> Membership of the ''Dopolavoro'' was voluntary, but it had high participation because of its nonpolitical nature.<ref name=pauley3/> It is estimated that, by 1936, the OND had organised 80% of salaried workers<ref>de Grazia, Victoria. ''The Culture of Consent: Mass Organizations of Leisure in Fascist Italy.'' Cambridge, 1981.</ref> and, by 1939, 40% of the industrial workforce. The sports activities proved popular with large numbers of workers. The OND had the largest membership of any of the mass Fascist organisations in Italy.<ref>Kallis, Aristotle, ed. (2003). ''The Fascism Reader,'' London: Routledge, pages 391–395.</ref> | |||
| The enormous success of the ''Dopolavoro'' in Fascist Italy was the key factor in Nazi Germany's creation of its own version of the ''Dopolavoro'', the '']'' (KdF) or "Strength through Joy" program of the Nazi government's ], which became even more successful than the ''Dopolavoro''.<ref>Pauley, pp. 113–114</ref> KdF provided government-subsidized holidays for German workers.<ref>''Social Policy in the Third Reich. The Working Class and the 'National Community'' – Mason, T.W., Oxford: Berg. 1993, Page 160</ref> KdF was also responsible for the creation of the original ] ("People's Car"), a state-manufactured automobile that was meant to be cheap enough to allow all German citizens to be able to own one. | |||
| While fascists promoted social welfare to ameliorate economic conditions affecting their nation or race as whole, they did not support social welfare for ] reasons. Fascists criticised egalitarianism as preserving the weak. They instead promoted ] views.<ref>Griffen, Roger; Feldman, Matthew. Fascism: Critical Concepts. p. 353. "When the Russian revolution occurred in 1917 and the 'Democratic' revolution spread after the First World War, anti-] and anti-egalitarianism rose as very strong "restoration movements" on the European scene. However, by the turn of that century no one could predict that fascism would become such a concrete, political reaction..."</ref><ref>Hawkins, Mike. ''Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860–1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. p. 285. "Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest ans less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict." Alfredo Rocco, Italian Fascist.</ref> | |||
| Adolf Hitler was opposed to egalitarian and universal social welfare because, in his view, it encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and feeble.<ref>Adolf Hitler, ''Mein Kampf'', pp. 27–28</ref> While in power, the Nazis created social welfare programs to deal with the large numbers of unemployed. However, those programs were neither egalitarian nor universal, but instead residual, excluding multiple minority groups and certain other people whom they felt were incapable of helping themselves and pose a threat to the future health of the German people.<ref>Evans, pp. 491–492</ref> | |||
| ==Racism and racialism== | |||
| Fascists are not unified on the issues of ] and ]. Mussolini, in a 1919 speech denouncing ], claimed that Jewish bankers in ] and ] were bound by the chains of ] to ] and that 80% of the ] leaders were Jews.<ref name=nm35>Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 35.</ref> In his 1920 autobiography, he wrote, "Race and soil are strong influences upon us all", and said of ], "There were seers who saw in the European conflict not only national advantages but the possibility of a supremacy of race".<ref>Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. pp. 2, 38.</ref> In a 1921 speech in ], Mussolini stated that "Fascism was born... out of a profound, perennial need of this our ] and ]".<ref name=nm35/> Mussolini was concerned with the low birth rates of the ] in contrast to the African and Asian races. In 1928 he noted the high birth-rate of blacks in the ], and that they had surpassed the population of whites in certain areas, such as ] in ]. He described their greater racial consciousness in comparison with American whites as contributing to their growing strength.<ref name=ag43>Aaron Gillette. ''Racial theories in fascist Italy''. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA. p. 43.</ref> On the issue of the low birth rate of whites, Mussolini said in 1928: | |||
| <blockquote> | |||
