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Crusading was a type of religious war that the Latin Church sanctioned. This began in the Middle Ages and continued in various guises for centuries. There is textual evidence of a distinct crusading ideology in the documents that defined, regulated, and promoted crusading. The theory of Holy War, the concept of pilgrimage, Old Testament parallels to Jewish wars instigated and assisted by God and New Testament Christocentric views on forming individual relationships with Christ were used as the legal and theological basis for Crusades. Crusaders were viewed as milites Christi Christ’s soldiers forming the militia Christi or Christ’s army. Volunteers took a public vow to became crusaders and in return received plenary indulgences from the Church. Motivations for some may have been a mass ascension into heaven at Jerusalem, God's forgiveness for their sins, feudal obligations, glory, honour, or economic and political.

The best-known Crusades were fought in the eastern Mediterranean with the objective of recovering the Holy Land. In 1095 Pope Urban II preached for t First Crusade provoking and enthusiastic popular response across all social strata in western Europe. This established the precedent for further crusades. The term is also applied to other church-sanctioned and even non-religious campaigns including the suppression of paganism and heresy, the resolution of conflict among rival Roman Catholic groups, or for political and territorial advantage. Crusades brought the north-east Baltic and the neighbouring Slavic tribes, known as Wends, under Catholic control in the late 12th century. The French monarchy used the Albigensian Crusade to extend the kingdom to the Mediterranean Sea. The rise of the Ottoman Empire in the late 14th century prompted a Catholic response which led to further defeats at Nicopolis and Varna. The idea of crusading continued, not least in the form of the Knights Hospitaller, until the end of the 18th century.

The word did not exist at the time of the early crusades, only later became the leading descriptive term in English. Conventionally, an arbitrary system devised by the historian Charles Mills in 1820 is used to number nine distinct campaigns in the Holy Land as Crusades. Modern historians hold widely varying views of crusading. To some, their conduct was incongruous with the stated aims and the implied moral authority of the papacy. Muslims were killed in large numbers on many occasions, as were Christians of other denominations. The crusades had a profound impact on western civilisation. The republics of Genoa and Venice flourished, establishing communes in the Crusader States and expanding trade with eastern markets. Venice gained a maritime Empire. The collective identity of the Latin Church was consolidated under papal leadership by the ideological developments of Crusading and these reinforced the connection between western Christendom, feudalism and militarism. Accounts of crusading heroism, chivalry and piety influenced Medieval romance, philosophy and literature.

Background

A distinct crusading ideology is evident in the texts that defined, regulated, and promoted crusades. These were defined in legal and theological terms based on the theory of Holy War and the concept of pilgrimage. Theologically there was a merging of Old Testament parallels to Jewish wars instigated and assisted by God with New Testament Christocentric views on forming individual relationships with Christ. Holy war was based on bellum iustum, the ancient idea of just war. This was Christianised by Augustine of Hippo and developed by canon lawyers from the 11th century into bellum sacrum, the paradigm of Christian holy. The criteria were: that holy war must be initiated by a legitimate authority such as a pope or emperor considered as acting on divine authority; that there was causa iusta, a just cause such as serious offence, overt aggression, or injurious action; a threat to Christian religion; and intentio recta waged with pure intentions such as the good of religion or co-religionists. In the 12th century this was elaborated on by Gratian and the Decretists and refined in the 13th century by Thomas Aquinas. The idea that holy war against pagans could be justified simply by their opposition to the Christianity, suggested by Henry of Segusio, was never universally accepted. Crusades were considered special pilgrimages, a physical and spiritual journey under ecclesiastical jurisdiction and protection of the church. Pilgrimage and crusade were penitential acts, popes considered that crusaders earned a plenary indulgence giving remission of all God imposed temporal penalties.

Crusades were described in terms of Old Testament history analogous to the Israelites’ conquest of Canaan and the wars of the Maccabees. This presented wars against the enemies of Israel waged by God’s people, under divine leadership against the enemies of a true religion. The Crusades were believed to be sacred warfare conducted under God’s authority and support. Old Testament figures such as Joshua and Judas Maccabaeus were presented as role models. Crusaders were viewed as milites Christi Christ’s soldiers forming the militia Christi or Christ’s army. This was only metaphorical up to the First Crusade, when the concept transferred from the clerical to secular. From the end of the 12th century the terms crucesignatus or crucesignata meaning “one signed by the cross” weres adopted. Crusaders attached crosses of cloth to their clothing marking them as a follower devotee of Christ, responding to the biblical passage in Luke 9:23 “to carry one’s cross and follow ”. The cross thus symbolised devotion to Christ in addition to the penitential exercise. This created a personal relationship between crusader and God that marked the crusader’s spirituality. It was believed that anyone could become a crusader, irrespective of gender, wealth, or social standing. Sometimes this was seen as an imitatio Christi or imitation of Christ, a sacrifice motivated by charity for fellow Christians. Those who died campaigning were seen as martyrs. The Holy Land was seen as the patrimony of Christ, its’ recovery was on the behalf of God. The Albigensian Crusade was a defence of the French church, the Baltic Crusades were campaigns conquering for Christianity lands beloved of Christ’s mother Mary.

From the beginning crusading was strongly associated with the recovery of Jerusalem and the Palestinian holy places. The historic Christian significance of Jerusalem as the setting for Christ’s act of redemption, was fundamental for the First Crusade and the successfull establishment of the institution of crusading. Crusades to the Holy Land always met with the greatest enthusiasm and support but crusading was not exclusively tied to the Holy Land. By the first half of the 12th century crusading was transferred to other theatres on the periphery of Christian Europe: the Iberian Peninsula; north-eastern Europe against the Wends; by the 13th century the crusade the missionary crusades into the Baltic region; wars against heretics in France, Germany, and Hungary; and mainly Italian campaigns against the papacy’s political enemies. Common to all were Papal sanction and medieval concept of one single Christian community, one church, ruled by the papacy separate from gentiles or non-believers. Christendom was a geopolitical reference, and this was underpinned by the penitential practice of the medieval church. These ideas rose with the encouragement of the Gregorian Reformers of the 11th century and declined after the Reformation. The ideology of crusading was continued after the 16th century mainly by the military orders, but dwindled in competition with other forms of religious war and new ideologies.

Definition

The term crusade used in modern historiography at first referred to the wars in the Holy Land beginning in 1095. The range of events to which the term has been applied has been greatly extended, so its use can create a misleading impression of coherence, particularly regarding the early crusades. The Latin terms used for the campaign of the First Crusade were iter, "journey", and peregrinatio, "pilgrimage". The terminology of crusading remained largely indistinguishable from that of Christian pilgrimage during the 12th century. This reflected the reality of the first century of crusading, when not all armed pilgrims fought and not all who fought had taken religious vows. It was not until the late 12th and early 13th centuries that a more specific "language of crusading" emerged. Pope Innocent III used the term negotium crucis or "affair of the cross". Sinibaldo Fieschi, the future Pope Innocent IV, used the terms crux transmarina—"the cross overseas"—for crusades in the Outremer (crusader states) against Muslims and crux cismarina—"the cross this side of the sea"—for crusades in Europe against other enemies of the church. The modern English "crusade" dates to the early 1700s. The term used in modern Arabic, ḥamalāt ṣalībiyya حملات صليبية, lit. "campaigns of the cross", is a loan translation of the term "crusade" as used in western historiography.

French Catholic lawyer Étienne Pasquier, who lived from 1529 to 1615, is thought to be the first historian to attempt the numbering of each crusade in the Holy Land. He suggested there were six. In 1820 Charles Mills wrote History of the Crusades for the Recovery and Possession of the Holy Land in which he counted nine distinct crusades from the First Crusade of 1095–99 to the Ninth Crusade of 1271–72. This convention is often retained for convenience and tradition even though it is a somewhat arbitrary system for what some historians now consider to be seven major and numerous lesser campaigns.

