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Kurmi is a Hindu Agriculturist Community.

Etymology

There are several late-19th century theories of the etymology of Kurmi. According to Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya (1896), the word may be derived from an Indian tribal language, or be a Sanskrit compound term krishi karmi, "agriculturalist."

History

Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries

Records from the time indicate that within western Bihar, the Kurmis had cultivated an alliance with the ruling Ujjainiya Rajputs. Many leaders of the Kurmi community fought side by side with the Ujjainiya king, Kunwar Dhir when he rebelled against the Mughals in 1712. Among the recorded Kurmi community leaders who joined his revolt were Nima Seema Rawat and Dheka Rawat.

With the continued waning of Mughal rule in the early 18th century, the Indian subcontinent's hinterland dwellers, many of whom were armed and nomadic, began to appear more frequently in settled areas and interact with townspeople and agriculturists. Many new rulers of the 18th century came from such nomadic backgrounds. The effect of this interaction on India's social organisation lasted well into the colonial period. During much of this time, non-elite tillers and pastoralists, such as the Kurmi, were part of a social spectrum that blended only indistinctly into the elite landowning classes at one end, and the menial or ritually polluting classes at the other.

In some regions, the Kurmis' success as tillers led to land ownership, and to avowals of high status, as noted, for examples, by Francis Buchanan in the early 19th century among the Ayodhya Kurmis of the Awadh. Earlier, in the late eighteenth century, when Asaf-Ud-Dowlah, the fourth Nawab of Awadh, attempted to grant the kshatriya title of Raja to a group of influential landed Ayodhya Kurmis.

The second half of the nineteenth century also largely overlapped with the coming of age of ethnology—interpreted then as the science of race—in the study of societies the world over. Although later to be discredited, the methods of this discipline were eagerly absorbed and adopted in British India, as were those of the emerging science of anthropology. Driven in part by the intellectual ferment of the discipline and in part by the political compulsions in both Britain and India, two dominant views of caste emerged among the administrator-scholars of the day.

Twentieth century

As the economic pressures on the patrician landed groups continued through the remainder of the nineteenth century and into the early twentieth, there were increasing demands for unpaid labour directed at the Kurmi and other non-elite cultivators. The landed elites' demands were couched in avowals of their ancient rights as "twice-born" landowners and of the Kurmi's alleged lowly, even servile, status, which required them to serve. At times encouraged by sympathetic British officials and at other times carried by the groundswell of egalitarian sentiment being espoused then by the devotional Vaishnava movements, especially those based on Tulsidas's Ramcharitmanas, the Kurmi largely resisted these demands. Their resistance, however, did not take the form of denial of caste or of caste-based imposition, but rather of disagreement about where they stood in the caste ranking. A noteworthy attribute of the resulting Kurmi-kshatriya movement was the leadership provided by educated Kurmis who were now filling the lower and middle levels of government jobs. According to William Pinch:

The mantle of leadership in this phase befell the well-connected Ramdin Sinha, a government forester who had gained notoriety by resigning from his official post to protest a provincial circular of 1894 that included Kurmis as a "depressed community" and barred them therefore from recruitment into the police service. The governor’s office was flooded with letters from an outraged Kurmi-kshatriya public and was soon obliged to rescind the allegation in an 1896 communique to the police department "His Honor is ... of the opinion that Kurmis constitute a respectable community which he would be reluctant to exclude from Government service."

The first Kurmi caste association had been formed in 1894 at Lucknow to protest against the police recruitment policy. This was followed by an organisation in Awadh that sought to draw other communities — such as the Patidars, Marathas, Kapus, Reddys and Naidus — under the umbrella of the Kurmi name. This body then campaigned for Kurmis to classify themselves as Kshatriya in the 1901 census and, in 1910, led to the formation of the All India Kurmi Kshatriya Mahasabha. Simultaneously, newly constituted farmers' unions, or Kisan Sabhas—composed of cultivators and pastoralists, many of whom were Kurmi, Ahir, and Yadav (Goala), and inspired by Hindu mendicants, such as Baba Ram Chandra and Swami Sahajanand Saraswati—denounced the Brahman and Rajput landlords as ineffective and their morality as false. In the rural Ganges valley of Bihar and Eastern United Provinces, the Bhakti cults of Rama, the incorruptible Kshatriya god-king of Hindu tradition, and Krishna, the divine cowherd of Gokul, had long been entrenched among the Kurmi and Ahir. The leaders of the Kisan Sabhas urged their Kurmi and Ahir followers to lay claim to the Kshatriya mantle. Promoting what was advertised as soldierly manliness, the Kisan Sabhas agitated for the entry of non-elite farmers into the British Indian army during World War I; they formed cow protection societies; they asked their members to wear the sacred thread of the twice-born, and, in contrast to the Kurmis own traditions, to sequester their women in the manner of Rajputs and Brahmins.