| <nowiki></nowiki> city dies, the nation — deprived of the young life — blood of new generations — is now made up of people who are old and degenerate and cannot defend itself against a younger people which launches an attack on the now unguarded frontiers<nowiki></nowiki> This will happen, and not just to cities and nations, but on an infinitely greater scale: the whole White race, the Western race can be submerged by other coloured races which are multiplying at a rate unknown in our race.<ref>Griffen, Roger (ed.). ''Fascism''. Oxford University Press, 1995. p. 59.</ref></blockquote> | |||
| During the ] Mussolini again expressed his alarm at the low birth rate among whites, saying "The singular, enormous problem is the destiny of the white race. Europe is truly towards the end of its destiny as the leader of civilization."<ref name=ag43/> He went on to say that under the circumstances, "the white race is sickly", "morally and physically in ruin", and that, in combination with the "progress in numbers and in expansion of yellow and black races, the civilization of the white man is destined to perish."<ref name=ag43/> According to Mussolini, only through promoting ] and ] could this be reversed.<ref name=ag43/> | |||
| Many Italian fascists held ] views, especially against neighbouring ] nations, whom the Italian fascists saw as being in competition with Italy, which had claims on territories of ], particularly ].<ref>Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. p. 106.</ref> Mussolini claimed that Yugoslavs posed a threat after Italy failed to receive territory along the ] coast at the end of World War I, as promised by the 1915 ]. He said: "The danger of seeing the Jugo-Slavians settle along the whole Adriatic shore had caused a bringing together in Rome of the cream of our unhappy regions. Students, professors, workmen, citizens—representative men—were entreating the ministers and the professional politicians.<ref>Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. ''My rise and fall''. Da Capo Press, 1998. pp. 105–106.</ref> Italian fascists accused ] of having "] impulses" and of being part of a "], ] ]ish internationalist plot".<ref>]. Italian foreign policy in the interwar period, 1918–1940. p. 43. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997.</ref> The fascists accused Yugoslavs of conspiring together on behalf of "Grand ] masonry and its funds". | |||
| In 1933, Mussolini contradicted his earlier statements on race, saying, "Race! It is a feeling, not a reality: ninety-five percent, at least, is a feeling. Nothing will ever make me believe that biologically pure races can be shown to exist today. ... National pride has no need of the delirium of race."<ref>{{cite book|last = Montagu|first =Ashley|title =Man's Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race| publisher = Rowman Altamira| url =http://books.google.com/?id=tkHqP3vgYi4C&pg=PA187&lpg=PA187|isbn =0803946481|year = 1997}}</ref> | |||
| At the 1934 Fascist International Congress, the issue of ] was debated amongst various fascist parties, with some more favourable to it, and others less favourable. Two final compromises were adopted, creating the official stance of the Fascist International: | |||
| <blockquote> | |||
| he ] cannot be converted into a universal campaign of hatred against the Jews Considering that in many places certain groups of Jews are installed in conquered countries, exercising in an open and occult manner an influence injurious to the material and moral interests of the country which harbors them, constituting a sort of state within a state, profiting by all benefits and refusing all duties, considering that they have furnished and are inclined to furnish, elements conducive to international revolution which would be destructive to the idea of patriotism and Christian civilization, the Conference denounces the nefarious action of these elements and is ready to combat them.<ref name="Pax Romanizing">"". TIME Magazine, 31 December 1934</ref> | |||
| </blockquote> | |||
| ==Relation to religion== | |||