The term "Crusade" may differ in usage depending on the author. In a influential article published in 2001 Giles Constable attempted to define four categories of contemporary crusade study:

• Traditionalists such as Hans Eberhard Mayer restrict their definition of the Crusades to the Christian campaigns in the Holy Land, "either to assist the Christians there or to liberate Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulcher", during 1095–1291.
• Pluralists such as Jonathan Riley-Smith use the term Crusade of any campaign explicitly sanctioned by the reigning Pope. This reflects the view of the Roman Catholic Church (including medieval contemporaries such as Saint Bernard of Clairvaux) that every military campaign given Papal sanction is equally valid as a Crusade, regardless of its cause, justification, or geographic location. This broad definition includes attacks on paganism and heresy such as the Albigensian Crusade, the Northern Crusades, and the Hussite Wars, and wars for political or territorial advantage such as the Aragonese Crusade in Sicily, a Crusade declared by Pope Innocent III against Markward of Anweiler in 1202, one against the Stedingers, several (declared by different popes) against Emperor Frederick II and his sons, two Crusades against opponents of King Henry III of England, and the Christian re-conquest of Iberia.
• Generalists such as Ernst-Dieter Hehl see Crusades as any and all holy wars connected with the Latin Church and fought in defence of the faith.
• Popularists including Paul Alphandery and Etienne Delaruelle limit the Crusades to only those that were characterised by popular groundswells of religious fervour – that is, only the First Crusade and perhaps the People's Crusade.

Traditionalist Crusades

In 1095 at the Council of Clermont, Pope Urban supported requests from the Byzantine emperor, Alexios I Komnenos for military support in his fighting with the Seljuk Turks. The first response to his preaching was by thousands of predominantly poor Christians in the People's Crusade who indulged in wide-ranging anti-Jewish activities and massacres before being annihilated in a Turkish ambush at the Battle of Civetot. The First Crusade itself was a force led by members of the Western European nobility that, including non-combatants, may have numbered 100,000. Alexios cautiously welcomed them to Byzantium and exacted promises that recovered Byzantine territory would be returned. Nicaea was recaptured before an arduous march across Anatolia. In June 1098 Antioch was captured after an eight-month siege. After a delay of months the army marched along the coast and captured Jerusalem. Many crusaders now considered their pilgrimage complete and returned to Europe. The support of troops from Lorraine enabled Godfrey of Bouillon to take the position of Defender of the Holy Sepulchre. A year later the Lorrainers foiled an attempt by Dagobert of Pisa, the papal legate, to make Jerusalem a theocracy on Godfrey's death. Baldwin I of Jerusalem was chosen as the first Latin king. The limited written evidence available from before 1160 indicates the crusade was barely noticed in the Islamic world. This was probably the result of cultural misunderstanding: the Muslims did not recognise the crusaders as religiously motivated warriors intent on conquest and settlement. They assumed this was the latest in a long line of attacks by Byzantine mercenaries. The Islamic world was divided, with rival rulers in Cairo, Damascus, Aleppo and Baghdad. This gave the crusaders an opportunity for consolidation before a pan-Islamic counter-attack.

Pope Eugenius III called for the Second Crusade in response to the threat presented to the Franks in the Holy Land by the rise of Imad al-Din Zengi, Atabeg of Mosul, and the conquest of the crusader state of Edessa during a general increase in crusading activity, including in the Iberian peninsula and northern Europe. Bernard of Clairvaux spread the message that the loss was the result of sinfulness. Simultaneously, the anti-Semitic preaching of the Cistercian monk, Rudolf, initiated more massacres of Jews in the Rhineland. Zengi was murdered in uncertain circumstances. His elder son Sayf ad-Din succeeded him as atabeg of Mosul while a younger son Nur ad-Din succeeded in Aleppo. The crusade was not a success despite the first campaigning ruling monarchs: Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany. The objectives were unclear because Edessa's destruction made its recovery impossible. The French held the Byzantines responsible for defeats by the Seljuks in Anatolia and the Byzantines reiterated claims on future territorial gains. In attacking Damascus, the crusader broke a long period of cooperation between Jerusalem and the city's Seljuk rulers. Bad luck, poor tactics and a feeble five-day siege of the city led to argument, withdrawel by the barons of Jerusalem and retreat. Morale fell, to the anti-Byzantine hostility grew as did distrust between the newly arrived crusaders and those that had made the region their home.

Pope Gregory VIII proposed the Third Crusade after the largest army that Jerusalem had ever put into the field was routed by Saladin at the Battle of Hattin in 1187 and the Crusader states were largely overrun. In 1189 King Guy attempted to recover Acre by besieging the city. Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I drowned in transit to the crusade in Cilicia, but Richard I of England and Philip II of France arrived successfully causing the surrender of the Muslim garrison. While Philip returned to France, Richard recaptured Jaffa and twice advanced to within a day's march of Jerusalem. He recognised the crusaders lacked the resources to capture and hold the city so made a three-year truce gaining pilgrim access to Jerusalem.

After Pope Innocent III announced the Fourth Crusade on his election in 1198 recruitment was insufficient to pay amount promised to the Venetians for the fleet. For compensation Enrico Dandolo, the Doge of Venice, diverted the crusaders to seize the Christian city of Zara. King Philip of Swabia’s intention was to use the Crusade to restore his exiled brother-in-law, Alexios IV Angelos, to the throne of Byzantium, requiring the overthrow of Alexios III Angelos, the uncle of Alexios IV. The crusaders took Constantinople easily and Alexios III fled. But Alexios IV Angelos was murdered in a violent anti-Latin Byzantine revolt. The crusaders responded by sacking the city in three days of pillaging churches and killing many Greek Orthodox Christians. Many crusaders now lacked the desire for further campaigning and the crusade no longer had the necessary Byzantine logistical support. The result was that the Fourth Crusade never came within 1,000 miles (1,600 km) of its objective of Jerusalem. Instead the Latins increased their territories in the East including Constantinople. The episode demonstrated how poor organisation could wreck an expedition and set a precedent that crusades could legitimately attack not only Muslims but other enemies of the Papacy.

In the 13th century the Mongols defeated the Seljuks and threatened the crusader states while sweeping west from Mongolia through southern Russia, Poland and Hungary. In 1213, Innocent III called for another Crusade at the Fourth Lateran Council. In the papal bull Quia maior he codified existing practice in preaching, recruitment and financing the crusades. The plenary indulgence was defined as forgiveness of the sins confessed to a priest for those who fought in, or even provided funding for, crusades. Geoffrey Chaucer's The Pardoner's Tale may demonstrate a cynical view of vow commutation but it was a pragmatic approach that led to more people taking the cross and raising more money in the following century than in the previous hundred years. Innocent died and in 1217 crusading resumed on the expiration of a number of treaties. The Fifth Crusade consisted of a force—primarily raised from Hungary, Germany, Flanders. This in what is categorised as. The strategy was to attack isolated, easier to defend and self-sufficient Egypt but achieved little. Damietta was captured but when the army advanced into Egypt it was compelled to surrender. Damietta was returned, and an eight-year truce agreed.

Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II was excommunicated for frequently breaking obligations to the crusade but in 1225 he married the giving him a claim to the kingdom of Jerusalem. In 1228 he finally arrived and despite his excommunication by Pope Gregory IX the Sixth Crusade was successful through diplomacy, negotiation and force. Latin Christians were granted most of Jerusalem and a strip of territory that linked the city to Acre. The Muslims controlled their sacred sites and an alliance was made with the Sultan of Egyptbut when Pope Gregory IX attacked his Italian domains he was compelled to return and defend them. The conflict between the Holy Roman Empire and the papacy meant that the responsibility for the f campaigns in the Crusader states often fell to secular such as Theobald I of Navarre and Richard of Cornwall. They led the Barons' Crusade, taking advantage of disunity in Egypt and Syria, combining forceful diplomacy and playing rival factions off against each other. This left a brief and illusive Frankish renaissance. Jerusalem was in Christian hands and with a similar reach to that of the before the battle of Hattin. However, the nobility rejected the accession of the Emperor's son to the throne so could not rely on the Emperor’s resource. Survival depended Ayyubid division, the crusading orders and other western aid for survival. The Mongols displaced the [[Khwārazm-Shāh dynasty|Khwarazmians, who sacked Jerusalem, allied with the Egyptians and destroyed the Frankish-Damascene army at the La Forbie. It was the last tine the crusader states had the resources for a large field army.

Thirteenth century politics in the eastern Mediterranean were complex, with numerous powerful and interested parties. The French were led by the devout Louis IX, king of France, and his ambitiously expansionist brother Charles. In 1249 Louis led the Seventh Crusade’s attacked on Egypt. The crusade was defeated at Mansura and Louis was captured as he retreated. A ten-year truce freed the ransomed Louis and nobles but other prisoners were given a choice between conversion to Islam or death. Between 1265 and 1271 the Franks driven back to a few small coastal outposts. In 1270 Charles diverted his brother Louis IX's and the EightCrusade to Tunis. The crusader army was devastated by disease, and Louis died. Prince Edward, the future king of England, and a small retinue arrived too late for the conflict but continued to the Holy Land in what is known as the Ninth Crusade. Edward survived an assassination attempt, negotiated a ten-year truce, and then returned to manage his affairs in England. This ended the last significant crusading effort in the eastern Mediterranean.

The mainland Crusader states were finally extinguished with the fall of Tripoli in 1289 and Acre in 1291. Ottoman census records of Byzantine churches show that most parishes in the former Crusader states survived at least until 16th-century and remained Christian. The causes of the decline in crusading in the Levant and the failure of the crusader states are multi-faceted. Historians have attempted to explain this in terms of Muslim reunification and jihadi enthusiasm but Thomas Asbridge, amongst others, considers this too simplistic. Muslim unity was sporadic and the desire for jihad ephemeral. The nature of crusading was unsuited to the conquest and defence of the Holy Land. Crusaders were on a personal pilgrimage and usually returned when it was completed. Although the philosophy of crusading changed over time, the crusades continued to be conducted by short-lived armies led by independently minded potentates, rather than centralised leadership. What the crusader states needed were large standing armies. Religious fervour enabled significant feats of military endeavour but proved difficult to direct and control. Succession disputes and dynastic rivalries in Europe, failed harvests and heretical outbreaks, all contributed to reducing Latin Europe's concerns for Jerusalem. Ultimately, even though the fighting was also at the edge of the Islamic world, the huge distances made the mounting of crusades and the maintenance of communications insurmountably difficult. It enabled the Islamic world, under the charismatic leadership of Zengi, Nur al-Din, Saladin, the ruthless Baibars and others, to use the logistical advantages of proximity to victorious effect.

After the English-French Treaty of Brétigny in 1360, the opportunity for another expedition emerged. Peter I of Cyprus grasped this and the economic gain that this could bring Cypriot commercial interests. He captured Gorhigos and Adalia before leading the Alexandrian Crusade against Alexandria, capturing the city in 1365 in a single day. Without the resources to hold the city, the crusade abandoned it, leaving with their loot and dispersing. The 1370 treaty betweem the Mamluk sultanate, Cyprus, Genoa and the Hospitallers of Rhodes brought an end to such projects.

Reconquista

The Christian conquest of the Iberian Peninsula from Muslim control has been called the Reconquista or “reconquest.” Since the 19th century. The memory of the vanished Visigothic kingdom, destroyed in the 8th century, was an important foundation for Christian expansion of the 10th and 11th centuries. Few early sources exist that justify it religiously before the end of the 11th century. The Reconquista was not incessant religious war, but long peaceful periods interspersed with short crisis and only the borders were marked by conflict. Between the 8th and 11th centuries saw five Christian realms develop in the mountainous, inaccessible border zones in the extreme north of the peninsula: Kingdom of Asturias, Kingdom of Castile, Kingdom of Navarre, Kingdom of Aragon and County of Barcelona. In 1137 Barcelona and Aragon were dynastically united and in 1143 Portugal became independent. Castile and Leon were united for the second and final time in 1230. At the beginning of the 11th century Muslim Spain collapsed into a number of petty Muslim realms called Taifa kingdoms. The Christians expanded south and in 1085 captured Toledo.

The Roman church’s influence was limited until the second half of the 11th century, beginning with Pope Alexander II offering indulgences and papal justification to a contingent of French knights took part in the conquest of Barbastro. First Aragon, quickly followed by the other kingdoms, adopted the Roman liturgy. In response the Iberian Muslims sought support from Almoravid dynasty in North Africa who conquered much of Iberia and the predominantly secular conflict became religious. The papacy’s commitment increased, and the number of foreign warriors joined the fight against the Muslims. The situation influenced the papacy’s attitude toward the use of force against Islam short of making it a crusade. It lacked the crusading vow, cross taking, or the plenary indulgence. But by 1121 the Christian warriors were given identical indulgences to those of the Holy Land, and at the First Lateran Council of 1123 regulated that those who took the cross could campaign for Jerusalem or Spain. Crusade bulls were issued for recruitment and simultaneously with the establishment of military orders in Outremer military confraternities were founded in Aragon. 12th century literature contributed to promoting the Reconquista as a crusade through the The Song of Roland and Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi representing Iberian campaign of the Emperor Charlemagne as a crusade as well as Christian praising chansons de geste. Like in the Outremer the struggle became border warfare and domestic with few objections to Muslin-Christian alliances which often antagonised foreign crusaders.

At the same time in 1147 and 1148 as the Second Crusade and the campaign against the pagan Wends beyond the Elbe, the Iberians attacked with foreign assistance. Lisbon was taken, the Castilians conquered Almeria and Tortosa and Lleida surrendered to Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona. It was the high point of international support and in contrast to the Outremer the Iberians reduced reliance on external force and although foreign rulers undertook crusading in Spain, they were unsuccessful without native support. The Iberian military orders kept alive the crusading ideal and included foreigners but became Iberian in nature. In the late 12th century the Almoravids were displaced by the Almohad Caliphate who in 1195 defeated Castile at Alarcos. This prompted a united Christian response with support from Pope Innocent III and in 1212 victory at Las Navas de Tolosa. The expansion gathered momentum with papal support in the 1230s. Castille conquered Cordoba and Seville; Aragon, the Valencia, the Balearic Islands; Portugal the Algarve nearly completing the conquest of Al-Andalus. The Muslim Emirate of Granada in the mountainous area of the Sierra Nevada in the south remained for over two centuries. Foreign crusaders gained crusading indulgences through participation in the 1309 capture of Gibraltar and the 1340 Christian victory at the Battle of Río Salado. These expeditions were marked by chivalrous and courtly ideals, for many honour and adventure counted equally with the welfare of their souls. The unity under joint rule of Aragon and Castile led to a ten-year campaign and in 1492 the conquest of Granada which ended the Reconquista was ended. It did remain as a justification for Spanish expansion into America.

