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Reza Shah tried to avoid involvement with Britain and the ]. Though many of his development projects required foreign technical expertise, he avoided awarding contracts to British and Soviet companies. Although Britain, through its ownership of the ], controlled all of Iran's oil resources, Reza Shah preferred to obtain technical assistance from Germany, France, ], and other European countries. This created problems for Iran after 1939, when Germany and Britain became enemies in ]. Reza Shah proclaimed Iran as a ], but Britain insisted that German engineers and technicians in Iran were spies with missions to ] British oil facilities in southwestern Iran. Britain demanded that Iran expel all German citizens, but Reza Shah refused, claiming this would adversely impact his development projects. Reza Shah tried to avoid involvement with Britain and the ]. Though many of his development projects required foreign technical expertise, he avoided awarding contracts to British and Soviet companies. Although Britain, through its ownership of the ], controlled all of Iran's oil resources, Reza Shah preferred to obtain technical assistance from Germany, France, ], and other European countries. This created problems for Iran after 1939, when Germany and Britain became enemies in ]. Reza Shah proclaimed Iran as a ], but Britain insisted that German engineers and technicians in Iran were spies with missions to ] British oil facilities in southwestern Iran. Britain demanded that Iran expel all German citizens, but Reza Shah refused, claiming this would adversely impact his development projects.

'''Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi''' ({{lang-fa|محمد رضا شاه پهلوی; {{IPA-fa|mohæmˈmæd reˈzɒː ˈʃɒːhe pæhlæˈviː|}}}}; 26 October 1919&nbsp;– 27 July 1980) was the king of Iran (]) from 16 September 1941 until his overthrow by the ] on 11 February 1979. He took the title Shāhanshāh ("Emperor" or "King of Kings")<ref>D. N. MacKenzie. A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary. Routledge Curzon, 2005.</ref> on 26 October 1967. He was the second and last monarch of the ] of the Iranian monarchy. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi held several other titles, including that of Aryamehr (Light of the ]s) and Bozorg Arteshtārān (Head of the Warriors, ]: Bozorg Arteshdārān).<ref>M. Mo'in. An Intermediate Persian Dictionary. Six Volumes. Amir Kabir Publications, 1992.</ref>

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi came to power during ] after an ] forced the abdication of his father ]. During Mohammad Reza's reign, the Iranian oil industry was briefly ] under the democratically elected Prime Minister ] before a U.S. and UK-backed ] deposed Mosaddegh and brought back foreign oil firms,<ref>], Stephen Kinzer, p.&nbsp;195–196.</ref> and Iran marked the anniversary of ] since the founding of the ] by ]. As ruler, he introduced the ], a series of economic, social and political reforms with the proclaimed intention of transforming Iran into a global power and modernizing the nation by nationalizing certain industries and granting women suffrage.

A secular Muslim, Mohammad Reza gradually lost support from the ] clergy of Iran as well as the working class, particularly due to his strong policy of modernization, secularization, conflict with the traditional class of merchants known as ]<!--no article yet for bazaari, a worker in a bazaar-->, ] of ], and corruption issues surrounding himself, his family, and the ruling elite. Various additional controversial policies were enacted, including the banning of the communist ], and a general suppression of political dissent by Iran's ], ]. According to official statistics, Iran had as many as 2,200 ]s in 1978, a number which multiplied rapidly as a result of the revolution.<ref>. ]. Retrieved 26 March 2012.</ref>

Several other factors contributed to strong opposition to the Shah among certain groups within Iran, the most notable of which were United States and UK support for his regime, clashes with ] and increased communist activity. By 1979, political unrest had transformed into a revolution which, on 17 January, forced him to leave Iran. Soon thereafter, the Iranian monarchy was formally abolished, and Iran was declared an ] led by ]. Facing likely execution should he return to Iran, he died in exile in ], whose President, ], had granted him ]. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi is often called "the last Shah of Iran" or more commonly and simply "the Shah".

==Early life==
Born in ] to ] and his second wife, ], Mohammad Reza was the eldest son of the first Shah of the ], and the third of his eleven children. He was born with a twin sister, ]. However, Shams, Mohammad Reza, Ashraf, ], and their older half-sister, Fatemeh, were born as non-royals, as their father did not become Shah until 1925. Nevertheless, Reza Shah was always convinced that his sudden quirk of good fortune had commenced in 1919 with the birth of his son who was dubbed ''khoshghadam'' (bird of good omen).<ref>Fereydoun Hoveyda, The Shah and the Ayatollah: Iranian Mythology and Islamic Revolution (Westport: Praeger, 2003) p. 5; and Ali Dashti, ''Panjah va Panj'' ("Fifty Five") (Los Angeles: Dehkhoda, 1381) p. 13</ref>

By the time Mohammad Reza turned 11, ] deferred to the recommendation of ] to dispatch his son to ], a Swiss boarding school, for further studies. He would be the first Iranian prince in line for the throne to be sent abroad to attain a foreign education and remained there for the next four years before returning to obtain his high school diploma in Iran in 1936. After returning to the country, the Crown Prince was registered at the local ] in Tehran where he remained enrolled until 1938.<ref name="iranchamber"/>

==Early reign==
{{refimprove section|date=February 2011}}

===Deposition of his father===

{{Main|Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran|Persian Corridor}}

In the midst of ] in 1941, ] began ] and invaded the ], breaking the ]. This had a major impact on Iran, which had declared neutrality in the conflict.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yPf_f7skJUYC&pg=PA30&lpg=PA30&dq=iran+neutrality+in+wwii&source=bl&ots=qYkYXfiXgA&sig=iqAsSQrb-Td9uBTTil5hSOBiOhg&hl=en&sa=X&ei=qSLwVJukF8vnsASNnoD4Aw&ved=0CE0Q6AEwCTgK#v=onepage&q=iran%20neutrality%20in%20wwii&f=false | title =Iran: A Country Study | author =Glenn E. Curtis, Eric Hooglund | author2 ='']'' | isbn =978-0844411873 | page =30 | publisher =books.google.com | year =2008}}</ref>

Later that year British and Soviet forces occupied Iran in a military invasion, forcing Reza Shah to abdicate.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=07o_BAAAQBAJ&pg=PA206&lpg=PA206&dq=wwii+reza+shah+abdicated&source=bl&ots=WV5DcGcLAv&sig=9pIqJ4etXEIxLXGDBiRz0t8w_Yo&hl=en&sa=X&ei=9iPwVLPeJYPHsQSb7IKQAQ&ved=0CE0Q6AEwBg#v=onepage&q=wwii%20reza%20shah%20abdicated&f=false | title =An Introduction to the Modern Middle East: History, Religion, Political Economy, Politics | author =David S. Sorenson | isbn =978-0813349220 | page =206 | publisher =books.google.com | year =2013}}</ref> Mohammad Reza replaced him on the throne on 16 September 1941.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2h_Jfg1xRYEC&pg=PA53&lpg=PA53&dq=mohammad+reza+september+16+1944&source=bl&ots=vnSlVpnfHS&sig=fyc2rYTnP3Q6RxQKkYsldW_Qh44&hl=en&sa=X&ei=xiXwVMW2Fae1sATdrIKgAQ&ved=0CEkQ6AEwCDgK#v=onepage&q=mohammad%20reza%20september%2016%201944&f=false | title =Iran: Foreign Policy & Government Guide | isbn = 978-0739793541 | page =53| publisher =books.google.com | year =2009}}</ref> Subsequent to his succession as king, Iran became a major conduit for British and, later, American aid to the USSR during the war. This massive supply effort became known as the ].<ref>{{cite book | url=http://www.history.army.mil/books/wwii/persian/chapter01.htm#b1 | title =United States Army in World War II the Middle East Theater the Persian Corridor and Aid to Russia | author =T.H. Vail Motter | author2 ='']'' | publisher =books.google.com | year =1952}}</ref>
] was forced to abdicate in favor of his son.]]
Much of the credit for orchestrating a smooth transition of power from the King to the Crown Prince was due to the efforts of ].<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SJZ_xgqCOMQC&pg=PA35&lpg=PA35&dq=Mohammad+Ali+Foroughi+mohammad+pahlavi&source=bl&ots=whxX3olS2m&sig=Z8S-cWVTsG_66v4K0vYaYq6Hsmg&hl=en&sa=X&ei=azDwVKfbGaK1sQStvYCgAg&ved=0CFwQ6AEwCQ#v=onepage&q=Foroughi&f=false | title =Rise and Fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty | author =Ali Akbar Dareini, Hossein Fardoust | isbn =978-8120816428 | pages =35, 36, 126 | publisher =books.google.com | year =1998}}</ref> Suffering from ], a frail Foroughi was summoned to the Palace and appointed Prime Minister when Reza Shah feared the end of the Pahlavi dynasty once the Allies invaded Iran in 1941.<ref name =EminentPersians>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ixU33FaG_dgC&pg=PA157&lpg=PA157&dq=hardly+expected+any+son+of+Reza+Shah+to+be+a+civilized+human+being&source=bl&ots=dTe5C1a_mo&sig=ucyhhk5c6CIDaT1WW_R6yjfOsLA&hl=en&sa=X&ei=Si7wVJmtEsHZsAThqoHwDw&ved=0CCYQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=hardly%20expected%20any%20son%20of%20Reza%20Shah%20to%20be%20a%20civilized%20human%20being&f=false | title =Eminent Persians | author =Abbas Milani | author2 ='']'' | isbn =978-0815609070 | pages =156, 157 | publisher =books.google.com | year =2008}}</ref> When Reza Shah sought his assistance to ensure that the Allies would not put an end to the Pahlavi dynasty, Foroughi put aside his adverse personal sentiments for having been politically sidelined since 1935. The Crown Prince confided in amazement to the British Minister that Foroughi "hardly expected any son of Reza Shah to be a civilized human being",<ref name =EminentPersians/> but Foroughi successfully derailed thoughts by the ] to undertake a more drastic change in the political infrastructure of Iran.<ref>{{cite book | url=http://www.ibtimes.com/iran-long-lasting-legacy-1953-uscia-coup-214329 | title =Iran: The Long Lasting Legacy of the 1953 U.S./CIA Coup | author =Palash Ghosh | author2 ='']'' | publisher =ibtimes.com | date =March 20, 2012}}</ref>

A general amnesty was issued two days after Mohammad Reza Shah's accession to the throne on 19 September 1941. All political personalities who had suffered disgrace during his father's reign were rehabilitated, and the forced unveiling policy inaugurated by his father in 1935 was overturned. Despite the young king's enlightened decisions, the British Minister in Tehran reported to London that "the young Shah received a fairly spontaneous welcome on his first public experience, possibly rather to relief at the disappearance of his father than to public affection for himself".

Despite his public professions of admiration in later years, Mohammad Reza had serious misgivings about not only the coarse and roughshod political means adopted by his father, but also his unsophisticated approach to the affairs of the state. {{Citation needed|date=March 2011}} The young Shah possessed a decidedly more refined temperament, and among the unsavory developments that "would haunt him when he was king" were the political disgrace brought by his father on ]; the dismissal of Foroughi by the mid-1930s; and ]'s decision to commit suicide in 1937.<ref>Gholam Reza Afghami, The Life and Times of the Shah (2009), pp. 34–35</ref> An even more significant decision that cast a long shadow was the disastrous and one-sided agreement his father had negotiated with APOC in 1933, one which compromised the country's ability to receive more favorable returns from oil extracted from the country.

===Oil nationalization and the 1953 coup===
{{Main|1953 Iranian coup d'état}}
] banknote, issued by the Bank Markazi Iran.]]

By the early 1950s, the political crisis brewing in Iran commanded the attention of British and American policy leaders. In 1951, ] was appointed Prime Minister and committed to nationalizing the Iranian petroleum industry controlled by the ] (AIOC).<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.nyu.edu/greyart/exhibits/iran/briefhistory/body_index.html | title =A Brief History of 20th-Century Iran | author =Shiva Balaghi | author2 ='']'' | publisher =nyu.edu}}</ref> Under the leadership of Mossaddegh's democratically elected ] movement, the Iranian parliament unanimously voted to nationalize the oil industry – thus shutting out the immensely profitable AIOC, which was a pillar of Britain's economy and provided it political clout in the region.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://partners.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/032551iran-oil-vote.html | title =Premier Quits as Iran Speeds Nationalization of Oil Fields | author =Michael Clark | publisher =nytimes.com | date =April 28, 1951}}</ref>

] in Washington, c. 18 November 1949]]

At the start of the confrontation, American political sympathy was forthcoming from the ].<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=13833 | title =Message to the Prime Minister of Iran Following the Breakdown of Oil Discussions With Great Britain. | author =Gerhard Peters, John T. Woolley | author2 =''] The American Presidency Project'' | publisher =ucsb.edu | date =July 9, 1951}}</ref> In particular, Mossaddegh was buoyed by the advice and counsel he was receiving from American Ambassador in Tehran, ]. However, eventually American decision-makers lost their patience, and by the time a ] Administration came to office fears that communists were poised to overthrow the government became an all consuming concern (these concerns were later dismissed as "paranoid" in retrospective commentary on the coup from U.S. government officials). Shortly prior to the ] in the United States, the British government invited ] officer ], to London to propose collaboration on a secret plan to force Mossaddegh from office.<ref>Kermit Roosevelt, Counter Coup, New York, 1979</ref> This would be the first of three "regime change" operations led by ] (the other two being the successful CIA-instigated ] and the failed ] of Cuba).

Under the direction of Kermit Roosevelt, Jr., a senior ] (CIA) officer and grandson of former U.S. President ], the American CIA and British ] (SIS) funded and led a ] to depose Mossaddegh with the help of military forces disloyal to the democratically elected government. Referred to as ],<ref>{{cite news|first=James|last=Risen|title=Secrets of History: The C.I.A. in Iran|work=The New York Times|year=2000|url= http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/041600iran-cia-index.html|accessdate=30 March 2007}}</ref> the plot hinged on orders signed by Mohammad Reza to dismiss Mosaddegh as prime minister and replace him with General ] – a choice agreed on by the British and Americans.