| The attitude of fascism toward religion has run the gamut from persecution, to denunciation, to cooperation<ref name = "oktyar">Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 41 1996 Oxford University Press.</ref>, but is tyically anticlerical.<ref>Walter Laqueur. ''Fascism - a reader's guide: analyses, interpretations, bibliography''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 1976. Pp. 16.</ref> Stanley Payne notes that fundamental to fascism was the foundation of a purely materialistic "civic religion" that would "displace preceding structures of belief and relegate supernatural religion to a secondary role, or to none at all", and that "though there were specific examples of religious or would-be '] fascists,' fascism presupposed a post-Christian, post-religious, ], and immanent frame of reference."<ref>Payne, Stanley, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, p. 9, Routledge 1996.</ref> | |||
| According to Payne, fascisms own myth of secular transcendence only gains hold where traditional belief is weakened or absent, since fascism seeks to create new non-rationalist myth structures for those who no longer hold a traditional view.<ref name=ps9>Payne, Stanley , p. 9, Routledge 1996.</ref> The rise of modern secularism in Europe and Latin America, and the incursion and large-scale adoption of western secular culture in the mid-east, leave a void where this modern secular ideology, sometimes under a religious veneer, can take hold.<ref name=ps9/> | |||
| Many fascists were ] in both private and public life.<ref>Laqueur, Walter; Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 42 1996 Oxford University Press.</ref> Although both Hitler and Mussolini were anti-clerical, they both understood that it would be rash to begin their ]s prematurely; though possibly inevitable in the future, such clashes were put off while they dealt with other enemies.<ref>Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future pp. 31, 42, 1996 Oxford University Press.</ref> Hitler had a general plan, even before the Nazis' rise to power, to destroy Christianity within the Reich.<ref name=a4>Sharkey, , New York Times, January 13, 2002</ref><ref>, Rutgers Journal of Law and Religion, Winter 2001, publishing evidence compiled by the O.S.S. for the Nuremberg war-crimes trials of 1945 and 1946</ref><ref> Adherents.com</ref> Many Italian Fascists were disgusted by Mussolini's decision to abandon Fascism's anti-clericalism in favour of reconciliation with the Roman Catholic Church.<ref>Brendon, Piers. ''The dark valley : a panorama of the 1930s''. New York, New York, USA; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Vintage Books, 2002 (2nd edition). p. 128.</ref> | |||
| The leader of the ] stated, "the destruction of Christianity was explicitly recognized as a purpose of the National Socialist movement" from the start, but "considerations of expedience made it impossible" publicly to express this extreme position.<ref name=a4 /> In ], the ] were vehemently ], renounced religion, killed priests, and on one occasion gunned down Catholics as they left ].<ref>Krauze, Enrique, The Troubling Roots of Mexico's López Obrador: Tropical Messiah, The New Republic June 19, 2006.</ref><ref>Parsons, Wilfrid, Mexican Martyrdom, p. 238, 2003 Kessinger Publishing</ref><ref>"Garrido Canabal, Tomás". ''The Columbia Encyclopedia'' Sixth Edition (2005).</ref><ref>The New International Yearbook p. 442, Dodd, Mead and Co. 1966.</ref><ref>Millan, Verna Carleton, Mexico Reborn, p. 101, 1939 Riverside Press.</ref> | |||
| According to a biographer of Mussolini, "Initially, fascism was fiercely ]" — the Church being a competitor for dominion over the people's hearts.<ref>Farrell, Nicholas, Mussolini: A New Life p. 5 2004 Sterling Publishing Company, Inc.</ref> Mussolini, originally an ], published anti-Catholic writings and planned for the confiscation of Church property, but eventually moved to accommodation.<ref name = "oktyar"/> Mussolini endorsed the Roman Catholic Church for political legitimacy; during the ] talks, Fascist Party officials engaged in bitter arguments with ] officials and pressured them to accept terms that the regime deemed acceptable.<ref>Pollard, John F. (1985). ''The Vatican and Italian Fascism, 1929–32.'' Cambridge, USA: Cambridge University Press. p. 53.</ref> ] in Italy was not as significant as Catholicism, and the Protestant minority was persecuted.<ref>Rochat Giorgio, Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche, Torino, Claudiana, 1990.</ref> Mussolini's sub-secretary of Interior, Bufferini-Guidi, issued a memo closing all houses of worship of the Italian Pentecostals and ] and imprisoned their leaders.<ref>Bracco, Roberto. ''Persecuzione in Italia ''. Rome, n.d.</ref> In some instances, people were killed because of their faith.<ref>Rochat, Giorgio. ''Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche''. Torino: Claudiana, 1990.</ref> | |||