In 1930, the Kurmis of Bihar joined with the Yadav and Koeri agriculturalists to enter local elections. They lost badly but in 1934 the three communities formed the Triveni Sangh political party, which allegedly had a million dues-paying members by 1936. However, the organisation was hobbled by competition from the Congress-backed Backward Class Federation, which was formed around the same time, and by co-option of community leaders by the Congress party. The Triveni Sangh suffered badly in the 1937 elections, although it did win in some areas. The organisation also suffered from caste rivalries, notably the superior organisational ability of the higher castes who opposed it, as well as the inability of the Yadavs to renounce their belief that they were natural leaders and that the Kurmi were somehow inferior. Similar problems beset a later planned caste union, the Raghav Samaj, with the Koeris.

Again in the 1970s, the India Kurmi Kshatriya Sabha attempted to bring the Koeris under their wing, but disunity troubled this alliance.

Many private caste-based armies surfaced in Bihar between the 1970s and 1990s, largely influenced by landlord farmers reacting to the growing influence of left extremist groups. Among these was the Bhumi Sena, the membership of which was drawn mainly from youths who had a Kurmi origin. Bhumi Sena was much feared in the Patna region and also had influence in the districts of Nalanda, Jehanabad and Gaya.

See also

• Koeri
• Patidar
• Patel
• Kudumbar
• Kochaisa

References

Notes

Citations

1. ^ Bayly, Susan (2001), Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age, Cambridge University Press, p. 41, ISBN 978-0-521-79842-6
2. Bapu, Prabhu (2013), Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India, 1915-1930: Constructing Nation and History, Routledge, pp. xiv–, ISBN 978-0-415-67165-1 Quote: "Kurmi: a peasant caste of the eastern Gangetic plain."
3. Gupta, C. (30 May 2002), Sexuality, Obscenity and Community: Women, Muslims, and the Hindu Public in Colonial India, Palgrave Macmillan US, pp. 340–, ISBN 978-0-230-10819-6 Quote: "Kurmi: a peasant caste of the eastern Gangetic plain."
4. Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya (1896). Hindu castes and sects: an exposition of the origin of the Hindu caste system and the bearing of the sects towards each other and towards other religious systems / Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya. Thacker, Spink. pp. 270–.
5. Surendra Gopal (22 December 2017). Mapping Bihar: From Medieval to Modern Times. Taylor & Francis. p. 313. ISBN 978-1-351-03416-6.
6. ^ Pinch, William R. (1996). Peasants and monks in British India. University of California Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-520-20061-6.
7. ^ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003). India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India. London: C. Hurst & Co. p. 197. ISBN 978-1-85065-670-8.
8. Mukul, Akshaya (12 March 2004). "Mighty Kurmis of Bihar". The Times of India.
9. Gargi Parsai (31 October 2003). "Fernandes to head Janata Dal (United)". The Hindu. Archived from the original on 6 March 2012.
10. Chaudhuri, Kalyan (27 September 2002). "End of a terror trail". Frontline. Retrieved 19 December 2018.
11. "A lasting signature on Bihar's most violent years". Indian Express. Retrieved 18 December 2018.

Further reading

• Bhattacharya, Ranjit Kumar; Das, Nava Kishor; Anthropological Survey of India (1 January 1993). Anthropology of weaker sections. Concept Publishing Company. ISBN 978-81-7022-491-4. Retrieved 1 August 2011.
• Gooptu, Nandini (1 July 2001). The politics of the urban poor in early twentieth-century India. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-44366-1. Retrieved 1 August 2011.
• Singer, Milton (editor); Cohn, Bernard S. (editor) (2007). Structure and Change in Indian Society. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0-202-36138-3. Retrieved 1 August 2011. {{cite book}}: |first1= has generic name (help)
• Yang, Anand A. (1989). The limited Raj: agrarian relations in colonial India, Saran District, 1793-1920. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-05711-1. Retrieved 1 August 2011.
• Jassal, Smita Tewari (2001). Daughters of The Earth. Technical Publications. p. 57. ISBN 978-8-17304-375-8.
• Viswanath, Sashikala (1985). Anthropological Methods for Communication Research: Experiences and Encounters During SITE. Concept Publishing Company.

• Social groups of Bihar
• Social groups of Uttar Pradesh
• Social groups of Madhya Pradesh
• Agricultural castes
• Social groups of Odisha