Despite the high-level coordination and planning, the coup initially failed, causing the Shah to flee to ], and then to Rome. After a brief exile in Italy, he returned to Iran, this time through a successful second attempt at a coup. A deposed Mossaddegh was arrested and tried. The king intervened and ] the sentence to {{clarify-span|date=March 2015|text=([one and a half)} three}} years, to be followed by life in internal exile. Zahedi was installed to succeed Mossaddegh.<ref name = "Pollack 72–3">Pollack, The Persian Puzzle (2005), pp. 73–2</ref>

Before the first attempted coup, the American Embassy in Tehran reported that Mossaddegh's popular support remained robust. The Prime Minister requested direct control of the army from the ]. Given the situation, alongside the strong personal support of ] leader ] and Prime Minister ] for covert action, the American government gave the go-ahead to a committee, attended by the Secretary of State ], ] ], Kermit Roosevelt, Henderson, and ] ]. Kermit Roosevelt returned to Iran on 13 July 1953, and again on 1 August 1953, in his first meeting with the king. A car picked him up at midnight and drove him to the palace. He lay down on the seat and covered himself with a blanket as guards waved his driver through the gates. The Shah got into the car and Roosevelt explained the mission. The CIA bribed him with $1 million in Iranian currency, which Roosevelt had stored in a large safe – a bulky cache, given the exchange rate at the time of 1,000 rial to 15 dollars.<ref>Robert Graham, Iran: The Illusion of Power, p. 66</ref>

The Communists staged massive demonstrations to hijack Mossaddegh's initiatives. The United States actively plotted against him. On 16 August 1953, the right wing of the Army attacked. Armed with an order by the Shah, it appointed General ] as prime minister. A coalition of mobs and retired officers close to the Palace executed this coup d'état. They failed dismally and the Shah fled the country in humiliating haste. Even '']'', the nation's largest daily newspaper, and its pro-Shah publisher, Abbas Masudi, were against him.<ref>''New York Times'', 23 July 1953, 1:5</ref>

During the following two days, the Communists turned against Mossaddegh. Opposition against him grew tremendously. They roamed Tehran, raising red flags and pulling down statues of Reza Shah. This was rejected by conservative clerics like ] and ] leaders like ], who sided with the king. On 18 August 1953, Mossaddegh defended the government against this new attack. Tudeh partisans were clubbed and dispersed.<ref>New York Times, 19 August 1953, 1:4, p. 5</ref>

The Tudeh party had no choice but to accept defeat. In the meantime, according to the CIA plot, Zahedi appealed to the military, and claimed to be the legitimate prime minister and charged Mossaddegh with staging a coup by ignoring the Shah's decree. Zahedi's son Ardeshir acted as the contact between the CIA and his father. On 19 August 1953, pro-Shah partisans – bribed with $100,000 in CIA funds – finally appeared and marched out of south Tehran into the city center, where others joined in. Gangs with clubs, knives, and rocks controlled the streets, overturning Tudeh trucks and beating up anti-Shah activists. As Roosevelt was congratulating Zahedi in the basement of his hiding place, the new Prime Minister's mobs burst in and carried him upstairs on their shoulders. That evening, Henderson suggested to Ardashir that Mossaddegh not be harmed. Roosevelt gave Zahedi US$900,000 left from Operation Ajax funds.{{Citation needed|date=February 2013}}<!-- The whole paragraph -->

]]]
U.S. actions further solidified sentiments that the West was a meddlesome influence in Iranian politics. In the year 2000, reflecting on this notion, U.S. Secretary of State ] stated:

<blockquote>"In 1953 the United States played a significant role in orchestrating the overthrow of Iran's popular Prime Minister, Mohammad Mossaddegh. The Eisenhower Administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons; but the coup was clearly a setback for Iran's political development. And it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America in their internal affairs."<ref>, 17 March 2000 Albright remarks on American-Iran Relations</ref></blockquote>

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi returned to power, but never extended the elite status of the court to the technocrats and intellectuals who emerged from Iranian and Western universities. Indeed, his system irritated the new classes, for they were barred from partaking in real power.<ref>R.W. Cottam, Nationalism in Iran</ref>

===Assassination attempts===
]
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was the target of at least two unsuccessful assassination attempts. On 4 February 1949, he attended an annual ceremony to commemorate the founding of ].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://geocities.com/ali_vazirsafavi/IranLing.htm|archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20091027055554/http://geocities.com/ali_vazirsafavi/IranLing.htm|archivedate=27 October 2009|title=Ali Vazir Safavi|publisher=Web Archive|date=27 October 2009|accessdate=18 June 2011}}</ref> At the ceremony, Fakhr-Arai fired five shots at him at a range of ten feet. Only one of the shots hit the king, grazing his cheek. Fakhr-Arai was instantly shot by nearby officers. After an investigation, it was thought that Fakhr-Arai was a member of the ],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://persepolis.free.fr/iran/personalities/shah.html|title=The Shah|publisher= Persepolis|accessdate=18 June 2011}}</ref> which was subsequently banned.<ref name="iranchamber">{{cite web|url= http://www.iranchamber.com/history/mohammad_rezashah/mohammad_rezashah.php|title=Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi|publisher=Iran Chamber|accessdate=18 June 2011}}</ref> However, there is evidence that the would-be assassin was not a Tudeh member but a religious fundamentalist member of ].<ref>], '']'', John Wiley & Sons, 2003, ISBN 0-471-26517-9</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Dreyfuss|first=Robert|title=Devil's Game: How the United States Helped Unleash Fundamentalist Islam|publisher=Owl Books|year= 2006|isbn=0-8050-8137-2}}</ref> The Tudeh was nonetheless blamed and persecuted.<ref>Behrooz writing in Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran, Edited by Mark j. Gasiorowski and Malcolm Byrne, Syracuse University Press, 2004, p.121</ref>

The second attempt on the Shah's life occurred on 10 April 1965.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-3816(197002)32%3A1%3C19%3AMARFAT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Q|title=The Journal of Politics: Vol. 32, No. 1 (February 1970)| publisher=JSTOR|accessdate=18 June 2011}}</ref> A soldier shot his way through ]. The assassin was killed before he reached the royal quarters. Two civilian guards died protecting the Shah.<ref name=musel75>{{cite news|last=Musel|first=Robert|title=The rise of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlevi|url=http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=110&dat=19750716&id=1-VOAAAAIBAJ&sjid=xksDAAAAIBAJ&pg=7206,1245491|accessdate=23 July 2013|newspaper=Ludington Daily News|date=16 July 1975|agency=United Press International|location=London}}</ref>

According to ] – a former ] officer who defected to the ] – the Shah was also allegedly targeted by the Soviet Union, who tried to use a TV ] to detonate a bomb-laden ]. The TV remote failed to function.<ref>{{cite book|last=Kuzichkin|first=Vladimir|authorlink=Vladimir Kuzichkin|title= Inside the KGB: My Life in Soviet Espionage|publisher=]|year=1990|isbn=0-8041-0989-3}}</ref> A high-ranking Romanian defector ] also supported this claim, asserting that he had been the target of various assassination attempts by Soviet agents for many years.

==Middle years==
]

===Imperial coronation===
On 26 October 1967, twenty-six years into his reign as Shah ("King"), he took the ancient title Shāhanshāh ("Emperor" or "King of Kings") in a lavish coronation ceremony held in Tehran. He said that he chose to wait until this moment to assume the title because in his own opinion he "did not deserve it" up until then; he is also recorded as saying that there was "no honor in being Emperor of a poor country" (which he viewed Iran as being until that time).<ref>''National Geographic" magazine volume 133 no 3 (p. 299). March 1968</ref>

===Imperial symbols===
{{Main|Imperial Standards of Iran}}
]
The Pahlavi imperial family employed rich heraldry to symbolize their reign and ancient Persian heritage. The imperial crown image was included in every official state document and symbol—from the badges of the armed forces to paper money and coinage. The crown image was naturally the centerpiece of the imperial standard of the Shah (Shāhanshāh).

The personal standards—for the Shāhanshāh, for his wife the Shahbānū (]) and for the eldest son who was his designated successor (Crown Prince)—had a field of pale blue (the traditional colour of the Iranian Imperial Family) at the center of which was placed the heraldic motif of the individual. The Imperial Iranian national flag was placed in the top left quadrant of each standard. The appropriate Imperial standard was flown beside the national flag when the individual was present.

===Foreign relations===
], and U.S. Defense Secretary ] in the ] on 13 April 1962]]
] in Moscow in 1970]]
Mohammad Reza Shah supported the ]i royalists against republican forces in the ] (1962–70) and assisted the sultan of ] in ] in ] (1971).

Concerning the fate of ] (which Britain had controlled since the 19th century, but which Iran claimed as its own territory) and three small ] islands, the Shah negotiated an agreement with the British, which, by means of a public consensus, ultimately led to the independence of Bahrain (against the wishes of Iranian nationalists). In return, ] of ] and ] in the ], three strategically sensitive islands which were claimed by the ].

During this period, the Shah maintained cordial relations with the Persian Gulf states and established close diplomatic ties with ].

Relations with ], however, were often difficult due to political instability in the latter country. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was distrustful of both the Socialist government of ] and the ] ]. In April 1969, he abrogated the 1937 Iranian-Iraqi treaty over control of the ], and as such, Iran ceased paying tolls to Iraq when its ships used the Shatt al-Arab.<ref>Karsh, Efraim ''The Iran-Iraq War 1980–1988'', London: Osprey, 2002 pp. 7–8</ref> He justified his move by arguing that almost all river borders all over the world ran along the ''thalweg'' (deep channel mark), and by claiming that because most of the ships that used the Shatt al-Arab were Iranian, the 1937 treaty was unfair to Iran.<ref>Bulloch, John and Morris, Harvey ''The Gulf War'', London: Methuen, 1989 p. 37.</ref> Iraq threatened war over the Iranian move, but when on 24 April 1969 an Iranian tanker escorted by Iranian warships sailed down the Shatt al-Arab, Iraq being the militarily weaker state did nothing.<ref name="Karsh, Efraim page 8">Karsh, Efraim ''The Iran-Iraq War 1980–1988'', London: Osprey, 2002 page 8</ref> The Iranian abrogation of the 1937 treaty marked the beginning of a period of acute Iraqi-Iranian tension that was to last until the Algiers Accords of 1975.<ref name="Karsh, Efraim page 8"/> He financed Kurdish separatist rebels, and to cover his tracks, armed them with Soviet weapons which Israel had seized from Soviet-backed Arab regimes, and then handed over to Iran at the Shah's behest. The initial operation was a disaster, but the Shah continued attempts to support the rebels and weaken Iraq. Then in 1975, the countries signed the ], which granted Iraq equal navigation rights in the ] river, while Mohammad Reza Pahlavi agreed to end his support for Iraqi ] rebels.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.country-data.com/cgi-bin/query/r-6388.html|title=Iran – State and Society, 1964–74|publisher=Country-data.com|date=21 January 1965|accessdate=18 June 2011}}</ref> The Shah also maintained close relations with ] of ], ] of ], and ] of ].<ref> Mary Bitterman, 15 March 2004.</ref>

The Shah's diplomatic foundation was the United States' guarantee that they would protect him, which was what enabled him to stand up to larger enemies. While the arrangement did not preclude other partnerships and treaties, it helped to provide a somewhat stable environment in which Pahlavi could implement his reforms. Another factor guiding Pahlavi in his foreign policy was his wish for financial stability which required strong diplomatic ties. A third factor in his foreign policy was his wish to present Iran as a prosperous and powerful nation; this fueled his domestic policy of Westernization and reform. A final component was his promise that communism could be halted at Iran's border if his monarchy was preserved. By 1977, the country's treasury, Pahlavi's autocracy, and his strategic alliances seemed to form a protective layer around Iran.<ref>Precht, Henry. ''Foreign Policy'' 70 (1988): 109–28.</ref>

In July 1964, the Shah, Turkish President ] and Pakistani President ] announced in ] the establishment of the ] (RCD) organization to promote joint transportation and economic projects. It also envisioned ]'s joining some time in the future.

The Shah of Iran was the first regional leader to recognize the ] as a de facto state, although when interviewed on ] by reporter ], he criticized ] for their presumed control over U.S. media and finance.<ref>{{YouTube|6kySR3fpa5s|Shah of Iran & Mike Wallace on the Jewish Lobby}}</ref>

Although the United States was responsible for putting the Shah in power, he did not always act as a close U.S. ally. In the early 1960s, when a policy planning staff that included ] encouraged the Shah to spread around Iran's growing revenues more equitably, slow the rush toward militarization, and open the government to political processes, he became furious and identified Polk as "the principle enemy of his regime." The U.S.-Iran relationship grew more contentious when the U.S. became dependent on him to ]. When Nixon's National Security Advisor ] visited Tehran in May 1972, the Shah convinced him to take a larger role in what had, up to then, been a mainly Israeli-Iranian operation to aid ] in their struggles against Iraq, against the warnings of the CIA and State Department that the Shah would ultimately betray the Kurds. He did this in March 1975 with the signing of the ] that settled Iraqi-Iranian border disputes, an action taken without prior consultation of the U.S., after which he cut off all aid to the Kurds and prevented the U.S. and Israel from using Iranian territory to provide them assistance.<ref name="nationalinterest21jan15">{{cite web |url=http://nationalinterest.org/feature/the-5-most-precarious-us-allies-all-time-12075?page=3 |title=The 5 Most Precarious U.S. Allies of All Time |last1=Keck |first1=Zachary |date=21 January 2015 |website=National Interest.org |publisher= |accessdate=25 January 2015}}</ref>

The Shah also manipulated America's dependence of Middle Eastern oil; although Iran did not participate in the ], he purposely increased production in its aftermath to capitalize on the higher prices. In December 1973, only two months after oil prices were raised by 70 percent, he urged ] nations to push oil prices even higher, which they agreed to and more than doubled the price. Oil prices increased 470 percent over a 12-month period, which also increased Iran's GDP by 50 percent. Upon personal pleas from President ], the Shah ignored any complaints, claimed the U.S. was importing more oil than any time in the past, and proclaimed that "the industrial world will have to realize that the era of their terrific progress and even more terrific income and wealth based on cheap oil is finished."<ref name="nationalinterest21jan15"/>

===Modernization and evolution of government===
{{Further|White Revolution}}
] astronaut ] meeting the Shah of Iran during visit of ] astronauts to Tehran on 28–31 October 1969<ref>http://www.wingnet.org/rtw/RTW005JJ.HTM</ref>]]
With Iran's great oil wealth, the Shah became the pre-eminent leader of the Middle East, and self-styled "Guardian" of the ]. In 1961, he defended his style of rule, saying "when Iranians learn to behave like Swedes, I will behave like the ]".<ref>. Tony Smith. Princeton Princeton University Press: p. 255</ref>

During the last years of his government, the Shah's government became more centralized. In the words of a US Embassy dispatch, "The Shah's picture is everywhere. The beginning of all film showings in public theaters presents the Shah in various regal poses accompanied by the strains of the National anthem...The monarch also actively extends his influence to all phases of social affairs...there is hardly any activity or vocation which the Shah or members of his family or his closest friends do not have a direct or at least a symbolic involvement. In the past, he had claimed to take a two-party system seriously and declared, "If I were a dictator rather than a constitutional monarch, then I might be tempted to sponsor a single dominant party such as Hitler organized".<ref>Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Mission for my Country, London, 1961, p. 173</ref>

By 1975, he abolished the multi-party system of government in favor of a one-party state under the ] (''Resurrection'') Party. Mohammad Reza Shah's own words on its justification was; "We must straighten out Iranians' ranks. To do so, we divide them into two categories: those who believe in Monarchy, the constitution and the Six Bahman Revolution and those who don't...A person who does not enter the new political party and does not believe in the three cardinal principles will have only two choices. He is either an individual who belongs to an illegal organization, or is related to the outlawed Tudeh Party, or in other words a traitor. Such an individual belongs to an Iranian prison, or if he desires he can leave the country tomorrow, without even paying exit fees; he can go anywhere he likes, because he is not Iranian, he has no nation, and his activities are illegal and punishable according to the law".<ref>Fred Halliday, Iran; Dictatorship and Development, Penguin, ISBN 0-14-022010-0</ref> In addition, the Shah had decreed that all Iranian citizens and the few remaining political parties become part of Rastakhiz.<ref>{{dead link|date=June 2011}}</ref>

==Achievements==
], 24 January 1971]]
]n president ] and ]i vice president ] in ] in 1975 to sign the ]]]
In his "]" starting in the 1960s, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi made major changes to modernize Iran. He curbed the power of certain ancient elite factions by expropriating large and medium-sized estates for the benefit of more than four million small farmers. He took a number of other major measures, including extending ] to women and the participation of workers in factories through shares and other measures. In the 1970s the governmental program of a free of charge nourishment for children at school ("Taghzieh e Rāigān") was implemented. Under the Shah's reign, the national Iranian income showed an unprecedented rise for an extended period.

Improvement of the educational system was made through new elementary schools and additionally literacy courses were set up in remote villages by the ], this initiative being called "Sepāh e Dānesh", "Army of Knowledge". The Armed Forces were also engaged in infrastructural and other educational projects throughout the country ("Sepāh-e Tarvij va Âbādāni") as well as in health education and promotion ("Sepāh-e Behdāsht"). The Shah instituted exams for Islamic theologians to become established clerics. Many Iranian university students were sent to and supported in foreign, especially Western countries and the Indian subcontinent.

In the field of diplomacy, Iran realized and maintained friendly relations with Western and East European countries as well as the state of ] and China and became, especially through the close friendship with the United States, more and more a hegemonial power in the ] region and the Middle East. The suppression of the communist guerilla movement in the region of ] in Oman with the help of the Iranian army after a formal request by ] was widely regarded in this context.