| The ] in ] had strong Catholic overtones, with some clerics in positions of power.<ref>Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 148 1996 Oxford University Press.</ref> The fascist movement in Romania, known as the ] or the Legion of Archangel Michael, preceded its meetings with a church service, and their demonstrations were usually led by priests carrying icons and religious flags.{{Citation needed|date=January 2009}} The Romanian fascist movement promoted a cult of "suffering, sacrifice and martyrdom."<ref>source: Weber, E. "Rumania" in H. Rogger and E. Weber, eds., ''The European Right: A Historical Profile.'' Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965.</ref><ref>Nagy-Talavera, N. M. ''The Green Shirts and the Others. A History of Fascism in Hungary and Rumania''. Stanford: ], 1970; pp. 247, 266–70.</ref> | |||
| In ], the most notable fascist movement was ]'s ]ian ]. Built on a network of lay religious associations, its vision was of an integral state that "comes from ], is inspired in Christ, acts for Christ, and goes toward Christ."<ref>''Turban for the Crown: The Islamic Revolution in Iran'' by Said Amir Arjomand. pp. 208–9.</ref><ref>Hilton, S. "Acao Integralista Brasiliera: Fascism in Brazil, 1932–38" ''Lusa Brazilian Review'', v.9, n.2, 1972: 12.</ref><ref>Williams, M.T. "Integralism and the Brazilian Catholic Church." ''Hispanic American Historical Review'', v.54, n.3, 1974: pp. 436–40.</ref> Salgado criticised the "dangerous ] tendencies of Hitlerism".<ref>Payne, Stanley , pp. 345–346, Routledge 1996.</ref> | |||
| Hitler and the Nazi regime attempted to found their own version of Christianity called ], which made major changes in its interpretation of the ], saying that ] was the son of God, but was not a Jew. They further claimed that Christ despised Jews, and that the Jews were solely responsible for his death.{{Citation needed|date=January 2009}} By 1940, however, it was public knowledge that Hitler had abandoned even the ] idea of a positive Christianity.<ref>Poewe, Karla O, , p. 30, Routledge 2006</ref> | |||
| The Catholic Church was suppressed by Nazis in ]. In addition to the deaths of some 3 million ]s, 2 million Polish Catholics were killed.<ref name=ctj/> Between 1939 and 1945, an estimated 3,000 polish clergy (18%) were murdered; of these, 1,992 died in ]s.<ref name=ctj>Craughwell, Thomas J., Catholic Culture. Retrieved July 18, 2008.</ref> In the annexed territory of ''Reichsgau Wartheland'', churches were systematically closed, and most priests were either killed, imprisoned, or deported to the ]. | |||
| The Germans also closed ] and ]s, persecuting monks and nuns throughout Poland. Eighty percent of the Catholic clergy and five of the bishops of ] were sent to concentration camps in 1939; in ], 48%.<ref name=ctj/> Of those murdered by the Nazi regime, 108 are regarded as blessed martyrs.<ref name=ctj/> Among them, ] was ] as a saint. Not only in Poland were Christians persecuted by the Nazis. In the ] alone, 2,600 Catholic priests from 24 different countries were killed.<ref name=ctj/> | |||
| One theory is that religion and fascism could never have a lasting connection because both are a "holistic weltanschauung" claiming the whole of the person.<ref name = "oktyar"/> Along these lines, ] political scientist, ] and others have noted that secularization had created a void which could be filled by a total ideology, making totalitarianism possible,<ref>Griffin, Roger, Fascism, Totalitarianism and Political Religion, p. 7 2005Routledge</ref><ref name=jb108>Maier, Hans and Jodi | |||
| Bruhn , p. 108, 2004 Routledge</ref> and Roger Griffin has characterized fascism as a type of anti-religious ].<ref>Eatwell, Roger 2004</ref> Such political religions vie with conventional, actual religions, and try to replace or eradicate them.<ref name=jb108/> | |||
| ==Variations and subforms== | |||