The Reconquista included colonisation named repoblacion by Mozarabs from Al-Andalus or Catholics northern Iberia. Predominantly French foreigners inhabited the pilgrimage routes to Santiago de Compostela. Settlers were granted liberal privileges called fueros) to move densely inhabited Muslim and Jewish areas. The treatment of the natives was pragmatic rather than tolerant. Jews and Muslims were called Mudejars paid a poll tax, could not carry weapons and limited to special quarters. They were mostly allowed their religion practices, personal safety, and limited self-governance. These restrictions and pressure resulted in gradual acculturation and syncretism. Those Jews who would not convert were expelled in 1492, and Mudejar baptism required shortly after. In 1609 the Morisco Christian descendants of Muslims were also expelled from Spain.

Crusades against Christians

Christian holy war had a long history pre-dating the 11th century when papal reformers began equating the universal church with the papacy. This resulted in the Peace and Truce of God movement supporting military defence of the church, clergy and its property. In 1053 Pope Leo IX attacked the Italo-Normans granting troops sin remission in return for a holy war. Later, Pope Gregory VII and his militia Sancti Petri considered fighting for the papacy as penitential, death in which brought salvation. This was less about Augustinian just war than militant Christianity fighting in defence of the church from the 8th century. Late 11th century works by Anselm of Lucca and Bonizo of Sutri focused on heretics and schismatics rather than infidels. The First Crusade encouraged further holy wars; peacekeeping in northern France, papal fighting with King Roger II of Sicily in the 1120s and 1130s and against various heretics, their protectors, and mercenary bands in the 1130s and 1170s. Although there is little evidence of crusade preaching, Pope Innocent III is said to have waged the first “political” crusade from November 1199 for Sicily against Markward of Anweiler. Full crusading apparatus was first deployed against Christians in the conflict with the Cathar heretics of southern France and their Christian protectors in 1208. The Albigensian Crusade between 1209 and 1229 was given equivalence with the Eastern crusades by the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215. This crusade was supported by developments such as the creation of the Papal States, the aim to make available to the laity the crusade indulgence, the reconfiguration of Christian society and ecclesiastical taxation.

The Papacy’s drive for homogenous Christianity encourage crusades against any group with which there were differences such as:

• the Dutch Drenther peasants from 1228 to 1232;
• Bosnians fighting the Hungarians from 1227;
• the Stedinger peasants from 1232 to 1234;
• English rebels in 1216, 1217 and 1265;
• Greek Orthodox Byzantines fighting to reclaim territory lost to the Fourth Crusade in 1231, 1239 and the 14th century until the Ottomans provided a greater threat.

Various Popes used crusading for securing the papacy’s political position:

• Against the Hohenstaufen’s of Germany and Sicily from 1239 to 1269 preventing encirclement by their German, Italian and Sicilian territories, reassert papal feudal claims over Sicily and defend the March of Ancona and the duchy of Spoleto. Church taxation funded John of Brienne campaigns of 1228 to 1230 but it was in 1239 that Gregory IX first called a formal crusade when Frederick threatened Rome having defeated the Lombard League. Following the emperor’s death crusading continued against his sons, the legitimate Conrad IV of Germany and the illegitimate Manfred, King of Sicily. Pope Clement IV recruited Charles I of Anjou, the younger brother of Louis IX of France, who in February 1266 defeated and killed Manfred at the Benevento, in August 1268 defeated Conradin, Conrad IV’s son, at Tagliacozzo and ended the Staufen dynasty male line in October with Conradin’s execution in October.
• Against Ezzelino III da Romano and his brother Alberic in 1255.
• Against Sardinia in 1263
• The Sicilian Vespers, wars for Angevin control of Sicily from 1282 to 1302. In 1282 the Sicilians rebelled against Charles I of Anjou and Frederick’s son in law, Peter III of Aragon, annexed the island. A 1283 crusade invading Aragon and a 1285 crusade invading the island by Philip III of France failed. Crusading against Aragonese rulers continued when Frederick II of Sicily refused to return the island to the Angevins. This ended in 1302 with the treaty of Caltabellota.
• Maintaining papal interests during the Avignon Papacy from 1309 to 1377.
• During the Western Schism between 1378 and 1417.
• Against Louis IV, Holy Roman Emperor reasserting imperial claims from 1310 to1313.
• Pope Boniface VIII conflict with the Colonna family in 1297.
• The 1306 suppression of the heresies of Fra Dolcino in Piedmont.
• Against Venice over Ferrara in 1309/1310
• Crusades organised by cardinal-legates such as Bertrand du Pouget and Gil Albornoz against Milan and Ferrara in 1321; against Milan, Mantua, and rebels in Ancona in 1324; against Cesena and Faenza in 1354, against Milan again in 1360, 1363, and 1368, against mercenary companies such as that of Konrad von Landau In 1357, 1361 and 1369/1370.
• During the Great Schism between 1378 and 1417, crusades were launched by the Roman Pope Urban VI called crusades against his Avignon rival Pope Clement VII in 1378. Clement VII gave crusade privileges to competitors in the Neapolitan succession as did Antipope John XXIII in 1411 and 1414.
• In 1383, Henry le Despenser’s English campaign against Flanders was given the status of crusade by Pope Urban VI as was John of Gaunt’s attempt on the throne of Castile in 1386.

After 1417 the papacy became reluctant to use crusading for political ends, perhaps recognising the lack of adequate church funds to sponsor large armies, the futility, and the damage they caused to the standing of both papacy and crusade. Only Pope Julius II continued crusading in Italy. However, religious crusades continued against the Hussites of Bohemia in 1420, 1421, 1422, 1427, 1431 and between 1465–1471.

Another was planned between 1428 and 1429. The Reformation prompted a revival with several schemes, including against Henry VIII of England and Elizabeth I of England.

Crusades against the Ottoman Empire

The Papacy regularly offered crusade privileges from the 1360s without generating any significant military response against Muslims in the Mediterranean. The first revival of activity was a 1390 Genoese plan to seize the Tunisian port of al-Mahdiya. both the Roman and Avignon popes awarded indulgences and leadership was by the French king's uncle, Louis II, Duke of Bourbon. there is little evidence of cross taking and the exercise was more of a chivalric promenade by a small force. After a desease ridden nine-week siege the Tunis crusade agreed to withdraw. After their victory at the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, the Ottomans had conquered most of the Balkans, and had reduced Byzantine influence to the area immediately surrounding Constantinople, which they later proceeded to besiege. In 1393 the Bulgarian Tsar Ivan Shishman had lost Nicopolis to the Ottomans. In 1394 Pope Boniface IX proclaimed a new Crusade against the Turks, although the Western Schism had split the papacy. This Crusade was led by Sigismund of Luxemburg, King of Hungary and included several French nobles including John the Fearless, the son of the Duke of Burgundy, who became the Crusade's military leader. Sigismund advised the Crusaders to focus on defence when they reached the Danube, but they besieged the city of Nicopolis. The Ottomans defeated them in the Battle of Nicopolis on 25 September, capturing 3,000 prisoners.

As the Ottomans pressed westward, Sultan Murad II destroyed the last Papal-funded Crusade at Varna on the Black Sea in 1444 and four years later crushed the last Hungarian expedition. John Hunyadi and Giovanni da Capistrano organised a 1456 Crusade to lift the Siege of Belgrade. Æneas Sylvius and John of Capistrano preached the Crusade, the princes of the Holy Roman Empire in the Diets of Ratisbon and Frankfurt promised assistance, and a league was formed between Venice, Florence, and Milan, but nothing eventually came of it. Venice was the only polity to continue to pose a significant threat to the Ottomans in the Mediterranean, but it pursued the "Crusade" mostly for its commercial interests, leading to the protracted Ottoman–Venetian Wars, which continued, with interruptions, until 1718. The final end of the Crusades, in an at least nominal effort of Catholic Europe against Muslim incursion, comes in the 16th century, when the Franco-Imperial wars assumed continental proportions. Francis I of France sought allies from all quarters, including from German Protestant princes and Muslims. Amongst these, he entered into one of the capitulations of the Ottoman Empire with Suleiman the Magnificent while making common cause with Hayreddin Barbarossa and a number of the Sultan's North African vassals.