As to infrastructural and technological progress, the Shah continued and developed further the policies introduced by his father. As part of his programs, projects in several technologies, such as steel, telecommunications, petrochemical facilities, power plants, dams and the automobile industry may be named. The ] was established as a major new academic institution.<ref>Robert Graham, Iran, St. Martins, January 1979</ref><ref>Gholam Reza Afkhami, The Life and Times of the Shah, University of California Press, January 2009, ISBN 0-520-25328-0, ISBN 978-0-520-25328-5</ref><ref>Abbas Milani, The Persian Sphinx: Amir Abbas Hoveyda and the Riddle of the Iranian Revolution, Mage Publishers, 1 October 2003; ISBN 0-934211-88-4, ISBN 978-0-934211-88-8</ref>

In terms of cultural activities, international cooperations were encouraged and organized, such as the ]. As part of his various financial support programs in the fields of culture and arts, the Shah, along with King Hussein of Jordan donated an amount to the ] for the construction of the ].<ref>{{cite news|title=Islam in Taiwan|author=Peter G. Gowing|newspaper=Saudi Aramco World|date=July–August 1970|url= http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/197004/islam.in.taiwan.htm|accessdate=1 March 2011}}</ref>

==Criticism of reign and causes of his overthrow==
{{Main|Background and causes of the Iranian Revolution#Policies and policy mistakes of the Shah|l1=Policies and policy mistakes of the Shah}}
At the ], John Pike writes:
<blockquote>In 1978 the deepening opposition to the Shah erupted in widespread demonstrations and rioting. Recognizing that even this level of violence had failed to crush the rebellion, the Shah abdicated the ] and fled Iran on 16 January 1979. Despite decades of pervasive surveillance by SAVAK, working closely with CIA, the extent of public opposition to the Shah, and his sudden departure, came as a considerable surprise to the US intelligence community and national leadership. As late as 28 September 1978 the US Defense Intelligence Agency reported that the Shah "is expected to remain actively in power over the next ten years."<ref>].]</ref>
</blockquote>
Explanations for why Mohammad Reza was overthrown include that he was a dictator put in place by a non-] Western power, the United States,<ref>Brumberg, ''Reinventing Khomeini'' (2001).</ref><ref name="Shirley 1997 207">Shirley, ''Know Thine Enemy'' (1997), p. 207.</ref> whose foreign culture was seen as influencing that of Iran. Additional contributing factors included reports of oppression, brutality,<ref name="Harney 1998">Harney, ''The Priest'' (1998), pp. 37, 47, 67, 128, 155, 167.</ref><ref name="Iran">''Iran Between Two Revolutions'' by Ervand Abrahamian, p.437</ref> corruption, and extravagance.<ref name="Harney 1998"/><ref>Mackay, ''Iranians'' (1998), pp. 236, 260.</ref> Basic functional failures of the regime have also been blamed – economic bottlenecks, shortages and inflation; the regime's over-ambitious economic program;<ref>Graham, ''Iran'' (1980), pp. 19, 96.</ref> the failure of its security forces to deal with protest and demonstration;<ref>Graham, ''Iran'' (1980) p. 228.</ref> the overly centralized royal power structure.<ref>Arjomand, ''Turban'' (1998), pp. 189–90.</ref>
International policies pursued by the Shah in order to increase national income by remarkable increases of the price of oil through his leading role in the ] (OPEC) have been stressed as a major cause for a shift of Western interests and priorities and for an actual reduction of their support for him reflected in a critical position of Western politicians and media, especially of the administration of U.S. President ], regarding the question of human rights in Iran, and in strengthened economic ties between the United States of America and Saudi Arabia in the 1970s.<ref>Andrew Scott Cooper. ''The Oil Kings: How the U.S., Iran, and Saudi Arabia Changed the Balance of Power in the Middle East.'' Simon & Schuster, 2011. ISBN 1-4391-5517-8.</ref>

In October 1971, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi celebrated the twenty-five-hundredth anniversary of the Iranian monarchy. The '']'' reported that $100 million was spent.<ref>''The New York Times'', 12 October 1971, 39:2</ref> Next to the ancient ruins of ], the Shah gave orders to build a ] covering {{convert|160|acre|km2}}, studded with three huge royal tents and fifty-nine lesser ones arranged in a star-shaped design. French chefs from ] of Paris prepared breast of peacock for royalty and dignitaries around the world, the buildings were decorated by ] (the same firm that helped ] redecorate the ]), the guests ate off ] china and drank from ] crystal glasses. This became a major scandal as the contrast between the dazzling elegance of celebration and the misery of the nearby villages was so dramatic that no one could ignore it. Months before the festivities, university students went on strike in protest. Indeed, the cost was so sufficiently impressive that the Shah forbade his associates to discuss the actual figures.<ref>(R.W Cottam, ''Nationalism in Iran'', p. 329)</ref><ref>Michael Ledeen & William Lewis, ''Debacle: The American Failure in Iran'', Knopf, p. 22</ref> However he and his supporters argue that the celebrations opened new investments in Iran, improved relationships with the other leaders and nations of the world, and provided greater recognition of Iran.

Other actions that are thought to have contributed to his downfall include antagonizing formerly apolitical Iranians — especially merchants of the bazaars — with the creation in 1975 of a ] political monopoly (the ''Rastakhiz'' Party), with compulsory membership and dues, and general aggressive interference in the political, economic, and religious concerns of people's lives;<ref>Abrahamian, ''Iran Between Two Revolutions'' (1982) pp. 442–6.</ref> and the 1976 change from an Islamic calendar to an Imperial calendar, marking the conquest of ] by ] as the first day, instead of the migration of the Prophet ] from ] to ]. This supposed date was designed that the year 2500 would fall on 1941, the year when his own reign started. Overnight, the year changed from 1355 to 2535.<ref>, Persian pilgrimages, Afshin Molavi</ref> During the extravagant festivities to celebrate the 2500th anniversary, the Shah was quoted as saying at Cyrus's tomb: "Rest in peace, Cyrus, for we are awake".<ref>http://www.economist.com/news/books-and-arts/21572740-debunking-myths-sustained-ayatollah-khomeinis-republic-waiting-god Iran's revolution: Waiting for God</ref>

It has been argued that the ] was "shoddily planned and haphazardly carried out", upsetting the wealthy while not going far enough to provide for the poor or offer greater political freedom.<ref>Farmanfarmaian, Mannucher and Roxane. ''Blood & Oil: Memoirs of a Persian Prince''. Random House, New York, 1997, ISBN 0-679-44055-0, p. 366</ref>

Some achievements of the Shah—such as broadened education—had unintended consequences. While school attendance rose (by 1966 the school attendance of urban seven- to fourteen-year-olds was estimated at 75.8%), Iran's labor market could not absorb a high number of educated youth. In 1966, high school graduates had "a higher rate of unemployment than did the illiterate", and educated unemployed often supported the revolution.<ref>Fischer, Michael M.J., ''Iran, From Religious Dispute to Revolution'', Harvard University Press, 1980, p. 59</ref>

===Black Friday===
{{main|Black Friday (1978)}}
The Shah-centered command structure of the Iranian military, and the lack of training to confront civil unrest, was marked by disaster and bloodshed. There were several instances where army units had opened fire, the most notorious one being the events of 8 September 1978. On this day, which later became known as "]", thousands had gathered in Tehran's Jaleh Square for a religious demonstration. With people refusing to recognize martial law, the soldiers opened fire, killing and seriously injuring a large number of people. Black Friday played a crucial role in further radicalizing the protest movement. This massacre seriously reduced the chances for reconciliation to the level that Black Friday is referred to as ''point of no return'' for the revolution.<ref>The Persian Sphinx: Amir Abbas Hoveyda and the Riddle of the Iranian Revolution, Abbas Milani, pp. 292-293</ref><ref>Seven Events That Made America America, By ], </ref><ref>The Iranian Revolution of 1978/1979 and How Western Newspapers Reported It By Edgar Klüsener, p. 12</ref><ref>Cultural History After Foucault By John Neubauer, p. 64</ref><ref>Islam in the World Today: A Handbook of Politics, Religion, Culture, and Society By Werner Ende, Udo Steinbach, p. 264</ref><ref>The A to Z of Iran, By John H. Lorentz, p. 63</ref><ref>Islam and Politics, John L. Esposito, p. 212</ref>

==Revolution==
{{Main|Iranian Revolution}}
], ], President ], and ], 1977]]
]
The overthrow of the Shah came as a surprise to almost all observers.<ref>Amuzegar, ''The Dynamics of the Iranian Revolution'', (1991), pp. 4, 9–12</ref><ref>''Narrative of Awakening : A Look at Imam Khomeini's Ideal, Scientific and Political Biography from Birth to Ascension'' by Hamid Ansari, Institute for Compilation and Publication of the Works of Imam Khomeini, International Affairs Division, , p. 163</ref> The first militant anti-Shah demonstrations of a few hundred started in October 1977, after the death of Khomeini's son Mostafa.<ref>Kurzman, ''The Unthinkable Revolution in Iran'', HUP, 2004, p. 164</ref> A year later strikes were paralyzing the country, and in early December a "total of 6 to 9 million"—more than 10% of the country—marched against the Shah throughout Iran.<ref>Kurzman, ''The Unthinkable Revolution in Iran'', (2004), p. 122</ref> On 2 October 1978, the Shah declared and granted an amnesty to dissidents living abroad, including ].<ref name=nikaz80>{{cite journal|last=Nikazmerad|first=Nicholas M.|title=A Chronological Survey of the Iranian Revolution|journal=Iranian Studies|year=1980|volume=13|issue=1/4|pages=327–368|url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/4310346|accessdate=31 July 2013|doi=10.1080/00210868008701575}}</ref>

On 16 January 1979, he made a contract with Farboud and left Iran at the behest of Prime Minister ] (a long time opposition leader himself), who sought to calm the situation.<ref name = exile-bbc>{{cite news|title=1979: Shah of Iran flees into exile|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/january/16/newsid_2530000/2530475.stm|publisher=BBC|accessdate= 5 January 2007|date=16 January 1979}}</ref> Spontaneous attacks by members of the public on statues of the Pahlavis followed, and "within hours, almost every sign of the Pahlavi dynasty" was destroyed.<ref>Taheri, ''Spirit'' (1985), p. 240.</ref> Bakhtiar dissolved ], freed all political prisoners, and allowed Ayatollah Khomeini to return to Iran after years in exile. He asked Khomeini to create a ]-like state in ], promised free elections, and called upon the opposition to help preserve the constitution, proposing a "national unity" government including Khomeini's followers. Khomeini rejected Bakhtiar's demands and appointed his own interim government, with ] as prime minister, stating that "I will appoint a state. I will act against this government. With the nation's support, I will appoint a state."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://en.imam-khomeini.ir/en/n2271/Biography/Return_to_Tehran |title=Imam Khomeini - Return to Tehran|publisher=Imam Khomeini|date=16 August 2011|accessdate=31 October 2012}}</ref> In February, pro-Khomeini revolutionary guerrilla and rebel soldiers gained the upper hand in street fighting, and the military announced its neutrality. On the evening of 11 February, the dissolution of the monarchy was complete.

==Exile==
], ] in 1979]]
During his second exile, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi traveled from country to country seeking what he hoped would be temporary residence. First he flew to ], ], where he received a warm and gracious welcome from President ]. He later lived in ] as a guest of King ], as well as in the ], and in ], ], near ], as a guest of ]. ], the former president, visited the Shah in summer 1979 in Mexico.<ref>http://blog.nixonfoundation.org/2013/07/40-years-ago-rn-strengthens-persian-ally/</ref> The Shah suffered from ] that would require prompt surgery. He was offered treatment in ], but insisted on treatment in the United States.

On 22 October 1979, President ] reluctantly allowed the Shah into the United States to undergo surgical treatment at the ]. While in Cornell Medical Center, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi used the name "]" as his temporary code name, without Newsom's knowledge.

The Shah was taken later by ] jet to ] in ] and from there to ] at ].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1129&dat=19791203&id=3wMOAAAAIBAJ&sjid=-W0DAAAAIBAJ&pg=5084,147980|title=Iran protests Shah's Move to Texas|publisher= Pittsburgh Post-Gazette - News.google.com|date=3 December 1979|accessdate=18 June 2011}}</ref> It was anticipated that his stay in the United States would be short; however, surgical complications ensued, which required six weeks of confinement in the hospital before he recovered. His prolonged stay in the United States was extremely unpopular with the revolutionary movement in Iran, which still resented the United States' overthrow of ] and the years of support for the Shah's rule. The Iranian government demanded his return to Iran, but he stayed in the hospital.<ref>Darling, Dallas. {{dead link|date=June 2011}}. AlJazeera Magazine. 14 February 2009</ref>

]
There are claims that this resulted in the storming of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and the kidnapping of American diplomats, military personnel, and intelligence officers, which soon became known as the ].<ref name=Weiner1>Tim Weiner, ''Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA'', ISBN 978-0307389008, p. 274.</ref> In the Shah's memoir, '']'', he claimed that the United States never provided him any kind of health care and asked him to leave the country.<ref>Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. ''Answer to History''. Stein & Day Pub, 1980. ISBN 978-0-7720-1296-8</ref>

He left the United States on 15 December 1979 and lived for a short time in the ] in Panama. This caused riots by Panamanians who objected to the Shah being in their country. The ] in Iran still demanded his and ] immediate extradition to Tehran. A short time after Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's arrival in Panama, an Iranian ambassador was dispatched to the Central American nation carrying a 450-page extradition request. That official appeal alarmed both the Shah and his advisors. Whether the Panamanian government would have complied is a matter of speculation among historians.{{Citation needed|date=December 2014}}

After that event, the Shah again sought the support of Egyptian president Anwar El-Sadat, who renewed his offer of permanent asylum in Egypt to the ailing monarch. He returned to Egypt in March 1980, where he received urgent medical treatment, including a splenectomy performed by ],<ref>{{cite web|last=Demaret|first=Kent |url=http://www.people.com/people/archive/article/0,,20076289,00.html|title=Dr. Michael Debakey Describes the Shah's Surgery and Predicts a Long Life for Him|work=People|date=21 April 1980|accessdate=31 October 2012}}</ref>

==Death==
He died from complications of ] (a type of ]) on 27 July 1980, aged 60. Egyptian President Sadat gave the Shah a state funeral.<ref>. ''Time''. 31 March 1980</ref>

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi is buried in the ] in Cairo, a mosque of great symbolic importance. The last royal rulers of two monarchies are buried there, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran and King ], his former brother-in-law. The tombs lie to the left of the entrance. Years earlier, his father and predecessor, ] had also initially been buried at the Al Rifa'i Mosque.

==Legacy==
]
]

In 1969, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi sent one of 73 ] to ] for the historic first lunar landing.<ref>Rahman, Tahir (2007). We Came in Peace for all Mankind- the Untold Story of the Apollo 11 Silicon Disc. Leathers Publishing. ISBN 978-1-58597-441-2</ref> The message still rests on the lunar surface today. He stated in part, "we pray the Almighty God to guide mankind towards ever increasing success in the establishment of culture, knowledge and human civilization". The ] crew visited Mohammad Reza Shah during a world tour.

Shortly after his overthrow, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi wrote an autobiographical memoir ''Réponse à l'histoire'' ('']''). It was translated from the original French into English, ] (''Pasokh be Tarikh''), and other languages. However, by the time of its publication, the Shah had already died. The book is his personal account of his reign and accomplishments, as well as his perspective on issues related to the ] and Western foreign policy toward Iran. He places some of the blame for the wrongdoings of SAVAK, and the failures of various democratic and social reforms (particularly through the ]), upon ] and his administration.

Recently, the Shah's reputation has experienced something of a revival in Iran, with some people looking back on his era as a time when Iran was more prosperous<ref>Molavi, Afshin, ''The Soul of Iran'', Norton (2005), p. 74</ref><ref> 2 February 2004</ref> and the government less oppressive.<ref>Sciolino, Elaine, ''Persian Mirrors'', Touchstone, (2000), p.239, 244</ref> Journalist ] reported that some members of the uneducated poor—traditionally core supporters of the revolution that overthrew the Shah—were making remarks such as, "God bless the Shah's soul, the economy was better then", and found that "books about the former Shah (even censored ones) sell briskly", while "books of the Rightly Guided Path sit idle".<ref>Molavi, Afshin, ''The Soul of Iran'', Norton (2005), pp. 74, 10</ref>

===The Shah's writings===
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi published several books in the course of his kingship and two later works after his downfall. Among others, these include:
* ''Mission for My Country'' (1960)
* ''The White Revolution ''(1967)
* ''Toward the Great Civilization''. Persian version: Imperial 2536 (1977); English version (1994).
* '']'' (1980)
* ''The Shah's Story ''(1980)

===Women's rights===
{{Main|White Revolution}}

Under Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's father, the government supported advancements by women against ], ], exclusion from public society, and education ]. However, independent feminist political groups were shut down and forcibly integrated into one state-created institution, which maintained many ] views. Despite substantial opposition from Shiite religious jurists, the ], led by activists such as Fatemah Sayyeh, achieved further advancement under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. His regime's changes focused on the civil sphere, and private-oriented family law remained restrictive, although the 1967 and 1975 '''Family Protection Laws''' attempted to reform this trend.<ref>{{cite book|publisher=Syracuse University Press|title=Gendering the Middle East: Emerging Perspectives|last=Deniz|first=Kandiyoti|year=1996|pages=54–56|ISBN=0-8156-0339-8}}</ref> Specifically, women gained the right to become ministers such as ] and judges such as ], as well as any other profession regardless of their gender.