| Movements identified by scholars as fascist hold a variety of views, and what qualifies as fascism is often a hotly contested subject. The first movement to self-identify as Fascist was the ] of ]. Strains which emerged after the original fascism, but are often placed under the wider usage of the term, self-identified their parties with different names. Major examples include ], ], ], and ].<ref>{{cite book|last = Mühlberger|first =Detlef|title =The Social Basis of European Fascist Movements| publisher =Routledge| url =http://books.google.com/?id=suENAAAAQAAJ&printsec=frontcover|isbn =0709935854|year = 1987}}</ref> | |||
| ''Para-fascism'' is a term used to describe authoritarian regimes with aspects that differentiate them from true fascist states or movements.<ref>Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek | |||
| Lynch . p. 3, 2002 Routledge</ref> Para-fascists typically eschew radical change, and some view genuine fascists as a threat.<ref>Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek Lynch . p. 326, 2002 Routledge</ref> | |||
| ===Europe=== | |||
| {{See also|European fascist ideologies}} | |||
| ].]] | |||
| ].]] | |||
| ].]] | |||
| ] and German ] were the two most significant fascist movements in Europe during the 1920s and 30s. | |||
| ]' ] was created in the Hungarian city of ] in 1919. Its "Szeged fascism" has been considered a form of proto-fascism in its origins, but consolidated its fascist characteristics in the 1920s and 30s.<ref name=sgp112>Stanley G. Payne. Fascism: Comparison and Definition. Madison, Wisconsin, USA: Wisconsin University Press, 1980. p. 112.</ref> It came under the control of ] and was merged with Nazi and other far-right Hungarian groupings. Horthy allied with Germany and Italy during World War II but, after his support faltered in 1944, Germany invaded and installed the ] in government. | |||
| The ] was a fascist movement and political party in ] from 1927 to 1941.<ref>Spicer, Kevin P. 2007. Antisemitism, Christian ambivalence, and the Holocaust. Indiana University Press on behalf of the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies. p. 142. </ref> It was briefly in power from September 1940 until January 1941. | |||
| ] was a form of fascism founded by ] in 1934 during the ].<ref name="spanishfascism">{{cite book|last =Payne|first =Stanley G| title =Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism| publisher =Textbook Publisherss| url =http://books.google.com/?id=rsHyAAAACAAJ&dq=Spanish+Fascism| isbn =0758134452|date =1961-06-01}}</ref> Following the establishment of the ], General ], already the leader of the rebel Nationalists, became leader of the Falangists. A merger between the Falange and the ] took place in 1937, creating the ], a more traditionalist, conservative party than the original Falagnists, and one which was considered by some ] as a move away from the party's original fascist position.<ref name="spanishfascism"/><ref>{{cite book|last = Del Boca|first =Angelo| title =Fascism Today: A World Survey| publisher =Pantheon Books| url =http://books.google.com/?id=nadBAAAAIAAJ&q=%22authentic+Falangism%22&dq=%22authentic+Falangism%22|year = 1969}}</ref> Franco balanced several different interests of elements in his party in an effort to keep them united, especially in regard to the question of monarchy.<ref name="francoyears">{{cite book|last =Payne|first =Stanley G| title =The Franco Regime, 1936–1975| publisher =University of Wisconsin Press| url =http://books.google.com/?id=mgDWLYcTYIAC&dq=Francisco+Franco+payne| isbn =0299110702|year =1987}}</ref> | |||
| "Austrofascism" is a controversial category encompassing various para-fascist and semi-fascist movements in Austria in the 1930s.<ref>Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek Lynch . p. 255, 2002 Routledge</ref> In particular it refers to the ], which became Austria's sole legal political party in 1934 and promoted ], but not along secular and totalitarian lines.<ref name=mp170>Morgan, Philip. ''Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945''. London, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2003. p. 170.</ref> | |||