Baltic Crusades

The campaigns for the conquest and conversion of the lands on the southern and eastern coast of the Baltic Sea from the late 12th century to the Reformation have become known as the Baltic or Northern Crusades. Attempts by Scandinavian, German, Polish, and Bohemian missionaries of pagan conversion to Latin Christianity failed before the late twelfth century, when crusaders from Sweden, Gotland and Saxony conquered most of Latvia and Estonia. The Livonian Brothers of the Sword military order provided a permanent occupation force while the crusaders wintered at home. The order’s expansion into Lithuania and Russia was halted by defeats at Saule in 1236 and [Lake Peipus in 1242.From 1237 Pope Gregory IX began absorbing the Sword Brothers into the Teutonic Order. The Teutonic Knights were founded in Palestine as a hospital order after the Siege of Acre in the 1190s and were reorganised as a military order. Historian Robert Bartlett defines the conquest and organisation of power in the Baltic as part of a general movement for 'the expansion of Latin Christendom'. It was made possible by the crusading ideology placing the full machinery of the Church behind superior military technology. It enabled the recruitment of troops via preaching, the offer of spiritual rewards for combatants and the administrative machinery to establish government in the conquered territories.

The Teutonic Order first responded to a request from Konrad I of Masovia for assistance against pagan Prussians in 1228. Over the following decades with the assistance of regular crusades, they conquered the Prussians and attacked the Lithuanians. The Order purchased Brandenburg from Władysław I Łokietek in compensation for the military services they had provided Poland and in 1309 the grand master transferred his headquarters to Prussia creating a unique state. The state’s main rivals were the kingdom of Poland and the Archbishopric of Riga. The order refused cooperation with the local papal legates and concentrated on influence at the papal court. The grand masters looked alliances, including with John of Bohemia, and recruited French, Burgundian, Dutch, English, and Scottish knights for raids called reysen. These were exemplars of chivalric values and nobility. The battle of Tannenberg in 1410 is conventionally seen by historians as the turning point. The Order’s defeat was surprising and catastrophic; it was only by systematically destroying all available food in the 1414 Hunger War were the Poles and Lithuanians repulsed. In 1435 the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order suffered defeat at the battle of the Swienta River but in 1502 invaded Russia gaining half a century of peace. During the Reformation Prussia became Protestant and in 1560 after defeat by the Russians at the Ermes the order secularised. Its territories were divided. Changing priorities caused the failure of the Baltic Crusades, crusading was no longer seen as a method of earning salvation or effective in the wars waged in the Baltic.

Popular Crusades

There were regular outbreaks of popular crusading enthusiasm from 1096 until 1514 and the Hungarian Peasants’ Crusade. These Popular crusades were untypical, and the participants were unconventional crusaders. Historians describe these variously as people’s crusades, peasants’ crusades, shepherds’ crusades, and crusades of the poor within research into social memory, prophecy, crowd psychology, charismatic leadership, social dislocation, religious enthusiasm, and the place of preaching, processions, and visual culture in conveying religious ideology within medieval society. It is difficult for historians to identify common features. There is evidence of charismatic leadership up to the 14th century. Eschatology can be seen in antisemitic Judaic violence and after 1250 a sense of election in the involuntary poor. Instead popular crusades were diverse but shared historical circumstances with official crusades. These events demonstrate the power crusading ideas, that non-noble believers were engaged with the great events of Latin Christendom and focussing on clerics and warrior knights underestimates the movement’s significance. Early crusades such as the First, Second and Albigensian included peasants and non-combatants until the high costs of journeying by sea made participation in the Third and Fourth Crusade impossible for the general populace. The 1212 Children's Crusade was the first popular crusade begiining amongst the preaching for the Albigensian Crusade and parades seeking God’s assistance for Iberian crusades. Afterwards, the professional and popular crusades diverged such is in 1309 when the Crusade of the Poor and one by the Hospitallers occurred near simultaneously, both responding to Pope Clement V’s crusading summons of previous year. All crusades that were not preached officially were illicit and unaccompanied by unaccompanied by a papal representation. But it was not until the 1320 pastores of the Second Shepherds’ Crusade that the papacy criticised a popular crusade. Frequently the language of crusading was used for these incidents such as iter, expedition and crucesignatio. The objectives were traditional such as regaining Jerusalem or the 1251 case of the First Shepherds’ Crusade aiming to liberate Louis IX. Those that took part perceived themselves as authentic crusaders which is evidenced in the use of pilgrimage and crusade emblems, including the cross. Victories in the Smyrniote crusades of 1344 aroused mass enthusiasm in Tuscany and Lombardy but also papal approbation. The Hungarian Peasants Crusade began as an official holy war against the Turks but became an uprising against the Hungarian nobility.

Military orders

The crusaders' propensity to follow the customs of their Western European homelands meant that there were very few innovations developed from the culture in the crusader states. Three notable exceptions to this are the military orders, warfare and fortifications. The Knights Hospitaller, formally the Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem, were founded in Jerusalem before the First Crusade but added a martial element to their ongoing medical functions to become a much larger military order. In this way the knighthood entered the previously monastic and ecclesiastical sphere.

Military orders like the Knights Hospitaller and Knights Templar provided Latin Christendom's first professional armies in support of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the other crusader states. The Templars, formally the Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Christ and the Temple of Solomon, and their Temple of Solomon were founded around 1119 by a small band of knights who dedicated themselves to protecting pilgrims en route to Jerusalem. The Hospitallers and the Templars became supranational organisations as papal support led to rich donations of land and revenue across Europe. This, in turn, led to a steady flow of new recruits and the wealth to maintain multiple fortifications in the crusader states. In time, they developed into autonomous powers in the region. After the fall of Acre the Hospitallers first relocated to Cyprus, then conquered and ruled Rhodes (1309–1522) and Malta (1530–1798), and continue in existence to the present-day. King Philip IV of France probably had financial and political reasons to oppose the Knights Templar, which led to him exerting pressure on Pope Clement V. The pope responded in 1312, with a series of papal bulls including Vox in excelso and Ad providam that dissolved the order on the alleged and probably false grounds of sodomy, magic and heresy.

Finance of Crusades

At first crusaders self-funded the arms and supplies required for the campaigns. Non-combatants probably hoped to join the retinues of the lords and knights augmenting their resources with forage and plunder. Many fighters were employed as virtual mercenaries by the leaders seeking to maintain armies. Fleets and contingents would also organise communally to share financial risk. When the nature of crusading changed with transportation shifting from land to sea there were fewer non-combatants and systems of finance developed. Tallage was imposed on Jews, townsmen and peasants; Levies on secular and ecclesiastical vassals. This developed into formal taxation including, in 1188, the Saladin Tithe. By the 13th century the papacy’s taxation of the church dwarfed secular contributions. There were serious protests when this revenue was transferred to theatres other than the Holy Land and to secular rulers for other purposes. While actual methods varied, huge leaps were made in accounting and administration although this did not prevent resistance, delay, and diversion of funds. The military orders and Italian banks replaced in time the Curia in the crusade banking system. Secular taxation developed from this and with the crusades becoming entwined with dynastic politics led to resentment. Funding was also gathered from gifts, legacies, confiscations from heretics, donations deposited in chests placed in local churches, alms, and the redemption of crusading vows. Some these caused significant criticism and Innocent III warned bishops to avoid extortion and bribery. Full plenary indulgences became confused with partial ones when the practice of commuting vows to crusade into monetary donations developed.