]

==Marriages and children==
], ] and ]]]
Pahlavi married three times:

===Fawzia of Egypt===
] suggested to Reza Shah during the latter's visit to ] that a marriage between the Iranian and Egyptian courts would be beneficial for the two countries and their dynasties.<ref name="Afkhami2008">{{cite book|author=Gholam Reza Afkhami|title=The Life and Times of the Shah|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=pTVSPmyvtkAC&pg=PP2|accessdate=4 November 2012|date=27 October 2008|publisher=University of California Press|isbn=978-0-520-25328-5|pages=35}}</ref> In line with this suggestion, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Princess Fawzia married. Dilawar Princess ] (5 November 1921 – 2 July 2013), a daughter of King ] and ], was a sister of ]. They married on 15 March 1939 in ] in ].<ref name=Afkhami2008/> Reza Shah did not participate in the ceremony.<ref name=Afkhami2008/> They were divorced in 1945 (Egyptian divorce) and in 1948 (Iranian divorce). Together they had one child, a daughter, HIH Princess ] (born 27 October 1940).

===Soraya Esfandiary-Bakhtiari===
His second wife was ] (22 June 1932 – 26 October 2001), a half-German half-Iranian woman and the only daughter of Khalil Esfandiary, Iranian Ambassador to ], and his wife, the former ]. They married on 12 February 1951,<ref name=Afkhami2008/> when Soraya was 18 according the official announcement; however, it was rumored that she was actually 16 at the time, the Shah being 32.<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), page&nbsp;156</ref> As a child she was tutored and brought up by Frau Mantel, and hence lacked proper knowledge of Iran, as she herself admits in her personal memoirs, stating, "I was a dunce—I knew next to nothing of the geography, the legends of my country, nothing of its history, nothing of Muslim religion."<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), page 155</ref> The Shah and Soraya's controversial marriage ended in 1958 when it became apparent that, even through help from medical doctors, she could not bear children. Soraya later told the ''New York Times'' that the Shah had no choice but to divorce her, and that he was heavy-hearted about the decision.<ref>{{cite news|title=Soraya Arrives for U.S. Holiday|url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20C13FD355D1A7B93C1AB178FD85F4C8585F9|format=PDF|work=The New York Times|page=35|date=23 April 1958|accessdate=23 March 2007}}</ref>

However, even after the marriage, it is reported that the Shah still had great love for Soraya, and it is reported that they met several times after their divorce and that she lived her post-divorce life comfortably as a wealthy lady, even though she never remarried;<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.nytimes.com/2001/10/26/world/princess-soraya-69-shah-s-wife-whom-he-shed-for-lack-of-heir.html |title=Princess Soraya, 69, Shah's Wife Whom He Shed for Lack of Heir|work=The New York Times|date=26 October 2001|accessdate=31 October 2012}}</ref> being paid a monthly salary of about $7,000 from Iran.<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), page 215</ref> Following her death in 2001 at the age of 69 in Paris, an auction of the possessions included a three-million-dollar Paris estate, a 22.37&nbsp;carat diamond ring and a 1958 Rolls-Royce.<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), p. 214</ref>

He subsequently indicated his interest in marrying ], a daughter of the deposed Italian king, ]. ] reportedly vetoed the suggestion. In an editorial about the rumors surrounding the marriage of a "Muslim sovereign and a Catholic princess", the Vatican newspaper, '']'', considered the match "a grave danger",<ref>Paul Hofmann, ''Pope Bans Marriage of Princess to Shah'', The New York Times, 24 February 1959, p.&nbsp;1.</ref> especially considering that under the 1917 Code of ] a Roman Catholic who married a divorced person would be automatically, and could be formally, ].

===Farah Diba===
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi married his third and final wife, ] (born 14 October 1938), the only child of ], Captain in the Imperial Iranian Army (son of an Iranian Ambassador to the ] Court in Moscow, Russia), and his wife, the former ]. They were married in 1959, and Queen Farah was crowned ], or Empress, a title created especially for her in 1967. Previous royal consorts had been known as "Malakeh" (Arabic: ]), or Queen. The couple remained together for twenty one years, until the Shah's death. ] bore him four children:
* HIH Crown Prince ] (born 31 October 1960), heir to the now defunct Iranian throne
* HIH Princess ] (born 12 March 1963)
* HIH Prince ] (28 April 1966 – 4 January 2011)
* HIH Princess ] (27 March 1970 – 10 June 2001)

==Wealth==
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi inherited the wealth built by his father ] who preceded him as king of Iran and became known as the richest person in Iran during his reign, with his wealth estimated to be higher than 600 million rials<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), page 97</ref> and including vast amounts of land and numerous large estates specially in the province of ]<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), p. 24</ref> obtained usually at a fraction of its real price.<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), p. 95</ref> Reza Pahlavi facing criticism for his wealth decided to pass on all of his land and wealth to his eldest son Mohammad Reza in exchange for a sugar cube, known in ] as ''habbe kardan''.<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), page 96</ref> However shortly after obtaining the wealth Mohammad Reza was ordered by his father and then king to transfer a million tooman or 500,000 dollars to each of his siblings.<ref>Fardust, Memoirs Vol 1, p. 109</ref> By 1958 it was estimated that the companies possessed by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi had a value of $157 million (in 1958 USD) with an estimated additional 100 million saved outside Iran.<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), page 240</ref> The rumors and constant talk of his, and his family's corruption greatly damaged his reputation and lead to the creation of the ] in the same year and the return of some 2,000 villages inherited by his father back to the people often at very low and discount prices,<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), p. 241</ref> however it can be argued that this was too little too late as the royal family's wealth and corruption can be seen as one of the factors behind the ] in 1979. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's wealth was even considerable during his time in exile. While staying in the ] he offered to purchase the island that he was staying on for $425 million (in 1979 USD), however his offer was rejected by the ] claiming that the island was worth far more.<ref>Abbas Milani, The Shah (2011), p. 428</ref> On 17 October 1979 again in exile and perhaps knowing the gravity of his illness he split up his wealth between his family members, giving 20% to Farah, 20% to his eldest son Reza, 15% to Farahnaz, 15% to Leila, 20% to his younger son, in addition to giving 8% to Shahnaz and 2% to his granddaughter Mahnaz Zahedi.

On 14 January 1979, an article titled "Little pain expected in exile for Shah" by The Spokesman Review newspaper found that the Pahlavi dynasty had amassed one of the largest private fortunes in the world; estimated at well over $1 billion at the time.<ref name="p. 88">{{cite news|last=Crittenden|first=Ann|title=Little pain in exile expected for Shal|url=http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1314&dat=19790114&id=ezxOAAAAIBAJ&sjid=9e0DAAAAIBAJ&pg=6704,6136788|accessdate=3 May 2013|newspaper=The Spokesman-Review|date=14 January 1979}}</ref> A list submitted to the ministry of justice in protest of the royal family's penetration of every corner of the nation's economy detailed that the Pahlavi dynasty dominated the economy of Iran at the time. The list showed that the Pahlavi dynasty had interests in, amongst other things, 17 banks and insurance companies, including a 90 percent ownership in the nation's third-largest insurance company, 25 metal enterprises, 8 mining companies, 10 building materials companies, including 25 percent of the largest cement company, 45 construction companies, 43 food companies, and 26 enterprises in trade or commerce, including a share of ownership in almost every major hotel in Iran. According to another source, the Pahlavis owned 70 percent of the hotel capacity in the country at the time. Much of the Pahlavi dynasty fortune was required to be transferred to the "Pahlavi Foundation", a charitable organization and the families' trust. The organization refuses to give any value of its assets or an annual income but a published book in Iran by Robert Graham, a British journalist, calculates that on the basis of its known holdings, the foundation assets totalled over $2.8 billion at the time.

In Iran alone the Pahlavi foundation owned four leading hotels—the Hilton, the Vanak, the Evin and the Darband. The foundation gained international attention for purchasing the DePinna building on ], New York, at the time in 1975 valued at $14.5 million. Such investment in a foreign market by the Pahlavi foundation gained media attention because in order to do such foreign investment the foundation had to register as an American charitable foundation with the declared aim of using the rental to pay for Iranian students studying in America. The advantage of such charitable status was that the U.S. authorities could not investigate the books of the Pahlavi Foundation in Iran.<ref>{{cite book|last=Graham|first=Robert|title=Iran (RLE Iran A)|date=23 April 2012|publisher=CRC Press|pages=232|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=inIfxTWgfegC&pg=PT143&lpg=PT143&dq=robert+graham+the+pahlavi+fortune&source=bl&ots=2S1h933fsZ&sig=_BMa6G3SezdVFk0aM8nRLs87qsU&hl=en&sa=X&ei=C2SDUf-COKXUiwKD1ICICg&ved=0CEcQ6AEwAg}}</ref>

Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi was also known for his interest in cars and had a personal collection of 140 ] and ]<nowiki/>s including a ] coupe, one of only six ever made.<ref>{{cite web|last=Farsian|first=Behzad |url=http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/iran/1473603/Shahs-car-collection-is-still-waiting-for-the-green-light.html |title=Shah's car collection is still waiting for the green light|work=The Daily Telegraph|date=7 October 2004|accessdate=31 October 2012}}</ref>

==Honors==
], Princess ], Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Empress ] and Princess ]. In the middle Princess ] and Crown Prince ].]]
] about the Shah's 40th birthday, 1959]]

===National honors===
* {{Flagicon|Iran|1964}} Grand Cordon of the ] of ] (1926)
* {{Flagicon|Iran|1964}} Grand Collar of the ] of ] (1932)

===Foreign honors===
* {{Flagicon|Egypt|1922}} Collar of the Order of Muhammad Ali of ] (1939)
* {{Flagicon|United Kingdom}} ] (GCB) (1942)
* {{Flagicon|France}} ] of France (1945)
* {{Flagicon|Republic of China}} Grand Cordon of the ] of the ], special grade (1946)
* {{Flagicon|United States|1912}} Chief Commander of the ] of the United States (1947)
* {{Flagicon|Vatican City}} Knight of the ] of the ] (1948)<ref name=papalknight>{{cite web|title=The History of Papal Knighthoods|url=http://www.papalknights.org.uk/overview-pont-orders.html|work=Association of Papal Orders in Great Britain|accessdate=18 July 2013}}</ref>
* {{Royal Standard-UK}} ] (RVC) (1948)
* {{Flagicon|Iran|1964}} Grand Cordon of the Order of the Zulfiqar of ] (1949)
* {{Flagicon|Jordan}} Collar of the Order of Hussein ibn Ali of ] (1949)
* {{Flagicon|Jordan}} Grand Cordon of the Order of the Renaissance of ] (1949)
* {{Flagicon|Saudi Arabia|1938}} Order of the King Abdul Aziz Decoration of Honour, 1st Class of ] (1955)
* {{Flagicon|West Germany}} Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the ] of ] (1955)
* {{Flagicon|Lebanon}} Grand Cordon (Special Class) of the Order of Merit of ] (1956)
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1945}} Grand Collar of the Order of the Yoke and Arrows of ] (1957)
* {{Flagicon|Italy}} Grand Cross w/ Collar of the ] of Italy (1957)
* {{Flagicon|Libya|1951}} Grand Cordon of the Order of Idris I of ] (1958)
* {{Flagicon|Japan}} Collar of the Supreme ] of Japan (1958)
* {{Flagicon|Denmark}} Knight of the ] of ] (1959)
* {{Flagicon|Netherlands}} Grand Cross of the ] (1959)
* {{Flagicon|Pakistan}} ], 1st Class (1959)
* {{Flagicon|Austria}} Grand Star of the ] (1960)<ref>{{cite web|url= http://www.parlament.gv.at/PAKT/VHG/XXIV/AB/AB_10542/imfname_251156.pdf|title=Reply to a parliamentary question|language= German|page=97|format=PDF|accessdate=5 October 2012 }}</ref>
* {{Flagicon|Nepal}} ] of ] (1960)
* {{Flagicon|Greece|royal}} Grand Cross of the ] of ] (1960)
* {{Flagicon|Belgium}} Grand Cordon of the ] of ] (1960)
* {{Flagicon|Norway}} Grand Cross w/Collar of the ] of ] (1961)
* {{Flagicon|Ethiopia|1897}} Grand Collar and Chain of the ] of ] (1964)
* {{Flagicon|Afghanistan|1930}} Grand Cordon of the ] of ] (1965)
* {{Flagicon|United Arab Republic}} Grand Cordon of the ] of ] (1965)
* {{Flagicon|Argentina}} Grand Cordon of the ] of ] (1965)
* {{Flagicon|Tunisia}} Grand Cordon w/Collar of the Order of Independence of ] (1965)
* {{Flagicon|Brazil}} Grand Collar of the ] of ] (1965)
* {{Flagicon|Morocco}} Grand Cordon of the Order of Muhammad of ] (1966)
* {{Flagicon|Bahrain}} Order of al-Khalifa of ] (1966)
* {{Flagicon|Qatar}} Order of Independence of ] (1966)
* {{Flagicon|Saudi Arabia|1938}} Order of the ] of ] (1966)
* {{Flagicon|Sudan|1956}} Order of the Chain of Honour of the ] (1966)
* {{Flagicon|Hungary}} Order of the Flag with Diamonds ] (1966)
* {{Flagicon|Yugoslavia}} Grand Cordon of the ] (1966)
* {{Flagicon|Sweden}} Collar of the ] of ] (1967) (Knight–1960)
* {{Flagicon|Malaysia}} ] (DMN) (1968)
* {{Flagicon|Thailand}} Knight of the ] of ] (1968)
* {{Flagicon|Finland}} Commander Grand Cross of the ] (1970)
* {{Flagicon|Oman}} Military Order of ], 1st Class (1973)
* {{Flagicon|Spain|1945}} Grand Collar of the ] of ] (1975)
* {{Flagicon|Mexico}} Collar of the ] of ] (1975)<ref>, The Royal Ark</ref>
* {{Flagicon|Czechoslovakia}} Grand Cross of the ], 1st Class w/ Collar of ] (1977)

== Gallery ==
<center>
<gallery widths="170px" heights="180px" perrow="4">
File:State Flag of Iran (1964).svg|] during the ] 1925 to 1979
File:Imperial_Coat_of_Arms_of_Iran.svg|The Coat of Arms of Iran, during ] 1925 to 1979. The ] '''(Atra)''' is seen. (In the circle, right, top).
Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.9.jpg|Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia
Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.11.jpg|Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia
Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.14.jpg| Queen Fawzia
Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.10.jpg|Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia
Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.12.jpg|Mohammad Reza Pahlavi
Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.13.jpg| Queen Fawzia
Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.5.jpg| Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia
Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.15.jpg| Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia


== World War II == == World War II ==

Revision as of 17:03, 26 March 2015

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Imperial State of Persia (Iran)دولت شاهنشاهی ایران
Dowlat-e Shâhanshâhi-ye Irân
1925–1979
Flag of Iran Flag Coat of arms of Iran Coat of arms
Motto: مرا داد فرمود و خود داور است
"Marā dād farmūd-o khod dāvar ast"
"Justice He bids me do, as He will judge me"
Anthem: None
Imperial anthem
سرود شاهنشاهی ایران
Sorood-e Shâhanshâhi Irân
Imperial Salute of Iran
Location of Iran
CapitalTehran
Common languagesPersian
GovernmentConstitutional monarchy (1925–53)
Authoritarian monarchy (1953–79)
Shah 
• 1925–1941 Reza Shah Pahlavi
• 1941–1979 Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi
Prime Minister 
• 1925–1926 (first) Mohammad-Ali Foroughi
• 1979 (last) Shapour Bakhtiar
History 
• Established 15 December 1925
• Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran 25 Aug – 17 Sep 1941
• Coup d'etat 19 August 1953
• Iranian Revolution 11 February 1979
ISO 3166 codeIR
Preceded by Succeeded by
Qajar dynasty
Interim Government of Iran (1979)

Template:Contains Perso-Arabic text

The Pahlavi dynasty (Template:Lang-fa) consisted of two Iranian/Persian monarchs, the father and son Reza Shah Pahlavi (reigned 1925–1941) and Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (reigned 1941–1979).