| The ] ("New State") regime in Portugal from 1933 to 1974 has been described as having close similarities to fascism as well as significant differences. ] rose to power in Portugal as Prime Minister in an army coup in 1932, creating an authoritarian ] ].<ref name=bm164>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). p. 164.</ref> Salazar also instituted economic ] and substantial state control over the economy,<ref>Blinkhorn, Martin. ''Fascists and Conservatives''. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). p. 161.</ref> and, like fascist leaders, he denounced democracy as detrimental to nations.<ref name=bm164/> | |||
| ] from 1936 to 1941 was a constitutional monarchy whose government was controlled by General ]. He created an authoritarian state based loosely on German national socialism. | |||
| During World War II, a number of countries that came under Nazi occupation had fascist puppet regimes installed. In France, the ] controlled part of the country from 1940 to 1944. Part of Yugoslavia was ruled by the ] from 1941 to 1945. | |||
| Fascist movements emerged in other European countries in the 1920s and 1930s without gaining significant political power. These included the ] in Finland, the ] in Sweden, the ] in the United Kingdom and the parafascist ] in the Republic of Ireland. The traditionalist ] in France and the ] in Belgium are also sometimes regarded as fascist. | |||
| ===East Asia=== | |||
| The ] was a Japanese fascist movement of the late 1920s and early 1930s, led by the prominent politician ]. Hiranuma ordered it dissolved after the ]. | |||
| The ] (''Taisei Yokusankai'') was a Japanese coalition of fascist and ] political movements, such as the ] (''Kōdōha'') and the ] (''Tōhōkai''), formed in 1940 under the guidance of ] ].<ref name=tc244>Tsuzuki, Chushichi. ''The Pursuit of Power in Japan 1825–1995.'' Oxford University Press, 2000. p. 244.</ref><ref name=ni234>Nish, Ian. Japanese Foreign Policy. Routledge, 2001. p. 234.</ref> Konoe's successor, ], entrenched the IRAA as the country's ruling political movement and attempted to establish himself as the absolute leader, or '']'', of Japan. The IRAA created '']'' (Neighbourhood Association) and youth organisations, in which participation was mandatory. After 1942, Japan became a single-party state which promoted Japanese expansionism and imperialism.<ref>Tsuzuki, Chushichi. ''The Pursuit of Power in Japan 1825–1995.'' Oxford University Press, 2000. P. 245.</ref> | |||
| The ] was a secret faction within the Chinese army which existed under the leadership of ] in the early 1930s. It was heavily influenced by European fascism. | |||
| A number of left-wing anti-Communists in China during the late 1930s, including ], spoke and wrote positively of European fascism. | |||
| ===Latin America=== | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| Brazilian Integralism (Ação Integralista Brasileira) was a form of fascism founded by ] in Brazil in 1932. By 1937 they were one of the most important parties in Latin America, with around one million members. Integralist principles included corporativism and ], and, like other fascist movements, they exhibited an ] and ] agenda. They also formed armed squads, nicknamed ]. During the later years of the ], from 1937 to 1945, Brazil was governed according to principles that drew heavily on fascism. | |||
| ], due to its Spanish origins, also composed much of the fascist ideology prevalent in Latin America, particularly South America. | |||
| ] in ] is often characterized as being fascist or at least para-fascist in nature, as encompassed by many of the economic and social policies pursued, encouraged and enacted by ], his wife ] and other leading members. Juan Peron expressed an admiration for the fascist systems of such nations as Italy, openly praising Benito Mussolini following a state visit there. Following WWII, Peron also provided asylum to several Nazis, and habilitated the underground organization ], composed of former members of the SS. | |||
| ], the ], founded an anti-Catholic fascist organization and paramilitary known as the ] in the state of ], ] in 1931. | |||
| The ] was established in 1932 and merged into the ] in 1938. There was an attempt to revive it during the 1970s. | |||
| ===Middle East=== | |||
| Phalangism (or Falangism) was a significant influence in ] through the ] and its founder ],<ref>{{cite book|last =Robertson| first =David| title =A Dictionary of Modern Politics| publisher =Routledge| url =http://books.google.com/?id=qHXbGOUuF9YC&pg=PA181&dq=Falange+lebanon|isbn=185743093X|date =2002-10}}</ref> who won national independence in 1943. | |||