Legacy

The Kingdom of Jerusalem was the first experiment in European colonialism, setting up the Outremer as a "Europe Overseas". The raising, transportation, and supply of large armies led to flourishing trade between Europe and the Outremer. The Italian city-states of Genoa and Venice flourished, planting profitable trading colonies in the eastern Mediterranean. The crusades consolidated the papal leadership of the Latin Church, reinforcing the link between Western Christendom, feudalism, and militarism and increased the tolerance of the clergy for violence. Muslim libraries contained classical Greek and Roman texts that allowed Europe to rediscover pre-Christian philosophy, science and medicine. The growth of the system of indulgences became a catalyst for the Reformation in the early 16th century. The crusades also had a role in the formation and institutionalisation of the military and the Dominican orders as well as of the Medieval Inquisition.

The behaviour of the crusaders in the eastern Mediterranean area appalled the Greeks and Muslims, creating a lasting barrier between the Latin world and the Islamic and Orthodox religions. This became an obstacle to the reunification of the Christian church and fostered a perception of Westerners as defeated aggressors. Many historians argue that the interaction between the western Christian and Islamic cultures played a significant, ultimately positive, part in the development of European civilisation and the Renaissance. Relations between Europeans and the Islamic world, stretched across the entire length of the Mediterranean Sea, led to an improved perception of Islamic culture in the West. But this broad area of interaction also makes it difficult for historians to identify the specific sources of cultural cross-fertilisation.

Historical parallelism and the tradition of drawing inspiration from the Middle Ages have become keystones of political Islam encouraging ideas of a modern jihad and long struggle while secular Arab nationalism highlights the role of western imperialism. Muslim thinkers, politicians and historians have drawn parallels between the crusades and modern political developments such as the mandates given for the governance of Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Israel by the United Nations. Right-wing circles in the Western world have drawn opposing parallels, considering Christianity to be under an Islamic religious and demographic threat that is analogous to the situation at the time of the crusades. Crusader symbols and anti-Islamic rhetoric are presented as an appropriate response, even if only for propaganda purposes. These symbols and rhetoric are used to provide a religious justification and inspiration for a struggle against a religious enemy. Some historians, such as Thomas F. Madden, argue that modern tensions are the result of a constructed view of the crusades created by colonial powers in the 19th century and transmitted into Arab nationalism. For him the crusades are a medieval phenomenon in which the crusaders were engaged in a defensive war on behalf of their co-religionists.

Criticism

There is evidence of criticism of crusading and the behaviour of crusaders from the very beginning of the movement. Few challenged the concept in the 12th and 13th centuries, but there was vociferous and vitriolic criticism of crusading against heretics and Christian lay powers. A standard criticism was that the behaviour of combatants was inconsistent with that expected of soldiers in a holy war. Chroniclers and preachers complained of sexual promiscuity, avarice, and overconfidence. Human sinfulness peccatis exigentibus hominum was blamed for failures in the First Crusade; defeats such as at Hattin and the failure of entire campaigns. Countermeasures such as penitential marches, reformation requests, prohibitions of gambling and luxuries, limits on the number of women were attempted in remediation. Another complaint was of delays in fulfilling crusade vows. It was said that Richard I of England, Philip II Augustus of France, Emperor Frederick Barbarossa and Emperor Frederick II were all preoccupied with the secular rather than the Holy Land. Alternatively, monks and priests were encouraged to remain in the West for spiritual work. The English scholar Ralph Niger emphasised the importance of excluding non-combatants in De re militari written between 1187 and 1188. He questioned whether God wished to end the Muslim hold of the holy places, while extoling the upcoming crusade. The cost of crusading armies led to taxation, the idea of which was attacked as a unwelcome precedent by Roger Wendover, Matthew Paris; and Walther von der Vogelweide. There was also concern expressed of the Franciscan and Dominican friars abusing the system of vow redemption for financial gain. After the Second Crusade, Gerhoh of Reichersberg was the first real critic of in De investigatione Antichristi. He connected the campaign’s failure with the coming of the Antichrist. The Wurzburg Annals criticised the behaviour of the crusaders and suggested it was the devil’s work. The defeat of Louis IX of France at the battle of Mansurah provoked further doubts and challenges to crusading in sermons and treatises, such as Humbert of Romans’s De praedicatione crucis. Some saw that the peaceful conversion of Muslims was the best option, but there is no evidence that this pacificism represented public opinion. Rather, the continuation of crusading indicates the opposite. The Fourth Crusade’s attack on Constantinople and the use of resources against enemies of the church in Europe, the Albigensian heretics and Hohenstaufen. Troubadours denounced expeditions in southern France and regretted the neglect of the Holy Land. Roger of Wendover agreed in bellum injustum or unjust war. One of the loudest critics was the poet Walther von der Vogelweide who was not neutral as an attender at the Imperial courts. The northern French poet Rutebeuf contrastingly composed two songs in support. In 1274 at the Second Council of Lyons, Bruno von Schauenburg, Humbert, Gilbert of Tournai, William of Tripoli produced treatises articulating the change required for successful crusading. European politics meant that kings could not absent themselves to crusade, but campaigns planning was ongoing. Crusading continued in Spain and the Baltic despite disasters such as the fall of Acre and the crusade of Nikopolis. Crusades seem to have maintained popular appeal with recruits continuing to take the cross from a wide geographical area.

Historiography

Accounts of the First Crusade and the decade following the taking of Jerusalem in 1099 began the description and interpretation crusading and from the early 12th century the image and morality of earlier expeditions propagandised new campaigns. The initial understanding of the crusades was based on a limited set of interrelated texts. Possibly dating from 1099, the most notable is Gesta Francorum that created a papalist, northern French and Benedictine template for later works. These had a degree of martial advocacy that attributed both success and failure to God's will. The clerical view was challenged by vernacular adventure stories based on the work of Albert of Aachen. by 1200, the historian William of Tyre completed his Historia through which he expanded on Albert's writing describing the warrior state the Outremer became as a result of the tension between the providential and secular. The main interest of medieval crusade historiography remained in presenting moralistic lessons rather than information, extolling the crusades as moral exemplars and cultural norms.

By the 15th century, political concerns provoked self-interested polemics that mixed the legendary and evidential past. It was through humanist scholarship and theological hostility that an independent historiography emerged. The rise of the Ottoman Turks, French Wars of Religion, and the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century encouraged the study of the crusades. Traditionalist wars of the cross presented military, spiritually penitent and redemptive solutions while also being examples of papist superstition and corruption of religion. The crusades provided evidence for the English martyrologist John Foxe in his 1566 History of the Turks of papal idolatry and profanation. He blamed the sins of the Roman church for the failure of the crusades. War against the infidel was laudable, but crusading based on doctrines of papal power and indulgences was not. This was particularly true when directed against Christian religious dissidents such as the Albigensian and Waldensians. Some Roman Catholic writers considered the crusades gave precedents for dealing with heretics. Both strands thought the crusaders were sincere and were increasingly uneasy in considering war a religious exercise instead of for territory. This secularisation was based on juristic ideas of just war that Lutherans, Calvinists and Roman Catholics could all subscribe. Roman Catholics diminished the role of Indulgences in tracts on the wars against the Turks. Alberico Gentili and Hugo Grotius developed secular international laws of war that discounted religion as a legitimate cause in contrast to popes who persisted in issuing crusade bulls for generations.