The Pahlavis came to power after Ahmad Shah Qajar, the last ruler of the Qajar dynasty, proved unable to stop British and Soviet encroachment on Iranian sovereignty, and was consequently overthrown in a military coup, abdicated and ultimately exiled to France. The National Assembly, known as the Majlis, convening as a constituent assembly on 12 December 1925, deposed the young Ahmad Shah Qajar, and declared Reza Shah the new monarch of the Imperial State of Persia. In 1935, Reza Shah instructed foreign embassies to call Persia by its ancient name, Iran.

The Pahlavi dynasty was overthrown in 1979 when Reza Shah's son, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, was forced into exile by an Islamic Revolution led by Ruhollah Khomeini.

Establishment

Further information: Reza Shah

In 1921, Reza Khan, an officer in Iran's Persian Cossack Brigade, used his troops to support a successful coup against the government of the Qajar dynasty. Within four years he had established himself as the most powerful person in the country by suppressing rebellions, establishing order, and driving out British and Soviet occupations. In 1925, a specially convened assembly deposed Ahmad Shah Qajar, the last ruler of the Qajar dynasty, and named Reza Khan, who earlier had adopted the surname Pahlavi, as the new shah.

Persia on the eve of Reza Khan's coup

Reza Shah had ambitious plans for modernizing Iran. These plans included developing large-scale industries, implementing major infrastructure projects, building a cross-country railroad system, establishing a national public education system, reforming the judiciary, and improving health care. He believed a strong, centralized government managed by educated personnel could carry out his plans.

He sent hundreds of Iranians, including his son, to Europe for training. During 16 years from 1925 to 1941, Reza Shah's numerous development projects transformed Iran into an urbanized country. Public education progressed rapidly, and new social classes developed. A professional middle class and an industrial working class had emerged.

By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah's strong secular rule caused dissatisfaction among some groups, particularly the clergy, who opposed his reforms. In 1935 Reza Pahlavi issued a decree asking foreign delegates to use the term Iran in formal correspondence, in accordance with the fact that "Persia" was a term used by Western peoples for the country called "Iran" in Persian. After some scholars protested, his successor, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, announced in 1959 that both Persia and Iran were acceptable and could be used interchangeably.

File:Reza Shah Pahlavi.jpg
Reza Shah Pahlavi

Reza Shah tried to avoid involvement with Britain and the Soviet Union. Though many of his development projects required foreign technical expertise, he avoided awarding contracts to British and Soviet companies. Although Britain, through its ownership of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, controlled all of Iran's oil resources, Reza Shah preferred to obtain technical assistance from Germany, France, Italy, and other European countries. This created problems for Iran after 1939, when Germany and Britain became enemies in World War II. Reza Shah proclaimed Iran as a neutral country, but Britain insisted that German engineers and technicians in Iran were spies with missions to sabotage British oil facilities in southwestern Iran. Britain demanded that Iran expel all German citizens, but Reza Shah refused, claiming this would adversely impact his development projects.

Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (Template:Lang-fa; 26 October 1919 – 27 July 1980) was the king of Iran (Shah of Iran) from 16 September 1941 until his overthrow by the Islamic Revolution on 11 February 1979. He took the title Shāhanshāh ("Emperor" or "King of Kings") on 26 October 1967. He was the second and last monarch of the House of Pahlavi of the Iranian monarchy. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi held several other titles, including that of Aryamehr (Light of the Aryans) and Bozorg Arteshtārān (Head of the Warriors, Persian: Bozorg Arteshdārān).

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi came to power during World War II after an Anglo-Soviet invasion forced the abdication of his father Reza Shah. During Mohammad Reza's reign, the Iranian oil industry was briefly nationalized under the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh before a U.S. and UK-backed coup d'état deposed Mosaddegh and brought back foreign oil firms, and Iran marked the anniversary of 2,500 years of continuous monarchy since the founding of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great. As ruler, he introduced the White Revolution, a series of economic, social and political reforms with the proclaimed intention of transforming Iran into a global power and modernizing the nation by nationalizing certain industries and granting women suffrage.

A secular Muslim, Mohammad Reza gradually lost support from the Shi'a clergy of Iran as well as the working class, particularly due to his strong policy of modernization, secularization, conflict with the traditional class of merchants known as bazaari, recognition of Israel, and corruption issues surrounding himself, his family, and the ruling elite. Various additional controversial policies were enacted, including the banning of the communist Tudeh Party, and a general suppression of political dissent by Iran's intelligence agency, SAVAK. According to official statistics, Iran had as many as 2,200 political prisoners in 1978, a number which multiplied rapidly as a result of the revolution.

Several other factors contributed to strong opposition to the Shah among certain groups within Iran, the most notable of which were United States and UK support for his regime, clashes with Islamists and increased communist activity. By 1979, political unrest had transformed into a revolution which, on 17 January, forced him to leave Iran. Soon thereafter, the Iranian monarchy was formally abolished, and Iran was declared an Islamic republic led by Ayatollah Khomeini. Facing likely execution should he return to Iran, he died in exile in Egypt, whose President, Anwar Sadat, had granted him asylum. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi is often called "the last Shah of Iran" or more commonly and simply "the Shah".

Early life

Born in Tehran to Reza Pahlavi and his second wife, Tadj ol-Molouk, Mohammad Reza was the eldest son of the first Shah of the Pahlavi dynasty, and the third of his eleven children. He was born with a twin sister, Ashraf Pahlavi. However, Shams, Mohammad Reza, Ashraf, Ali Reza, and their older half-sister, Fatemeh, were born as non-royals, as their father did not become Shah until 1925. Nevertheless, Reza Shah was always convinced that his sudden quirk of good fortune had commenced in 1919 with the birth of his son who was dubbed khoshghadam (bird of good omen).

By the time Mohammad Reza turned 11, his father deferred to the recommendation of Abdolhossein Teymourtash to dispatch his son to Institut Le Rosey, a Swiss boarding school, for further studies. He would be the first Iranian prince in line for the throne to be sent abroad to attain a foreign education and remained there for the next four years before returning to obtain his high school diploma in Iran in 1936. After returning to the country, the Crown Prince was registered at the local military academy in Tehran where he remained enrolled until 1938.

Early reign

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Deposition of his father

Main articles: Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran and Persian Corridor

In the midst of World War II in 1941, Nazi Germany began Operation Barbarossa and invaded the Soviet Union, breaking the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. This had a major impact on Iran, which had declared neutrality in the conflict.

Later that year British and Soviet forces occupied Iran in a military invasion, forcing Reza Shah to abdicate. Mohammad Reza replaced him on the throne on 16 September 1941. Subsequent to his succession as king, Iran became a major conduit for British and, later, American aid to the USSR during the war. This massive supply effort became known as the Persian Corridor.

During World War II, Rezā Shāh was forced to abdicate in favor of his son.

Much of the credit for orchestrating a smooth transition of power from the King to the Crown Prince was due to the efforts of Mohammad Ali Foroughi. Suffering from angina, a frail Foroughi was summoned to the Palace and appointed Prime Minister when Reza Shah feared the end of the Pahlavi dynasty once the Allies invaded Iran in 1941. When Reza Shah sought his assistance to ensure that the Allies would not put an end to the Pahlavi dynasty, Foroughi put aside his adverse personal sentiments for having been politically sidelined since 1935. The Crown Prince confided in amazement to the British Minister that Foroughi "hardly expected any son of Reza Shah to be a civilized human being", but Foroughi successfully derailed thoughts by the Allies to undertake a more drastic change in the political infrastructure of Iran.

A general amnesty was issued two days after Mohammad Reza Shah's accession to the throne on 19 September 1941. All political personalities who had suffered disgrace during his father's reign were rehabilitated, and the forced unveiling policy inaugurated by his father in 1935 was overturned. Despite the young king's enlightened decisions, the British Minister in Tehran reported to London that "the young Shah received a fairly spontaneous welcome on his first public experience, possibly rather to relief at the disappearance of his father than to public affection for himself".

Despite his public professions of admiration in later years, Mohammad Reza had serious misgivings about not only the coarse and roughshod political means adopted by his father, but also his unsophisticated approach to the affairs of the state. The young Shah possessed a decidedly more refined temperament, and among the unsavory developments that "would haunt him when he was king" were the political disgrace brought by his father on Teymourtash; the dismissal of Foroughi by the mid-1930s; and Ali Akbar Davar's decision to commit suicide in 1937. An even more significant decision that cast a long shadow was the disastrous and one-sided agreement his father had negotiated with APOC in 1933, one which compromised the country's ability to receive more favorable returns from oil extracted from the country.

Oil nationalization and the 1953 coup

Main article: 1953 Iranian coup d'état
The Shah's portrait on the 1000 Iranian rial banknote, issued by the Bank Markazi Iran.

By the early 1950s, the political crisis brewing in Iran commanded the attention of British and American policy leaders. In 1951, Mohammad Mossaddegh was appointed Prime Minister and committed to nationalizing the Iranian petroleum industry controlled by the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (AIOC). Under the leadership of Mossaddegh's democratically elected nationalist movement, the Iranian parliament unanimously voted to nationalize the oil industry – thus shutting out the immensely profitable AIOC, which was a pillar of Britain's economy and provided it political clout in the region.

Pahlavi with US President Truman in Washington, c. 18 November 1949

At the start of the confrontation, American political sympathy was forthcoming from the Truman Administration. In particular, Mossaddegh was buoyed by the advice and counsel he was receiving from American Ambassador in Tehran, Henry F. Grady. However, eventually American decision-makers lost their patience, and by the time a Republican Administration came to office fears that communists were poised to overthrow the government became an all consuming concern (these concerns were later dismissed as "paranoid" in retrospective commentary on the coup from U.S. government officials). Shortly prior to the 1952 presidential election in the United States, the British government invited CIA officer Kermit Roosevelt, Jr., to London to propose collaboration on a secret plan to force Mossaddegh from office. This would be the first of three "regime change" operations led by Allen Dulles (the other two being the successful CIA-instigated 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état and the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion of Cuba).

Under the direction of Kermit Roosevelt, Jr., a senior Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) officer and grandson of former U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt, the American CIA and British Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) funded and led a covert operation to depose Mossaddegh with the help of military forces disloyal to the democratically elected government. Referred to as Operation Ajax, the plot hinged on orders signed by Mohammad Reza to dismiss Mosaddegh as prime minister and replace him with General Fazlollah Zahedi – a choice agreed on by the British and Americans.

Despite the high-level coordination and planning, the coup initially failed, causing the Shah to flee to Baghdad, and then to Rome. After a brief exile in Italy, he returned to Iran, this time through a successful second attempt at a coup. A deposed Mossaddegh was arrested and tried. The king intervened and commuted the sentence to ([one and a half)} three years, to be followed by life in internal exile. Zahedi was installed to succeed Mossaddegh.

Before the first attempted coup, the American Embassy in Tehran reported that Mossaddegh's popular support remained robust. The Prime Minister requested direct control of the army from the Majlis. Given the situation, alongside the strong personal support of Conservative leader Anthony Eden and Prime Minister Winston Churchill for covert action, the American government gave the go-ahead to a committee, attended by the Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles, Kermit Roosevelt, Henderson, and Secretary of Defense Charles Erwin Wilson. Kermit Roosevelt returned to Iran on 13 July 1953, and again on 1 August 1953, in his first meeting with the king. A car picked him up at midnight and drove him to the palace. He lay down on the seat and covered himself with a blanket as guards waved his driver through the gates. The Shah got into the car and Roosevelt explained the mission. The CIA bribed him with $1 million in Iranian currency, which Roosevelt had stored in a large safe – a bulky cache, given the exchange rate at the time of 1,000 rial to 15 dollars.

The Communists staged massive demonstrations to hijack Mossaddegh's initiatives. The United States actively plotted against him. On 16 August 1953, the right wing of the Army attacked. Armed with an order by the Shah, it appointed General Fazlollah Zahedi as prime minister. A coalition of mobs and retired officers close to the Palace executed this coup d'état. They failed dismally and the Shah fled the country in humiliating haste. Even Ettelaat, the nation's largest daily newspaper, and its pro-Shah publisher, Abbas Masudi, were against him.

During the following two days, the Communists turned against Mossaddegh. Opposition against him grew tremendously. They roamed Tehran, raising red flags and pulling down statues of Reza Shah. This was rejected by conservative clerics like Kashani and National Front leaders like Hossein Makki, who sided with the king. On 18 August 1953, Mossaddegh defended the government against this new attack. Tudeh partisans were clubbed and dispersed.

The Tudeh party had no choice but to accept defeat. In the meantime, according to the CIA plot, Zahedi appealed to the military, and claimed to be the legitimate prime minister and charged Mossaddegh with staging a coup by ignoring the Shah's decree. Zahedi's son Ardeshir acted as the contact between the CIA and his father. On 19 August 1953, pro-Shah partisans – bribed with $100,000 in CIA funds – finally appeared and marched out of south Tehran into the city center, where others joined in. Gangs with clubs, knives, and rocks controlled the streets, overturning Tudeh trucks and beating up anti-Shah activists. As Roosevelt was congratulating Zahedi in the basement of his hiding place, the new Prime Minister's mobs burst in and carried him upstairs on their shoulders. That evening, Henderson suggested to Ardashir that Mossaddegh not be harmed. Roosevelt gave Zahedi US$900,000 left from Operation Ajax funds.

Pahlavi leads the Islamic prayers known as Salat

U.S. actions further solidified sentiments that the West was a meddlesome influence in Iranian politics. In the year 2000, reflecting on this notion, U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright stated:

"In 1953 the United States played a significant role in orchestrating the overthrow of Iran's popular Prime Minister, Mohammad Mossaddegh. The Eisenhower Administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons; but the coup was clearly a setback for Iran's political development. And it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America in their internal affairs."

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi returned to power, but never extended the elite status of the court to the technocrats and intellectuals who emerged from Iranian and Western universities. Indeed, his system irritated the new classes, for they were barred from partaking in real power.

Assassination attempts

Picture of Mohammad Reza Shah in the hospital after the failed assassination attempt against him in 1949.

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was the target of at least two unsuccessful assassination attempts. On 4 February 1949, he attended an annual ceremony to commemorate the founding of Tehran University. At the ceremony, Fakhr-Arai fired five shots at him at a range of ten feet. Only one of the shots hit the king, grazing his cheek. Fakhr-Arai was instantly shot by nearby officers. After an investigation, it was thought that Fakhr-Arai was a member of the Tudeh Party, which was subsequently banned. However, there is evidence that the would-be assassin was not a Tudeh member but a religious fundamentalist member of Fada'iyan-e Islam. The Tudeh was nonetheless blamed and persecuted.

The second attempt on the Shah's life occurred on 10 April 1965. A soldier shot his way through the Marble Palace. The assassin was killed before he reached the royal quarters. Two civilian guards died protecting the Shah.

According to Vladimir Kuzichkin – a former KGB officer who defected to the SIS – the Shah was also allegedly targeted by the Soviet Union, who tried to use a TV remote control to detonate a bomb-laden Volkswagen Beetle. The TV remote failed to function. A high-ranking Romanian defector Ion Mihai Pacepa also supported this claim, asserting that he had been the target of various assassination attempts by Soviet agents for many years.

Middle years

Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi crowning Empress Farah at their coronation ceremony in 1967

Imperial coronation

On 26 October 1967, twenty-six years into his reign as Shah ("King"), he took the ancient title Shāhanshāh ("Emperor" or "King of Kings") in a lavish coronation ceremony held in Tehran. He said that he chose to wait until this moment to assume the title because in his own opinion he "did not deserve it" up until then; he is also recorded as saying that there was "no honor in being Emperor of a poor country" (which he viewed Iran as being until that time).