| In ], the ] was a fascist faction of the ], active in the early 1930s. It opposed liberal Zionism and proposed the creation of a fascist Jewish state. | |||
| In the late 1930s, the Iraqi and pan-Arab ] became a significant pro-fascist force and was linked to the ], whose failed coup attempt of 1941 provoked the ]. It had a youth wing, the ]. | |||
| The founder of the ], ], came under criticism in the 1930s as being influenced by Nazism, which he strongly denied.<ref name=goetz>{{cite book | title = Nazism in Syria and Lebanon: The Ambivalence of the German Option, 1933-1945 | author = ] | publisher = ] | year = 2009 | isbn = 0203888561, 9780203888568 | url = http://books.google.com/books?id=iAWBkDAv4TkC&pg=PA45&dq=Syrian+social+nationalist+nazi+fascist}}</ref>{{rp|43}} | |||
| ==Criticism== | |||
| Fascism has been widely criticized since the end of World War II for a variety of reasons. | |||
| One view of fascism is that it is not an actual ideology;<ref name=rg222>Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman. Fascism: The nature of fascism. Routledge, 2004. p. 222.</ref> this view claims that fascism is a form of opportunistic politics, and that its ideological components are often tools of propaganda. | |||
| ] accuse fascism of being a ] ] that attempts to make ] ] popular to the ] but in practice represses the working class.<ref name=rg231>Roger Griffin, Matthew Feldman. Fascism: The nature of fascism. Routledge, 2004. p. 231.</ref> ] interpretations condemn fascism as a "political offensive of the bourgeosie against the working class"; a servant of "big business", "large landowners", and ] and ] capitalism.<ref name=ajg131-132>Anthony James Gregor. ''Interpretations of fascism''. 6th ed. New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA: Transaction Publishers, 2006 pp. 131–132.</ref> ] claimed that "Fascism is capitalism in decay."<ref>''The Book of Poisonous Quotes'', by Colin Jarman, McGraw-Hill Professional, 1993, ISBN 0809236818, p. 245.</ref> | |||
| Hungarian ] Djula Sas in 1923 made a more detailed critique of fascism, in which he noted that, six months after rising to power, Italian Fascists had dismantled working-class organizations, significantly reduced wages in certain areas, abolished taxes on inheritance and war profits, and emphasized the need for "national production".<ref name=ajg131-132/> According to Sas, these actions clearly indicated that fascism was in the service of ].<ref>Anthony James Gregor. ''Interpretations of fascism''. 6th ed. New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA: Transaction Publishers, 2006 p. 135.</ref> | |||
| Marxist interpretations of fascism are typically based on a developmental approach.<ref name=rg231/> The Marxist developmental perspective on fascism has been criticized for failing to explain why fascism has not appeared in developing countries.<ref name=rg231/> Furthermore, Marxist interpretations of fascism have categorized multiple movements with significant differences to fascism as simply "fascist".<ref name=rg231/> As a result, even some communist regimes have been declared "fascist" under such interpretations, including those of ] under ] and ] under ].<ref name=rg231/> | |||
| ==References== | |||
| ===Notes=== | |||
| {{Reflist|colwidth=30em}} | |||
| ===Primary sources=== | |||
| <div class="references-small" style="-moz-column-count:2; column-count:2;"> | |||
| *]. 1932. '']''. ]. | |||
| *]. 1939. ''Doctrine and Action: Internal and Foreign Policy of the New Portugal, 1928–1939.'' Faber and Faber. | |||
| *]. 1968. '']''. Nelson Publications. | |||
| *]. 1971. ''Textos de Doctrina Politica''. Madrid. | |||
| *]. 1998. ''My Rise And Fall ''. Da Capo Press. ISBN 0306808641 | |||
| *]. 2001. ''The Ciano Diaries, 1939—1943''. Simon Publications. ISBN 1931313741 | |||
| *Mussolini, Benito. 2006. ''My Autobiography: With "The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism"''. Dover Publications. ISBN 0486447774 | |||
| </div> | |||
| ===Secondary sources=== | |||
| <div class="references-small" style="-moz-column-count:2; column-count:2;"> | |||