Lutheran scholar Matthaus Dresser developed Foxe’s work The crusaders were credulous, misled by pope and profane monks, with conflicting temporal and spiritual motivation, papal policy mixed with self-interest and the ecclesiastical manipulation popular piety. He emphasised the great deeds by those that could be considered as German such as Godfrey of Bouillon. . Crusaders were lauded for their faith but Urban II's motivation was associated with conflict with German Emperor Henry IV. Crusading was flawed, and ideas of restoring the physical Holy Places "detestable superstition". Pasquier highlighted the failures of the crusades and the damage that religious conflict had inflicted on France and the church. He lists victims of papal aggression, sale of indulgences, church abuses, corruption, and conflicts at home.{sfn|Tyerman|2011|pp=47–50}} Dresser’s nationalist view enabled the creation by non–Roman Catholic scholars of a wider cultural bridge between the papist past and Protestant future. This formed a sense of national identity for secular Europeans across the confessional divide. Dresser’s colleague Reinier Reineck worked at editing crusade texts, especially of Albert of Aachen. More importantly, the French Calvinist diplomat Jacques Bongars’s Gesta Dei per Francos included all the main narrative sources for the First and the Fifth Crusades, the chronicle of William of Tyre, Marino Sanudo Torsello’s Secreta Fidelium Crucis and Pierre Dubois’s {{lang|ln|}}]. These textual scholars established two dominant themes for crusade historiography which were intellectual or religious disdain and national or cultural admiration. Crusading now had only a technical impact on contemporary wars but provided imagery of noble and lost causes such as William Shakespeare’s Henry IV, Part II and Torquato Tasso’s reinvention of Godfrey of Bouillon and the First CrusadeGerusalemme liberate as a romance of love, magic, valour, loyalty, honour, and chivalry. In the 17th century Thomas Fuller maintained moral and religious disapproval in his History of the Holy Warre and National pride was embodied in Louis Maimbourg’s Histoire des Croisades. Both took crusading beyond the judgment of religion and this secularised vision increasingly depicted crusades in good stories or as edifying or repulsive models of the distant past.

18th century Age of Enlightenment philosopher historians narrowed the chronological and geographical scope to the Levant and the Outremer between 1095 and 1291. Some attempted to number crusades at eight while others such as Georg Christoph Muller counted five large expeditions that reached the eastern Mediterranean—1096–1099, 1147–1149,1189–1192, 1217–1229, and 1248–1254. In the absence of a Ottoman threat, foremost influential writers such as Denis Diderot, Voltaire, David Hume and Edward Gibbon considered crusading in terms of anticlericalism with disdain for the apparent ignorance, fanaticism, and violence. They used crusading as a conceptual tool to critique religion, civilisation and cultural mores. For them, the positives effects of crusading, such as the increasing liberty that municipalities were able to purchase from feudal lords, were only by-products. This view was then criticised in the 19th century by crusade enthusiasts as being unnecessarily hostile to, and ignorant of, the crusades. No orthodoxy developed. Voltaire in Essay on the Manners and Spirit of Nations showed admiration for individual action. Gibbon presented heroism as a cultural norm that if freed of religion would offer advantage to the West, in his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. He also contrasted Byzantium’s cultural decadence with the vigorous brutality of the crusaders and Muslims. Following Joseph de Guignes’s Histoire des Huns the ideas developed that crusading opened new markets for Western trade, manufacture, and technology. This foreshadowed the later ideas of the conflict between Christianity and Islam being in terms of “the World’s Debate”. Gibbon’s contemporaries considered the debate was won by the West, not Christianity. As fear of the Ottomans subsided a patronising orientalism developed. Interest was now on the cultural values, motives and behaviour of the crusaders as opposed to their failure. Napoleon’s Egypt and Syria campaign from 1798 to –1799 increased the predominately French view that the prime concern of the crusades was the Holy Land. . Alternatively, Claude Fleury and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz proposed that the crusades were one stage in the improvement of European Civilisation; that paradigm was further developed by Rationalists. In France the idea that the crusades were an important part of national history and identity continued to evolve. In academic circles the phrase “Holy War” was the main descriptor, but the more neutral terms kreuzzug from German and the French croisade became established. The word "crusade" entered the English language in the 18th century as a hybrid from Spanish, French and Latin. Gibbon followed Thomas Fuller in dismissing the concept that the crusades were a legitimate defence as they were disproportionate to the threat presented. Palestine was an objective, not because of reason but because of fanaticism and superstition.

In the 19th century positive appreciation of the Middle Ages grew in works such as Frederick Wilken’s 1807 to 1832 History of the Crusades and the pioneering use of Eastern sources. A fascination in chivalry developed in support of the moral, religious, and cultural mores of the establishment. William Robertson expanded on Fleury in a new, empirical, objective approach placing crusading in a narrative of progress towards modernity. The cultural consequences of growth in trade, the rise of the Italian cities and progress are elaborated in his work. In this he influenced his student Walter Scott. Sir Walter Scott’s novels Ivanhoe in 1819 and The Talisman in 1825 and Charles Mills 1820 History of the Crusades demonstrated admiration of crusading ideology and violence. Protestant writers such as Henry Stebbings remained critical but in a world of unsettling change and rapid industrialisation nostalgics, escapist apologists and popular historians developed a positive view of crusading.

Jonathan Riley-Smith considers that much of the popular understanding of the crusades derives from the 19th century novels of Scott and the French histories by Joseph François Michaud. Michaud became the most influential 19th century historian of the with his 1812 Histoire des croisades, its 1831 revision and 1829 companion Bibliotheque des croisades. He married allied admiration with supremacist triumphalism. He views provided support for the nascent European commercial and political colonialism of the time in the Near East to the point where the Outremer were “Christian colonies”. It was a long lasting view: T. E. Lawrence reminded the French claiming at the 1919 Versailles Peace Conference that ‘’the Crusaders had been defeated; the Crusades had failed’’ In 1917, Louis Madelin described a benevolent Franco-Syrian society in Outremer, that was an attractive idea during the French mandates in Syria and Lebanon. Rene Grousset’s 1934 to 1936 Histoire des croisades described La France du Levant. In 1953 Jean Richard described the kingdom of Jerusalem as “the first attempt by Franks of the West to found colonies”

Heinrich von Syble revolutionised academic study of the crusades with his 1837 Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges developing the ideas of his tutor Leopold von Ranke that William of Tyre’s accounts were a secondary source. He used close textual analysis to reveal different narratives and argued that sources were transmitters of varied stories and legends, not objective fact. Between 1841 and 1906 in France, the main Western texts, as well as Arabic and Armenian texts, were edited in the Recueil des historiens des croisades. New areas of research were explored:

• Joseph Delaville Le Roulx on the Hospitallers and The academic study of the crusades h century crusading;
• Louis de Mas Latrie on Latin Cyprus;
• Paul Riant on narrative sources for the Fourth and Fifth Crusades;
• Gustave Schlumberger on coins and seals of the Latin East;
• Camille Enlart on crusader castles.

In Germany Prussian schoolmaster Reinhold Rohricht edited Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani in 1893 and Heinrich Hagenmeyer’s 1879 Peter der Eremite established an orthodoxy on the First Crusade’s not seriously challenged until the 1980s. Crusade Historiography remained bound with political polemic, national, Without widespread wars after 1815, 19th century Europe created a cult of war based on the crusades. After World War I crusading longer received the same positive responses, war was now sometimes necessary but not good, sanctified, or redemptive. .

Michaud’s viewpoint provoked Muslim attitudes. The crusades had aroused little interest among Islamic and Arabic scholars until the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the penetration of European power. The first modern Muslim account using medieval Islamic sources was the Egyptian Sayyid ‘Ali al-Hariri’s 1899 Splendid Accounts in the Crusading Wars. The first modern Islamic biography of Saladin was by the Turkish Namik Kemal in 1872. This directly challenged the Michaud view. This began a theme in Islamic discourse based on an acceptance of Michaud representing a typical Western opinion. In the late 19th century, Arabic-speaking Syrian Christians began translating French histories into Arabic, leading to the replacement of the term "wars of the Ifranj" – Franks – with al-hurub al Salabiyya – wars of the Cross. Namık Kemal published the first modern Saladin biography in 1872. The Jerusalem visit in 1898 of Kaiser Wilhelm prompted further interest, with Sayyid Ali al-Hariri producing the first Arabic history of the crusades.