Imperial symbols

Main article: Imperial Standards of Iran
Imperial Standard of the Shāhanshāh

The Pahlavi imperial family employed rich heraldry to symbolize their reign and ancient Persian heritage. The imperial crown image was included in every official state document and symbol—from the badges of the armed forces to paper money and coinage. The crown image was naturally the centerpiece of the imperial standard of the Shah (Shāhanshāh).

The personal standards—for the Shāhanshāh, for his wife the Shahbānū (Shahbanu) and for the eldest son who was his designated successor (Crown Prince)—had a field of pale blue (the traditional colour of the Iranian Imperial Family) at the center of which was placed the heraldic motif of the individual. The Imperial Iranian national flag was placed in the top left quadrant of each standard. The appropriate Imperial standard was flown beside the national flag when the individual was present.

Foreign relations

File:ShahKennedy.gif
Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, U.S. president Kennedy, and U.S. Defense Secretary Robert McNamara in the White House Cabinet Room on 13 April 1962
Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi and Empress Farah meeting with general secretary Leonid Brezhnev in Moscow in 1970

Mohammad Reza Shah supported the Yemeni royalists against republican forces in the Yemen Civil War (1962–70) and assisted the sultan of Oman in putting down a rebellion in Dhofar (1971).

Concerning the fate of Bahrain (which Britain had controlled since the 19th century, but which Iran claimed as its own territory) and three small Persian Gulf islands, the Shah negotiated an agreement with the British, which, by means of a public consensus, ultimately led to the independence of Bahrain (against the wishes of Iranian nationalists). In return, Iran took full control of Greater and Lesser Tunbs and Abu Musa in the Strait of Hormuz, three strategically sensitive islands which were claimed by the United Arab Emirates.

During this period, the Shah maintained cordial relations with the Persian Gulf states and established close diplomatic ties with Saudi Arabia.

Relations with Iraq, however, were often difficult due to political instability in the latter country. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was distrustful of both the Socialist government of Abd al-Karim Qasim and the Arab nationalist Baath party. In April 1969, he abrogated the 1937 Iranian-Iraqi treaty over control of the Shatt al-Arab, and as such, Iran ceased paying tolls to Iraq when its ships used the Shatt al-Arab. He justified his move by arguing that almost all river borders all over the world ran along the thalweg (deep channel mark), and by claiming that because most of the ships that used the Shatt al-Arab were Iranian, the 1937 treaty was unfair to Iran. Iraq threatened war over the Iranian move, but when on 24 April 1969 an Iranian tanker escorted by Iranian warships sailed down the Shatt al-Arab, Iraq being the militarily weaker state did nothing. The Iranian abrogation of the 1937 treaty marked the beginning of a period of acute Iraqi-Iranian tension that was to last until the Algiers Accords of 1975. He financed Kurdish separatist rebels, and to cover his tracks, armed them with Soviet weapons which Israel had seized from Soviet-backed Arab regimes, and then handed over to Iran at the Shah's behest. The initial operation was a disaster, but the Shah continued attempts to support the rebels and weaken Iraq. Then in 1975, the countries signed the Algiers Accord, which granted Iraq equal navigation rights in the Shatt al-Arab river, while Mohammad Reza Pahlavi agreed to end his support for Iraqi Kurdish rebels. The Shah also maintained close relations with King Hussein of Jordan, Anwar Sadat of Egypt, and King Hassan II of Morocco.

The Shah's diplomatic foundation was the United States' guarantee that they would protect him, which was what enabled him to stand up to larger enemies. While the arrangement did not preclude other partnerships and treaties, it helped to provide a somewhat stable environment in which Pahlavi could implement his reforms. Another factor guiding Pahlavi in his foreign policy was his wish for financial stability which required strong diplomatic ties. A third factor in his foreign policy was his wish to present Iran as a prosperous and powerful nation; this fueled his domestic policy of Westernization and reform. A final component was his promise that communism could be halted at Iran's border if his monarchy was preserved. By 1977, the country's treasury, Pahlavi's autocracy, and his strategic alliances seemed to form a protective layer around Iran.

In July 1964, the Shah, Turkish President Cemal Gürsel and Pakistani President Ayub Khan announced in Istanbul the establishment of the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) organization to promote joint transportation and economic projects. It also envisioned Afghanistan's joining some time in the future.

The Shah of Iran was the first regional leader to recognize the State of Israel as a de facto state, although when interviewed on 60 Minutes by reporter Mike Wallace, he criticized American Jews for their presumed control over U.S. media and finance.

Although the United States was responsible for putting the Shah in power, he did not always act as a close U.S. ally. In the early 1960s, when a policy planning staff that included William R. Polk encouraged the Shah to spread around Iran's growing revenues more equitably, slow the rush toward militarization, and open the government to political processes, he became furious and identified Polk as "the principle enemy of his regime." The U.S.-Iran relationship grew more contentious when the U.S. became dependent on him to be a stabilizing force in the Middle East. When Nixon's National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger visited Tehran in May 1972, the Shah convinced him to take a larger role in what had, up to then, been a mainly Israeli-Iranian operation to aid Iraqi Kurds in their struggles against Iraq, against the warnings of the CIA and State Department that the Shah would ultimately betray the Kurds. He did this in March 1975 with the signing of the Algiers Accord that settled Iraqi-Iranian border disputes, an action taken without prior consultation of the U.S., after which he cut off all aid to the Kurds and prevented the U.S. and Israel from using Iranian territory to provide them assistance.

The Shah also manipulated America's dependence of Middle Eastern oil; although Iran did not participate in the 1973 oil embargo, he purposely increased production in its aftermath to capitalize on the higher prices. In December 1973, only two months after oil prices were raised by 70 percent, he urged OPEC nations to push oil prices even higher, which they agreed to and more than doubled the price. Oil prices increased 470 percent over a 12-month period, which also increased Iran's GDP by 50 percent. Upon personal pleas from President Richard Nixon, the Shah ignored any complaints, claimed the U.S. was importing more oil than any time in the past, and proclaimed that "the industrial world will have to realize that the era of their terrific progress and even more terrific income and wealth based on cheap oil is finished."

Modernization and evolution of government

Further information: White Revolution
Lunar astronaut Neil Armstrong meeting the Shah of Iran during visit of Apollo 11 astronauts to Tehran on 28–31 October 1969

With Iran's great oil wealth, the Shah became the pre-eminent leader of the Middle East, and self-styled "Guardian" of the Persian Gulf. In 1961, he defended his style of rule, saying "when Iranians learn to behave like Swedes, I will behave like the King of Sweden".

During the last years of his government, the Shah's government became more centralized. In the words of a US Embassy dispatch, "The Shah's picture is everywhere. The beginning of all film showings in public theaters presents the Shah in various regal poses accompanied by the strains of the National anthem...The monarch also actively extends his influence to all phases of social affairs...there is hardly any activity or vocation which the Shah or members of his family or his closest friends do not have a direct or at least a symbolic involvement. In the past, he had claimed to take a two-party system seriously and declared, "If I were a dictator rather than a constitutional monarch, then I might be tempted to sponsor a single dominant party such as Hitler organized".

By 1975, he abolished the multi-party system of government in favor of a one-party state under the Rastakhiz (Resurrection) Party. Mohammad Reza Shah's own words on its justification was; "We must straighten out Iranians' ranks. To do so, we divide them into two categories: those who believe in Monarchy, the constitution and the Six Bahman Revolution and those who don't...A person who does not enter the new political party and does not believe in the three cardinal principles will have only two choices. He is either an individual who belongs to an illegal organization, or is related to the outlawed Tudeh Party, or in other words a traitor. Such an individual belongs to an Iranian prison, or if he desires he can leave the country tomorrow, without even paying exit fees; he can go anywhere he likes, because he is not Iranian, he has no nation, and his activities are illegal and punishable according to the law". In addition, the Shah had decreed that all Iranian citizens and the few remaining political parties become part of Rastakhiz.

Achievements

Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi at a press conference in Niavaran Palace, 24 January 1971
Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi met Algerian president Houari Boumediène and Iraqi vice president Saddam Hussein in Algiers in 1975 to sign the 1975 Algiers Agreement

In his "White Revolution" starting in the 1960s, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi made major changes to modernize Iran. He curbed the power of certain ancient elite factions by expropriating large and medium-sized estates for the benefit of more than four million small farmers. He took a number of other major measures, including extending suffrage to women and the participation of workers in factories through shares and other measures. In the 1970s the governmental program of a free of charge nourishment for children at school ("Taghzieh e Rāigān") was implemented. Under the Shah's reign, the national Iranian income showed an unprecedented rise for an extended period.

Improvement of the educational system was made through new elementary schools and additionally literacy courses were set up in remote villages by the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces, this initiative being called "Sepāh e Dānesh", "Army of Knowledge". The Armed Forces were also engaged in infrastructural and other educational projects throughout the country ("Sepāh-e Tarvij va Âbādāni") as well as in health education and promotion ("Sepāh-e Behdāsht"). The Shah instituted exams for Islamic theologians to become established clerics. Many Iranian university students were sent to and supported in foreign, especially Western countries and the Indian subcontinent.

In the field of diplomacy, Iran realized and maintained friendly relations with Western and East European countries as well as the state of Israel and China and became, especially through the close friendship with the United States, more and more a hegemonial power in the Persian Gulf region and the Middle East. The suppression of the communist guerilla movement in the region of Dhofar in Oman with the help of the Iranian army after a formal request by Sultan Qaboos was widely regarded in this context.

As to infrastructural and technological progress, the Shah continued and developed further the policies introduced by his father. As part of his programs, projects in several technologies, such as steel, telecommunications, petrochemical facilities, power plants, dams and the automobile industry may be named. The Aryamehr University of Technology was established as a major new academic institution.

In terms of cultural activities, international cooperations were encouraged and organized, such as the Shiraz Arts Festival. As part of his various financial support programs in the fields of culture and arts, the Shah, along with King Hussein of Jordan donated an amount to the Chinese Muslim Association for the construction of the Taipei Grand Mosque.

Criticism of reign and causes of his overthrow

Main article: Policies and policy mistakes of the Shah

At the Federation of American Scientists, John Pike writes:

In 1978 the deepening opposition to the Shah erupted in widespread demonstrations and rioting. Recognizing that even this level of violence had failed to crush the rebellion, the Shah abdicated the Peacock Throne and fled Iran on 16 January 1979. Despite decades of pervasive surveillance by SAVAK, working closely with CIA, the extent of public opposition to the Shah, and his sudden departure, came as a considerable surprise to the US intelligence community and national leadership. As late as 28 September 1978 the US Defense Intelligence Agency reported that the Shah "is expected to remain actively in power over the next ten years."

Explanations for why Mohammad Reza was overthrown include that he was a dictator put in place by a non-Muslim Western power, the United States, whose foreign culture was seen as influencing that of Iran. Additional contributing factors included reports of oppression, brutality, corruption, and extravagance. Basic functional failures of the regime have also been blamed – economic bottlenecks, shortages and inflation; the regime's over-ambitious economic program; the failure of its security forces to deal with protest and demonstration; the overly centralized royal power structure. International policies pursued by the Shah in order to increase national income by remarkable increases of the price of oil through his leading role in the Organization of the Oil Producing Countries (OPEC) have been stressed as a major cause for a shift of Western interests and priorities and for an actual reduction of their support for him reflected in a critical position of Western politicians and media, especially of the administration of U.S. President Jimmy Carter, regarding the question of human rights in Iran, and in strengthened economic ties between the United States of America and Saudi Arabia in the 1970s.

In October 1971, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi celebrated the twenty-five-hundredth anniversary of the Iranian monarchy. The New York Times reported that $100 million was spent. Next to the ancient ruins of Persepolis, the Shah gave orders to build a tent city covering 160 acres (0.65 km), studded with three huge royal tents and fifty-nine lesser ones arranged in a star-shaped design. French chefs from Maxim's of Paris prepared breast of peacock for royalty and dignitaries around the world, the buildings were decorated by Maison Jansen (the same firm that helped Jacqueline Kennedy redecorate the White House), the guests ate off Limoges porcelain china and drank from Baccarat crystal glasses. This became a major scandal as the contrast between the dazzling elegance of celebration and the misery of the nearby villages was so dramatic that no one could ignore it. Months before the festivities, university students went on strike in protest. Indeed, the cost was so sufficiently impressive that the Shah forbade his associates to discuss the actual figures. However he and his supporters argue that the celebrations opened new investments in Iran, improved relationships with the other leaders and nations of the world, and provided greater recognition of Iran.

Other actions that are thought to have contributed to his downfall include antagonizing formerly apolitical Iranians — especially merchants of the bazaars — with the creation in 1975 of a single party political monopoly (the Rastakhiz Party), with compulsory membership and dues, and general aggressive interference in the political, economic, and religious concerns of people's lives; and the 1976 change from an Islamic calendar to an Imperial calendar, marking the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus as the first day, instead of the migration of the Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina. This supposed date was designed that the year 2500 would fall on 1941, the year when his own reign started. Overnight, the year changed from 1355 to 2535. During the extravagant festivities to celebrate the 2500th anniversary, the Shah was quoted as saying at Cyrus's tomb: "Rest in peace, Cyrus, for we are awake".

It has been argued that the White Revolution was "shoddily planned and haphazardly carried out", upsetting the wealthy while not going far enough to provide for the poor or offer greater political freedom.

Some achievements of the Shah—such as broadened education—had unintended consequences. While school attendance rose (by 1966 the school attendance of urban seven- to fourteen-year-olds was estimated at 75.8%), Iran's labor market could not absorb a high number of educated youth. In 1966, high school graduates had "a higher rate of unemployment than did the illiterate", and educated unemployed often supported the revolution.

Black Friday

Main article: Black Friday (1978)

The Shah-centered command structure of the Iranian military, and the lack of training to confront civil unrest, was marked by disaster and bloodshed. There were several instances where army units had opened fire, the most notorious one being the events of 8 September 1978. On this day, which later became known as "Black Friday", thousands had gathered in Tehran's Jaleh Square for a religious demonstration. With people refusing to recognize martial law, the soldiers opened fire, killing and seriously injuring a large number of people. Black Friday played a crucial role in further radicalizing the protest movement. This massacre seriously reduced the chances for reconciliation to the level that Black Friday is referred to as point of no return for the revolution.

Revolution

Main article: Iranian Revolution
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi meeting with members of the U.S. government: Arthur Atherton, William H. Sullivan, Cyrus Vance, President Jimmy Carter, and Zbigniew Brzezinski, 1977
Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Shahbanu Farah shortly before leaving Iran in 1979 during the height of the Iranian revolution

The overthrow of the Shah came as a surprise to almost all observers. The first militant anti-Shah demonstrations of a few hundred started in October 1977, after the death of Khomeini's son Mostafa. A year later strikes were paralyzing the country, and in early December a "total of 6 to 9 million"—more than 10% of the country—marched against the Shah throughout Iran. On 2 October 1978, the Shah declared and granted an amnesty to dissidents living abroad, including Ayatollah Khomenei.

On 16 January 1979, he made a contract with Farboud and left Iran at the behest of Prime Minister Shapour Bakhtiar (a long time opposition leader himself), who sought to calm the situation. Spontaneous attacks by members of the public on statues of the Pahlavis followed, and "within hours, almost every sign of the Pahlavi dynasty" was destroyed. Bakhtiar dissolved SAVAK, freed all political prisoners, and allowed Ayatollah Khomeini to return to Iran after years in exile. He asked Khomeini to create a Vatican-like state in Qom, promised free elections, and called upon the opposition to help preserve the constitution, proposing a "national unity" government including Khomeini's followers. Khomeini rejected Bakhtiar's demands and appointed his own interim government, with Mehdi Bazargan as prime minister, stating that "I will appoint a state. I will act against this government. With the nation's support, I will appoint a state." In February, pro-Khomeini revolutionary guerrilla and rebel soldiers gained the upper hand in street fighting, and the military announced its neutrality. On the evening of 11 February, the dissolution of the monarchy was complete.