| *Cyprian Blamires. World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006. | |||
| * Costa Pinto, Antonio, ed. ''Rethinking the Nature of Fascism: Comparative Perspectives'' (Palgrave Macmillan; 2011) 287 pages | |||
| *], ''The Third Reich in Power: 1933–1939'', The Penguin Press HC, 2005 | |||
| *]. 1976. ''''. Transaction Books. ISBN 0878556192 | |||
| *De Felice, Renzo. 1977. ''''. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674459628. | |||
| *]. 2005. ''Pour une étude scientifique du fascisme''. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-11-7. | |||
| *Kitsikis, Dimitri. 2006. ''Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origines françaises du fascisme''. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-46-X. | |||
| *Ben-Am, Shlomo. 1983. . Oxford University Press. ISBN 0198225962 | |||
| *]. 1987. ''''. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299110702 | |||
| *Vatikiotis, Panayiotis J. 1988. ''''. Routledge. ISBN 0714648698 | |||
| *Payne, Stanley G. 1995. ''''. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299148742 | |||
| *Costa Pinto, António. 1995. ''''. Social Science Monographs. ISBN 0880339683 | |||
| *Griffiths, Richard. 2001. ''''. Duckworth. ISBN 0715629182 | |||
| *Lewis, Paul H. 2002. ''''. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 027597880X | |||
| *Payne, Stanley G. 2003. ''''. Textbook Publishers. ISBN 0758134452 | |||
| *]. 2005. ''''. Vintage Books. ISBN 1400033918 | |||
| *]. 1996. ''Fascism: A History.'' New York: Allen Lane. | |||
| *] ''The Three Faces Of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism'', translated from the German by Leila Vennewitz, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965. | |||
| *]. 1970. ''The Mass Psychology of Fascism''. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. | |||
| *]. 1935. ''Sawdust Caesar: The Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism''. New York and London: Harper and Brothers. | |||
| *]. {{cite book|title = Facts and Fascism|year = 1943, reprinted 2009|page = 288|location = New York|publisher = In Fact|isbn = 0-930852-43-5}} | |||
| *] ''Economy and Class Structure of German Fascism'', London, CSE Bks, 1978 ISBN 0906336007 | |||
| *Kallis, Aristotle A. ," To Expand or Not to Expand? Territory, Generic Fascism and the Quest for an 'Ideal Fatherland'" Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 38, No. 2. (Apr., 2003), pp. 237–260. | |||
| *]. 1990. ''Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany''. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505780-5 | |||
| *]. 2000. "Revolution from the Right: Fascism," chapter in David Parker (ed.) ''Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560–1991'', Routledge, London. | |||
| *]. 1966. ''Fascism: Past, Present, Future,'' New York: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-19-511793-X | |||
| *Sauer, Wolfgang "National Socialism: totalitarianism or fascism?" pages 404–424 from ''The American Historical Review'', Volume 73, Issue #2, December 1967. | |||
| *] with ] and ]. 1994. ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution.'', Trans. David Maisei. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. | |||
| *Baker, David. "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pages 227 – 250 | |||
| *Griffin, Roger. 1991. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York: ]. | |||
| *]. 1985. ''Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century,'' New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, (Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.) | |||
| *]. 2005. ''The Origins of Fascist Ideology, 1918–1925: The First Complete Study of the Origins of Italian Fascism,'' New York: Enigma Books, ISBN 978-1-929631-18-6 | |||
| *] Routledge, 2004. ''Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: the 'fascist' style of rule'' | |||
| </div> | |||
| ==External links== | |||
| {{Wiktionary|fascism}} | |||
| {{wikiquote}} | |||
| {{Portal|Fascism}} | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| {{Ideologies}} | |||
| {{fascism footer}} | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| {{Link GA|de}} | |||
| {{Link GA|zh}} | |||
| {{Link FA|es}} | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
Revision as of 12:50, 21 May 2011
hi i do not like fasisct people