Originally planned in the early 1950s the Wisconsin project under the general editorship of Kenneth Setton has suffered from doubt on coherence grounds after an explosion of new research. Israeli Joshua Prawer and Frenchman Jean Richard reshaped the historiography the Latin East by re-examining legal practices and institutions. This created a new constitutional history that replaced ideas of the Latin East being a model feudal world. The 1969 to 1970 Histoire du royaume Latin de Jerusalem revisited the views of the Latin settlements in the East being proto colonies. In 1972’s The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: European Colonialism in the Middle Ages Prawer argued that, unlike the state of Israel, Frankish settlement was too limited to be permanent and the Franks did not engage with the local culture or environment. This was supported by R. C. Smail in a 1956 influential work on crusader warfare. This model directly challenged Madelin and Grousset. In turn Ronnie Ellenblum’s 1998 Frankish Rural Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem modifies Prawar’s model with more extensive rural Latin settlement.

Claude Cahen in 1940’s La Syrie du Nord a l’epoque des croisades]] established the study of the Latin settlements as features of Near Eastern history detached from the West. However, Hans Eberhard Mayer in 1965’s Geschichte der Kreuzzuge questioned the definition of the crusading. Jonathan Riley-Smith straddles the two schools on the actions and motives of early crusaders. The definition of the crusade remains contentious. Riley-Smith’s view that “everyone accepted that the crusades to the East were the most prestigious and provided the scale against which the others were measured” is largely accepted. There is disagreement whether it is only those campaigns launched to recover or protect Jerusalem that are proper crusades e.g. Mayer and Jean Flori or whether all those wars to which popes applied equivalent temporal and spiritual were equally legitimate e.g. Riley-Smith and Norman Housley. These arguments do not place what was only a coherent paradigm around 1200 in the context of Medieval Christian holy war, as argued by John Gilchrist that Crusading was result an ecclesiastical initiative but a submission by the church to secular militarism and militancy completed only in the early 13th century. Today, Crusade historians study the Baltic, the Mediterranean, the Near East, even the Atlantic, and crusading’s position in and derivation from host and victim societies. Chronological horizons have crusades existing into the early modern world e.g. the survival of the Order of St. John on Malta until 1798.

Academic study of crusading in the West has integrated into mainstream study of theology, the church, law, popular religion, aristocratic society and values, and politics. The Muslim context now receives attention from Islamicists such as Peter M. Holt, Robert Irwin, and Carole Hillenbrand. The disdain of Runciman has been replaced to attempts to locate crusading within its social, cultural, intellectual, economic, and political context. Crusader historians employ wider ranges of evidence, including charters, archaeology, and the visual arts, to supplement chronicles and letters. Local studies have lent precision as well as diversity.

See also

• History of the Jews and the Crusades
• List of principal crusaders
• List of Crusader castles

Notes

1. Tyerman explains that "holy war" was the primary academic term from the early 16th century, until the German term Kreuzzug (war of the cross) and the French croisade became established. Regarding English usage, he writes: "Samuel Johnson’s Dictionary (1755) includes four variants: crusade, crusado, croisade and croisado (the word used by Francis Bacon). 'Crusade', perhaps first coined in 1706, certainly in vogue by 1753, when it was used in the English translation of Voltaire’s essay (published as History of the Crusades; the following year as part of The General History and State of Europe), was popularised through its use by Hume (1761) and Gibbon."

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48. Tyerman 2006, pp. 770–775
49. Asbridge 2012, p. 605
50. Tyerman 2006, pp. 816–817
51. Asbridge 2012, pp. 643–644
52. Asbridge 2012, p. 656
53. Jotischky 2004, p. 131
54. Asbridge 2012, pp. 660–664
55. Tyerman 2019, pp. 390–393.
56. Jotischky 2004, pp. 183–184
57. Jaspert 2006, pp. 1013–1015.
58. Jaspert 2006, pp. 1015–1017.
59. Jotischky 2004, p. 190
60. Jaspert 2006, pp. 1017–1018.
61. Jotischky 2004, p. 191
62. Asbridge 2012, pp. 7–8
63. Davies 1997, pp. 444–454
64. Jaspert 2006, pp. 1018–1019.
65. ^ Tyerman 2006b, p. 326.
66. Tyerman 2006b, p. 327.
67. Lock 2006, pp. 201–202
68. Tyerman 2006b, pp. 328–329.
69. Tyerman 2019, p. 402.
70. ^ Davies 1997, p. 448
71. Lock 2006, p. 200
72. Lock 2006, pp. 202–203
73. Davies 1997, pp. 544–545
74. Jotischky 2004, p. 206
75. Urban 2006, p. 145-149.
76. Urban 2006, pp. 150–151.
77. Dickson 2006, pp. 975–979.
78. Prawer 2001, p. 252
79. Asbridge 2012, p. 169
80. Prawer 2001, p. 253
81. Asbridge 2012, p. 168
82. Asbridge 2012, pp. 169–170
83. Davies 1997, p. 359
84. Bird 2006, pp. 432–436.
85. Housley 2006, pp. 152–154
86. Nicholson 2004, pp. 93–94
87. Housley 2006, pp. 147–149
88. Strayer 1992, p. 143
89. Nicholson 2004, p. 96
90. Asbridge 2012, pp. 667–668
91. ^ Asbridge 2012, pp. 675–680
92. Asbridge 2012, pp. 674–675
93. Koch 2017, p. 1
94. Madden 2013, pp. 204–205
95. Siberry 2006, pp. 299–301.
96. Tyerman 2006c, p. 582.
97. Tyerman 2011, pp. 8–12.
98. Tyerman 2011, pp. 16–17.
99. Tyerman 2011, p. 32.
100. Tyerman 2006c, pp. 582–583.
101. Tyerman 2006c, p. 583.
102. Tyerman 2011, pp. 38–42.
103. Tyerman 2006c, pp. 583–584.
104. Tyerman 2006c, p. 584.
105. Tyerman 2011, p. 79.
106. ^ Tyerman 2006c, pp. 584–585.
107. Tyerman 2011, p. 67.
108. Tyerman 2011, p. 71.
109. Tyerman 2011, p. 87.
110. Tyerman 2011, pp. 80–86.
111. ^ Tyerman 2006c, p. 586.
112. Tyerman 2006c, p. 585.
113. Tyerman 2006c, pp. 586–587.
114. ^ Tyerman 2006c, p. 587.

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v t e Crusader states
List of Crusader states
Levant	Kingdom of Jerusalem vassals Principality of Antioch Antioch County of Edessa Marash County of Tripoli Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia Kingdom of Cyprus
Greece	Latin Empire of Constantinople Duchy of Philippopolis Kingdom of Thessalonica Principality of Achaea Duchy of Athens Duchy of Neopatras Duchy of the Archipelago Triarchy of Negroponte County Palatine of Cephalonia and Zakynthos Lordship of Argos and Nauplia Venetian Stato da Màr Knights Hospitaller Hospitaller Rhodes Genoese colonies
Prussia and Livonia	State of the Teutonic Order* Teutonic Order Livonian Order Livonian Brothers of the Sword* Archbishopric of Riga Bishopric of Courland Bishopric of Dorpat Bishopric of Ösel–Wiek Dobrzyń Land Order of Dobrzyń Free City of Riga
Military orders Crusading movement Crusades

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