Exile

The Shah and Henry Boniet in Cuernavaca, Mexico in 1979

During his second exile, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi traveled from country to country seeking what he hoped would be temporary residence. First he flew to Assuan, Egypt, where he received a warm and gracious welcome from President Anwar El-Sadat. He later lived in Morocco as a guest of King Hassan II, as well as in the Bahamas, and in Cuernavaca, Mexico, near Mexico City, as a guest of José López Portillo. Richard Nixon, the former president, visited the Shah in summer 1979 in Mexico. The Shah suffered from gallstones that would require prompt surgery. He was offered treatment in Switzerland, but insisted on treatment in the United States.

On 22 October 1979, President Jimmy Carter reluctantly allowed the Shah into the United States to undergo surgical treatment at the New York–Weill Cornell Medical Hospital. While in Cornell Medical Center, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi used the name "David D. Newsom" as his temporary code name, without Newsom's knowledge.

The Shah was taken later by U.S. Air Force jet to Kelly Air Force Base in Texas and from there to Wilford Hall Medical Center at Lackland Air Force Base. It was anticipated that his stay in the United States would be short; however, surgical complications ensued, which required six weeks of confinement in the hospital before he recovered. His prolonged stay in the United States was extremely unpopular with the revolutionary movement in Iran, which still resented the United States' overthrow of Prime Minister Mosaddegh and the years of support for the Shah's rule. The Iranian government demanded his return to Iran, but he stayed in the hospital.

Tomb of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, located at the Rifa'i Mosque in Cairo

There are claims that this resulted in the storming of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and the kidnapping of American diplomats, military personnel, and intelligence officers, which soon became known as the Iran hostage crisis. In the Shah's memoir, Answer to History, he claimed that the United States never provided him any kind of health care and asked him to leave the country.

He left the United States on 15 December 1979 and lived for a short time in the Isla Contadora in Panama. This caused riots by Panamanians who objected to the Shah being in their country. The new government in Iran still demanded his and his wife's immediate extradition to Tehran. A short time after Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's arrival in Panama, an Iranian ambassador was dispatched to the Central American nation carrying a 450-page extradition request. That official appeal alarmed both the Shah and his advisors. Whether the Panamanian government would have complied is a matter of speculation among historians.

After that event, the Shah again sought the support of Egyptian president Anwar El-Sadat, who renewed his offer of permanent asylum in Egypt to the ailing monarch. He returned to Egypt in March 1980, where he received urgent medical treatment, including a splenectomy performed by Michael DeBakey,

Death

He died from complications of Waldenström's macroglobulinemia (a type of non-Hodgkin lymphoma) on 27 July 1980, aged 60. Egyptian President Sadat gave the Shah a state funeral.

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi is buried in the Al Rifa'i Mosque in Cairo, a mosque of great symbolic importance. The last royal rulers of two monarchies are buried there, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran and King Farouk of Egypt, his former brother-in-law. The tombs lie to the left of the entrance. Years earlier, his father and predecessor, Reza Shah had also initially been buried at the Al Rifa'i Mosque.

Legacy

Insignia of the Imperial Iranian Ministry of War
Iranian newspaper clip from 1968 reads "A quarter of Iran's Nuclear Energy scientists are women", a marked change in women's rights.

In 1969, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi sent one of 73 Apollo 11 Goodwill Messages to NASA for the historic first lunar landing. The message still rests on the lunar surface today. He stated in part, "we pray the Almighty God to guide mankind towards ever increasing success in the establishment of culture, knowledge and human civilization". The Apollo 11 crew visited Mohammad Reza Shah during a world tour.

Shortly after his overthrow, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi wrote an autobiographical memoir Réponse à l'histoire (Answer to History). It was translated from the original French into English, Persian (Pasokh be Tarikh), and other languages. However, by the time of its publication, the Shah had already died. The book is his personal account of his reign and accomplishments, as well as his perspective on issues related to the Iranian Revolution and Western foreign policy toward Iran. He places some of the blame for the wrongdoings of SAVAK, and the failures of various democratic and social reforms (particularly through the White Revolution), upon Amir Abbas Hoveyda and his administration.

Recently, the Shah's reputation has experienced something of a revival in Iran, with some people looking back on his era as a time when Iran was more prosperous and the government less oppressive. Journalist Afshin Molavi reported that some members of the uneducated poor—traditionally core supporters of the revolution that overthrew the Shah—were making remarks such as, "God bless the Shah's soul, the economy was better then", and found that "books about the former Shah (even censored ones) sell briskly", while "books of the Rightly Guided Path sit idle".

The Shah's writings

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi published several books in the course of his kingship and two later works after his downfall. Among others, these include:

  • Mission for My Country (1960)
  • The White Revolution (1967)
  • Toward the Great Civilization. Persian version: Imperial 2536 (1977); English version (1994).
  • Answer to History (1980)
  • The Shah's Story (1980)

Women's rights

Main article: White Revolution

Under Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's father, the government supported advancements by women against child marriage, polygamy, exclusion from public society, and education segregation. However, independent feminist political groups were shut down and forcibly integrated into one state-created institution, which maintained many paternalistic views. Despite substantial opposition from Shiite religious jurists, the Iranian feminist movement, led by activists such as Fatemah Sayyeh, achieved further advancement under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. His regime's changes focused on the civil sphere, and private-oriented family law remained restrictive, although the 1967 and 1975 Family Protection Laws attempted to reform this trend. Specifically, women gained the right to become ministers such as Farrokhroo Parsa and judges such as Shirin Ebadi, as well as any other profession regardless of their gender.

File:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.8.jpg
Queen Fawzia, Queen Soraya and Empress Farah

Marriages and children

Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi and three of his children: Princess Farahnaz, Reza and Alireza

Pahlavi married three times:

Fawzia of Egypt

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk suggested to Reza Shah during the latter's visit to Turkey that a marriage between the Iranian and Egyptian courts would be beneficial for the two countries and their dynasties. In line with this suggestion, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Princess Fawzia married. Dilawar Princess Fawzia of Egypt (5 November 1921 – 2 July 2013), a daughter of King Fuad I of Egypt and Nazli Sabri, was a sister of King Farouk I of Egypt. They married on 15 March 1939 in the Abdeen Palace in Cairo. Reza Shah did not participate in the ceremony. They were divorced in 1945 (Egyptian divorce) and in 1948 (Iranian divorce). Together they had one child, a daughter, HIH Princess Shahnaz Pahlavi (born 27 October 1940).

Soraya Esfandiary-Bakhtiari

His second wife was Soraya Esfandiary-Bakhtiari (22 June 1932 – 26 October 2001), a half-German half-Iranian woman and the only daughter of Khalil Esfandiary, Iranian Ambassador to West Germany, and his wife, the former Eva Karl. They married on 12 February 1951, when Soraya was 18 according the official announcement; however, it was rumored that she was actually 16 at the time, the Shah being 32. As a child she was tutored and brought up by Frau Mantel, and hence lacked proper knowledge of Iran, as she herself admits in her personal memoirs, stating, "I was a dunce—I knew next to nothing of the geography, the legends of my country, nothing of its history, nothing of Muslim religion." The Shah and Soraya's controversial marriage ended in 1958 when it became apparent that, even through help from medical doctors, she could not bear children. Soraya later told the New York Times that the Shah had no choice but to divorce her, and that he was heavy-hearted about the decision.

However, even after the marriage, it is reported that the Shah still had great love for Soraya, and it is reported that they met several times after their divorce and that she lived her post-divorce life comfortably as a wealthy lady, even though she never remarried; being paid a monthly salary of about $7,000 from Iran. Following her death in 2001 at the age of 69 in Paris, an auction of the possessions included a three-million-dollar Paris estate, a 22.37 carat diamond ring and a 1958 Rolls-Royce.

He subsequently indicated his interest in marrying Princess Maria Gabriella of Savoy, a daughter of the deposed Italian king, Umberto II. Pope John XXIII reportedly vetoed the suggestion. In an editorial about the rumors surrounding the marriage of a "Muslim sovereign and a Catholic princess", the Vatican newspaper, L'Osservatore Romano, considered the match "a grave danger", especially considering that under the 1917 Code of Canon Law a Roman Catholic who married a divorced person would be automatically, and could be formally, excommunicated.

Farah Diba

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi married his third and final wife, Farah Diba (born 14 October 1938), the only child of Sohrab Diba, Captain in the Imperial Iranian Army (son of an Iranian Ambassador to the Romanov Court in Moscow, Russia), and his wife, the former Farideh Ghotbi. They were married in 1959, and Queen Farah was crowned Shahbanu, or Empress, a title created especially for her in 1967. Previous royal consorts had been known as "Malakeh" (Arabic: Malika), or Queen. The couple remained together for twenty one years, until the Shah's death. Farah Diba bore him four children:

Wealth

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi inherited the wealth built by his father Reza Shah who preceded him as king of Iran and became known as the richest person in Iran during his reign, with his wealth estimated to be higher than 600 million rials and including vast amounts of land and numerous large estates specially in the province of Mazandaran obtained usually at a fraction of its real price. Reza Pahlavi facing criticism for his wealth decided to pass on all of his land and wealth to his eldest son Mohammad Reza in exchange for a sugar cube, known in Iran as habbe kardan. However shortly after obtaining the wealth Mohammad Reza was ordered by his father and then king to transfer a million tooman or 500,000 dollars to each of his siblings. By 1958 it was estimated that the companies possessed by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi had a value of $157 million (in 1958 USD) with an estimated additional 100 million saved outside Iran. The rumors and constant talk of his, and his family's corruption greatly damaged his reputation and lead to the creation of the Pahlavi Foundation in the same year and the return of some 2,000 villages inherited by his father back to the people often at very low and discount prices, however it can be argued that this was too little too late as the royal family's wealth and corruption can be seen as one of the factors behind the Iranian revolution in 1979. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's wealth was even considerable during his time in exile. While staying in the Bahamas he offered to purchase the island that he was staying on for $425 million (in 1979 USD), however his offer was rejected by the Bahamas claiming that the island was worth far more. On 17 October 1979 again in exile and perhaps knowing the gravity of his illness he split up his wealth between his family members, giving 20% to Farah, 20% to his eldest son Reza, 15% to Farahnaz, 15% to Leila, 20% to his younger son, in addition to giving 8% to Shahnaz and 2% to his granddaughter Mahnaz Zahedi.

On 14 January 1979, an article titled "Little pain expected in exile for Shah" by The Spokesman Review newspaper found that the Pahlavi dynasty had amassed one of the largest private fortunes in the world; estimated at well over $1 billion at the time. A list submitted to the ministry of justice in protest of the royal family's penetration of every corner of the nation's economy detailed that the Pahlavi dynasty dominated the economy of Iran at the time. The list showed that the Pahlavi dynasty had interests in, amongst other things, 17 banks and insurance companies, including a 90 percent ownership in the nation's third-largest insurance company, 25 metal enterprises, 8 mining companies, 10 building materials companies, including 25 percent of the largest cement company, 45 construction companies, 43 food companies, and 26 enterprises in trade or commerce, including a share of ownership in almost every major hotel in Iran. According to another source, the Pahlavis owned 70 percent of the hotel capacity in the country at the time. Much of the Pahlavi dynasty fortune was required to be transferred to the "Pahlavi Foundation", a charitable organization and the families' trust. The organization refuses to give any value of its assets or an annual income but a published book in Iran by Robert Graham, a British journalist, calculates that on the basis of its known holdings, the foundation assets totalled over $2.8 billion at the time.

In Iran alone the Pahlavi foundation owned four leading hotels—the Hilton, the Vanak, the Evin and the Darband. The foundation gained international attention for purchasing the DePinna building on Fifth Avenue, New York, at the time in 1975 valued at $14.5 million. Such investment in a foreign market by the Pahlavi foundation gained media attention because in order to do such foreign investment the foundation had to register as an American charitable foundation with the declared aim of using the rental to pay for Iranian students studying in America. The advantage of such charitable status was that the U.S. authorities could not investigate the books of the Pahlavi Foundation in Iran.

Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi was also known for his interest in cars and had a personal collection of 140 classic and sports cars including a Mercedes-Benz 500K coupe, one of only six ever made.

Honors

Imperial Family after the Coronation. From left Princess Ashraf Pahlavi, Princess Shahnaz Pahlavi, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Empress Farah Pahlavi and Princess Shams Pahlavi. In the middle Princess Farahnaz Pahlavi and Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi.
Universal Newsreel about the Shah's 40th birthday, 1959

National honors

Foreign honors

Gallery

<gallery widths="170px" heights="180px" perrow="4"> File:State Flag of Iran (1964).svg|Flag of Iran during the Pahlavi dynasty 1925 to 1979 File:Imperial_Coat_of_Arms_of_Iran.svg|The Coat of Arms of Iran, during Pahlavi dynasty 1925 to 1979. The Farvahar (Atra) is seen. (In the circle, right, top). Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.9.jpg|Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.11.jpg|Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.14.jpg| Queen Fawzia Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.10.jpg|Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.12.jpg|Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.13.jpg| Queen Fawzia Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.5.jpg| Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia Image:Mohamad Reza Pahlavi & Queen Fuzeye.15.jpg| Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Fawzia

World War II

Part of a series on the
History of Iran

The Gate of All Nations in Fars
Prehistoric periodBCE / BC
Baradostian culture c. 36,000–18,000
Zarzian culture c. 20,000–10,000
Shulaveri–Shomu culture c. 6000–5000
Zayandeh River Culture c. 6th millennium
Dalma culture c. 5th millennium
Ancient period
Kura–Araxes culture 3400–2000
Helmand culture/Jiroft culture c. 3300–2200
Proto-Elamite 3200–2700
Lullubi Kingdom/Zamua c. 3100-675
Elam 2700–539
Marhaši c. 2550-2020
Oxus Civilization c. 2400–1700
Akkadian Empire 2400–2150
Kassites c. 1500–1155
Avestan period c. 1500–500
Neo-Assyrian Empire 911–609
Urartu 860–590
Mannaea 850–616
Zikirti 750-521
Saparda 720-670
Imperial period
Median Empire 678–550 BC
Scythian Kingdom 652–625 BC
Anshanite Kingdom 635 BC–550 BC
Neo-Babylonian Empire 626 BC–539 BC
Sogdia c. 6th century BC–11th century AD
Achaemenid Empire 550 BC–330 BC
Kingdom of Armenia 331 BC–428 AD
Atropatene c. 323 BC–226 AD
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Main article: Invasion of Iran (1941)

Following Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Britain and the Soviet Union became allies. Britain and the USSR saw the newly-opened Trans-Iranian Railway as an attractive route to transport supplies from the Persian Gulf to the Soviet Union. In August 1941, because Reza Shah refused to expel the German nationals, Britain and the Soviet Union invaded Iran, arrested the Shah and sent him into exile, taking control of Iran's communications and railroad. In 1942, the United States, an ally of Britain and the USSR during the war, sent a military force to Iran to help maintain and operate sections of the railroad. Over the next few months, the three nations took control of Iran's oil resources and secured a supply corridor for themselves. Reza Shah's regime collapsed, and the American, British and Soviet authorities limited the powers of the rump government that remained. They permitted Reza Shah's son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to accede to the throne.

In January 1942, they signed an agreement with Iran to respect Iran's independence and to withdraw their troops within six months of the war's end. In 1943 at the Tehran Conference, the United States reaffirmed this commitment. In 1945, the USSR refused to announce a timetable to leave Iran's northwestern provinces of East Azerbaijan and West Azerbaijan, where Soviet-supported autonomy movements had developed. At the time, the Tudeh Party of Iran, a communist party that was already influential and had parliamentary representation, was becoming increasingly militant, especially in the North. This promoted actions from the side of the government, including attempts of the Iranian armed forces to restore order in the Northern provinces. While the Tudeh headquarters in Tehran were occupied and the Isfahan branch crushed, the Soviet troops present in the Northern parts of the country prevented the Iranian forces from entering. Thus, by the late autumn of 1945, the North was virtually controlled by the Tudeh and its affiliates.

The USSR withdrew its troops in May 1946, but tensions continued for several months. This episode was one of the precipitating events of the emerging Cold War, the postwar rivalry between the United States and its allies, and the USSR and its allies.

Iran's political system became increasingly open and more political parties were formed . In 1944, the election for the Majlis was the first genuinely competitive election in more than twenty years. Foreign influence remained a very sensitive issue for all parties. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), which was owned by the British government, continued to produce and market Iranian oil. At the beginning of the 1930s, some Iranians began to advocate nationalization of the country's oil fields. After 1946, this became an increasingly popular political movement.

Cold War

Further information: Mohammad Reza Pahlavi
Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and his wife Farah Diba upon his proclamation as the Shâhanshâh of Iran.

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi replaced his father on the throne on 16 September 1941. He wanted to continue the reform policies of his father, but a contest for control of the government soon erupted between him and an older professional politician, the nationalistic Mohammad Mosaddegh.

Despite his vow to act as a constitutional monarch who would defer to the power of the parliamentary government, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi increasingly involved himself in governmental affairs. He concentrated on reviving the army and ensuring that it would remain under royal control as the monarchy's main power base. In 1949 an assassination attempt on the Shah, attributed to the pro-Soviet Tudeh Party, resulted in the banning of that party and the expansion of the Shah's constitutional powers.

In 1951, the Majlis (the Parliament of Iran) named Mohammad Mossadegh as new prime minister by a vote of 79–12, who shortly after nationalized the British-owned oil industry (see Abadan Crisis). Mossadegh was opposed by the Shah who feared a resulting oil embargo imposed by the West would leave Iran in economic ruin. The Shah fled Iran but returned when the United Kingdom and United States staged a coup against Mossadegh in August 1953 (see Operation Ajax). Mossadegh was then arrested by pro-Shah army forces.

In the context of regional turmoil and the Cold War, the Shah established himself as an indispensable ally of the West. Domestically, he advocated reform policies, culminating in the 1963 program known as the White Revolution, which included land reform, extension of voting rights to women, and the elimination of illiteracy. Major plans to build Iran's infrastructure were undertaken, a new middle class began flourishing and in less than two decades Iran became the indisputable major economic and military power of the Middle East.

However, these measures and the increasing arbitrariness of Mohammad Reza's rule provoked religious leaders who feared losing their traditional authority, and intellectuals seeking democratic reforms. These opponents criticized the Shah for his reforms or for violation of the constitution, which placed limits on royal power and provided for a representative government.

Mohammad Reza saw himself as heir to the kings of ancient Iran, and in 1971 he held a celebration of 2,500 years of Persian monarchy. In 1976, he replaced the calendar (year 1355) with an "Imperial" calendar (year 2535) which began with the foundation of the Persian Empire over twenty-five centuries earlier. These actions were viewed as un-Islamic and resulted in more religious opposition by the clergy.

Collapse of the dynasty

The Shah and his wife left Iran on 16 January 1979.
Main article: Iranian Revolution

The Shah's government suppressed its opponents with the help of Iran's security and intelligence secret police, SAVAK. Such opponents included members of the Communist Tudeh party.

By the mid-1970s, relying on increased oil revenues, the Shah began a series of even more ambitious and bolder plans for the progress of his country and the march toward the "White Revolution". But his socioeconomic advances increasingly irritated the clergy. Islamic leaders, particularly the exiled cleric Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, were able to focus this discontent with an ideology tied to Islamic principles that called for the overthrow of the Shah and the return to Islamic traditions, called the Islamic revolution. The Shah's government collapsed following widespread uprisings in 1978 and 1979. The Islamic Revolution dissolved the SAVAK and replaced it with the SAVAMA. It was run after the revolution, according to U.S. sources and Iranian exile sources in the US and in Paris, by Gen. Hossein Fardoust, who was deputy chief of SAVAK under the former Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and a friend from boyhood of the deposed monarch.

The Shah fled the country, seeking medical treatment to Egypt, Mexico,the United States, and Panama and finally resettled with his family in Egypt as a guest of Anwar Sadat. Upon his death his son Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi succeeded him in absentia as heir apparent to the Pahlavi dynasty. Pahlavi and his wife live in the United States in Potomac, Maryland with three daughters.

Heads of the Pahlavi Dynasty (1925–present)

Imperial Heads of Pahlavi Dynasty (1925–1979)

Name Portrait Family relations Lifespan Entered office Left office
Imperial Heads of Pahlavi Dynasty (1925–1979)
1 Reza Pahlavi I Reza Pahlavi I Son of Abbas Ali 1878–1944 15 December 1925 16 September 1941
2 Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Son of Reza Pahlavi I 1919–1980 16 September 1941 11 February 1979
Post-Imperial Heads of Pahlavi Dynasty (1979–present)
1 Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Son of Reza Pahlavi I 1919–1980 11 February 1979 27 July 1980
2 Farah Pahlavi Farah Pahlavi Wife of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 1938–present 27 July 1980 27 July 1981
3 Reza Pahlavi II Reza Pahlavi II Son of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 1960–present Dynasty dissolved In Washington D.C.

Use of titles

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  • Shah: Regal name, followed by Shahanshah of Iran, with style His Imperial Majesty
  • Shabanou: Shahbanou or Empress, followed by first name, followed by "of Iran", with style Her Imperial Majesty
  • Eldest son: Crown Prince of Iran, with style His Imperial Highness
  • Younger sons: Prince (Shahpur, or King's Son), followed by first name and surname (Pahlavi), and style His Imperial Highness.
  • Daughters: Princess (Shahdokht, or King's Daughter), followed by first name and surname (Pahlavi), and style Her Imperial Highness.
  • Children of the monarch's daughter/s use another version of Prince (Vala Gohar) or Princess (Vala Gohari), which indicate descent in the second generation through the female line, and use the styles His Highness or Her Highness. This is then followed by first name and father's surname, whether he was royal or a commoner. However, the children by the last Shah's sister Fatemeh, who married an American businessman as her first husband, are surnamed Pahlavi Hillyer and do not use any titles.

Human rights

The Imperial state of Iran, the government of Iran during the Pahlavi dynasty, lasted from 1925 to 1979. During that time two monarchs — Reza Shah Pahlavi and his son Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi — employed secret police, torture, and executions to stifle political dissent. The Pahlavi dynasty has sometimes been described as a "royal dictatorship", or "one man rule". According to one history of the use of torture by the state in Iran, abuse of prisoners varied at times during the Pahlavi reign.

While the shah's violation of the constitution, "trampling on the fundamental laws" and rights of Iranians, was one of the complaints of revolutionaries, some have suggested the Shah's human rights record fares were better than that of the revolutionaries who overthrew him. According to political historian Ervand Abrahamian,

"Whereas less than 100 political prisoners had been executed between 1971 and 1979, more than 7900 were executed between 1981 and 1985. ... the prison system was centralized and drastically expanded ... Prison life was drastically worse under the Islamic Republic than under the Pahlavis. One who survived both writes that four months under warden Asadollah Lajevardi took the toll of four years under SAVAK. In the prison literature of the Pahlavi era, the recurring words had been "boredom" and "monotony." In that of the Islamic Republic, they were "fear," "death," "terror," "horror," and most frequent of all "nightmare" (kabos)."

Human rights under Reza Shah

Reza Shah, founder of the Pahlavi dynasty

The reign of Reza Shah was authoritarian and dictatorial at a time when authoritarian governments and dictatorships were common in the region and the world and Universal Declaration of Human Rights was some years in the future.

Freedom of the press, workers' rights, and political freedoms were restricted under Reza Shah. Independent newspapers were closed down, political parties—even the loyal Revival party were banned. The government banned all trade unions in 1927, and arrested 150 labor organizers between 1927 and 1932.

Physical force was used against some kinds of prisoners — common criminals, suspected spies, and those accused of plotting regicide. Burglars in particular were subjected to the bastinado (beating the soles of the feet), and the strappado (suspended in the air by means of a rope tied around the victims arms) to "reveal their hidden loot". Suspected spies and assassins were "beaten, deprived of sleep, and subjected to the qapani" (the binding of arms tightly behind the back) which sometimes caused a joint to crack. But for political prisoners — who were primarily Communists — there was a "conspicuous absence of torture" under Reza Shah's rule. The main form of pressure was solitary confinement and the withholding of "books, newspapers, visitors, food packages, and proper medical care". While often threatened with the qapani, political prisoners "were rarely subjected to it."

Reza Shah has been accused of violating freedom of religion and suppression of pious Muslims with a number of decrees. After violating the sanctuary of Qom's Fatima al-Masumeh Shrine to beat a cleric who had attacked his wife for alleged immodesty, he passed a law requiring everyone (except Shia jurisconsults who had passed a special qualifying examination) to wear Western clothes, and forbid women teachers to come to school with head coverings. Public mourning observances were restricted to one day, and mosques required to use chairs for mourners to sit on during observances, instead of the mourners traditional sitting on the floors of mosques.

By the mid-1930s, these decrees, confiscation of clerical land holdings, and other problems had caused intense dissatisfaction among the Shi'a clergy throughout Iran, and after a crowd gathered in support of a cleric at the Mashed shrine denouncing the Shah's innovations, corruption and heavy consumer taxes, troops were called in. Dozens of protesting pious Muslim were killed and hundreds injured.

Following this incident, the Shah went further, banning the chador and ordering all citizens - rich and poor - to bring their wives to public functions without head coverings.

Human rights under Mohammad Reza Shah

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, second shah of the Pahlavi dynasty

[[File:Mossadeghmohammad.jpg|thumb|100px|right|Mohammad Mosaddegh, Iranian democracy advocate and deposed PM in Pahlavi dynasty.

Mohammad Reza became monarch after his father was deposed by Soviets and Americans in 1941. Political prisoners (mostly Communists) were released by the occupying powers, and the shah (crown prince at the time) no longer had control of the parliament. But after an attempted assassination of the Shah in 1949, the shah was able to declare martial law, imprison communists and other opponents, and restrict criticism of the royal family in the press.

Following the pro-Shah coup d'état that overthrew the Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh in 1953, the Shah again cracked down on his opponents, and political freedom waned. He outlawed Mosaddegh's political group the National Front, and arrested most of its leaders. Over 4000 political activists of the Tudeh party were arrested, (including 477 in the armed forces), forty were executed, another 14 died under torture and over 200 were sentenced to life imprisonment.

Following this crackdown, conditions for political prisoners and opponents of the authoritarian government were relatively good for many years. "The bulk of Tudeh prisoners were released," and the remaining prisoners who refused to sign letters of regret were allowed to play ping pong, use a gymnasium, and watch television. In the 1960s, the Shah also introduced electoral reforms expanding suffrage to women and ability to hold office to non-Muslims, as part of a broader series of reforms dubbed the White Revolution. One exception to this relative calm was three days of rioting starting 5 June 1963 after Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini—a leading opponent of the White Revolution—was arrested. Troops fired on demonstrators in Jaleh Square "slaughtering not less than 15,000 people" according to Khomeini translator Hamid Algar.

1971-1976

However, in 1971 a guerrilla attack a gendarmerie post (where three police were killed and two guerrillas freed, known as the "Siahkal incident") sparked "an intense guerrilla struggle" against the government, and harsh government countermeasures. Guerrillas embracing "armed struggle" to overthrow the Shah, and inspired by international Third World anti-imperialist revolutionaries (Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh, and Che Guevara), were quite active in the first half of the 1970s when hundreds of them died in clashes with government forces and dozens of Iranians were executed. According to Amnesty International, the Shah carried out at least 300 political executions.

According to a senior SAVAK officer, after the Siahkal attack interrogators were sent abroad for `scientific training to prevent unwanted deaths from "brute force".` Methods of torture included sleep deprivation; extensive solitary confinement; glaring searchlights; standing in one place for hours on end; nail extractions; snakes (favored for use with women); electrical shocks with cattle prods, often into the rectum; cigarette burns; sitting on hot grills; acid dripped into nostrils; near-drownings; mock executions; and an electric chair with a large metal mask to muffle screams. Prisoners were also humiliated by being raped, urinated on, and forced to stand naked. However, the torture method of choice remained the traditional bastinado used to beat soles of the feet.

Torture was used to locate arms caches, safe houses and accomplices of the guerrillas, but another incident in 1971 led to the use of torture of political prisoners for another purpose. In 1971, a prisoner (Parviz Nikkah) serving a ten-year prison sense for communist subversion "experienced a genuine change of heart." He "astounded" the public by coming out in full support of the regime, starting a career working for the government Radio-Television Network" explaining how the Shah was a "true revolutionary". So impressed was the regime with this conversion and its impact, it "did not take it long to go one step further and `induce` other `conversions.`"

By the end of 1975, twenty-two prominent poets, novelist, professors, theater directors, and film makers were in jail for criticizing the regime. And many others had been physically attacked for refusing to cooperate with the authorities.

The nature of this torture was "infinitely worse" than torture for information, which being time sensitive, lost its function and was discontinued after a short period of time.

In 1975 the human rights group Amnesty International — whose membership and international influence grew greatly during the 1970s — issued a report on treatment of political prisoners in Iran that was "extensively covered in the European and American Press".

1976-1977

By 1976, this repression was softened considerably thanks to publicity and scrutiny by "numerous international organizations and foreign newspapers." In 1976, Jimmy Carter was elected President of the United States and he "raised the issue of human rights in Iran as well as in the Soviet Union. Overnight prison conditions changed", and the Shah ordered an end to torture.

Islamic Revolution

During the 1978-79 overthrow of the Pahlavi government, protestors were fired upon by troops and prisoners were executed. The real and imaginary human rights violations contributed directly to the Shah's demise, (although some have argued so did his scruples in not violating human rights more as urged by his generals).

The 1977 deaths of the popular and influential modernist Islamist leader Ali Shariati and the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's son Mostafa were believed to be assassinations perpetrated by SAVAK by many Iranians. On September 8, 1978, (Black Friday) troops fired on religious demonstrators in Zhaleh (or Jaleh) Square. The clerical leadership announced that "thousands have been massacred by Zionist troops" (i.e. rumored Israel troops aiding the Shah), Michel Foucault reported 4000 had been killed, and another European journalist reported that the military left behind "carnage."

The revolutionary government's official figure for the total killed by the Shah's forces during his overthrow is 60,000.

Postmortem

Historians evaluations of Shah's human rights record have been kinder than contemporary accounts. An estimated 380, not 15,000 demonstrators were killed during the June 1963 demonstrations in Iran, some of them armed. A report commissioned (but not published) by the Martyrs Foundation found the total killed in clashes between demonstrators and the Shah's army/security forces during the fourteen months from October 1977 to February 1979 to be not 60,000 but 2781 Instead of thousands killed by Israeli mercenaries in Jaleh Square on Black Friday, it now appears 84 were killed by troops who were Iranian but from a Kurdish region (speaking Kurdish not Hebrew).

Further information: Human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran


After the revolution, domestic surveillance and espionage, the use of torture for public recantations was not abolished but expanded. SAVAK was replaced by a "much larger" SAVAMA, (later renamed the Ministry of Intelligence). Abrahamian puts the Islamic Republic of Iran in the same "league" as "Stalinist Russia, Maoist China, and early modern Europe", in "their systematic use" of torture to produce public recantations by political prisoners.

Others (such as journalist Hooman Majd) believe fear of the government and security services was much more pervasive under the late Shah's regime, and that the Islamic Republic's intelligence services, "although sometimes as brutal as the Shahs', spend far less effort in policing free political expression", inside private spaces. Whether this leniency is the result of lacking the ability to do what the Shah did is questioned. According to Akbar Ganji, "notions of democracy and human rights have taken root among the Iranian people" making it "much more difficult for the government to commit crimes." Writing about the reform period during the presidency of Mohammad Khatami Iranian-American academic Arzoo Osanloo notes that, "liberal notions of rights are almost hegemonic in Iran today." And Majd himself explains the Islamic Republic's relative tolerance by claiming that if Iranian intelligence services "were to arrest anyone who speaks ill of the government in private, they simply couldn't build cells fast enough to hold their prisoners."

See also

References and notes

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  5. Amnesty International Report 1978. Amnesty International. Retrieved 26 March 2012.
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  176. Abrahamian, History of Modern Iran, (2008), p.176
  177. Sazman-e Ettela'at va Amniat-e Melli-e Iran
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  179. Majd, Hooman, The Ayatollah Begs to Differ : The Paradox of Modern Iran, Doubleday, 2008, p.177
  180. "The Latter-Day Sultan, Power and Politics in Iran" by Akbar Ganji, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2008
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  182. Majd, The Ayatollah Begs to Differ, 2008, p.183

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