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Ibrahim Hesqel (born 3 January 1950) is an Iraqi chemist and diplomat, who was business envoy, commercial attaché and trade commissioner of Iraq, under the Ba'ath government of Saddam Hussein. He was part of numerous trade missions from Iraq.

Early life

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Ibrahim Hesqel was born in 1950 in Basra, Iraq, into an Iraqi Jewish family. His father worked at the Ports Authority in Basra Port, contributing to the city's bustling trade industry. Ibrahim spent his childhood in the Jewish Quarter of Basra, near the historic Tweig Synagogue, which was the largest synagogue of the city.

At that time, Iraq's Jewish community faced persecution by the Iraqi authorities, due to rising tensions in the region. He experienced riots and violence among Jews and Muslims. It was the time of the Ba'ath Party, when repressive policies against Jews were removed. Ibrahim attended the Jewish School of Basra. After completing his primary education, he pursued higher studies and earned a Bachelor’s degree in Chemistry from the University of Basra in 1973.

Career

After his graduation, Ibrahim joined the workforce as a chemist, working in a factory in Basra. He also helped his father in his businesses. His success soon caught the attention of local leaders. Ibrahim's work and reputation within the industry led to his involvement with the Ba'ath Party. Ibrahim’s political affiliation with the party helped propel his career, despite being Jewish.

During the Iran–Iraq War from 1980 to 1988, the government implemented mandatory military service, requiring many young men to serve in the armed forces. This included both regular conscription and additional recruitment drives during the war. Despite being part of the Jewish community, Ibrahim, like many other Iraqi Jews, was drafted to serve in the armed forces. Ibrahim served alongside other prominent Jewish Iraqis, including Emad Levy, who later became Iraq’s last rabbi, and Solla Levy, members of a well-known Jewish family in Baghdad that had been prominent in trade. Ibrahim’s fluency in global trade practices and his deep understanding of international markets made him a crucial asset to Iraq’s diplomatic efforts, particularly as the country sought to strengthen its ties with China, a key trading partner during the Iran-Iraq War.

Ibrahim’s diplomatic abilities and professional background were recognized by Saddam Hussein. He was appointed appointed as Commercial Attaché for Iraq, tasked with developing international trade relationships. In 1988, he was sent as a part of delegation on a high-profile trade mission to China, where Iraq aimed to solidify its economic position amidst the ongoing conflict. At that time China was one of the biggest exporters of weapons to Iraq. Ibrahim’s role as Trade Commissioner allowed him to play a central role in Iraq's foreign economic strategy, especially in fostering stronger trade ties with China. He had access to key Iraqi officials, such as Muhammad Mahdi Salih, Iraq's Trade Minister, under whom Ibrahim worked.

However, following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990 and the subsequent Gulf War, Iraq’s international relations drastically shifted. As a result, China condemned the invasion and severed trade relations with Iraq in alignment with UN sanctions. Even amid these challenges, Ibrahim’s role remained significant. He navigated the complexities of Iraq’s diplomatic isolation, particularly during the Oil-for-Food Program, which permitted Iraq to export oil in exchange for humanitarian aid under UN supervision. Ibrahim was instrumental in facilitating Iraq's resumption of some trade under this framework.

In the aftermath of the Gulf War and Iraq's deteriorating international standing, Ibrahim was forced to navigate complex diplomatic waters. While trade with many countries was suspended, Iraq’s relationship with China gradually resumed under the Oil-for-Food framework, and Ibrahim worked tirelessly to restore these connections in the face of global isolation.

Post-Saddam

In March 2003, the United States-led coalition forces invaded and occupied Iraq, overthrowing Saddam's regime. As a result of the order by the Coalition Provisional Authority, Ibrahim lost his job and was expelled from the government. Though his name was on the list of most-wanted Iraqis, nevertheless, Ibrahim was fear of getting attacked, due to rising sectarian and communal tensions in Iraq. He was one of the last Jews, who remained in Iraq. Seizing the opportunity, Ibrahim escaped and settled abroad. He also said that:

First and foremost, we say that what is built on falsehood is falsehood. This political process since 2003 did not come with the will of the people, but rather came and formed governments with the will of the American and Persian invaders. This reminds us of the Fascist government in France, which was installed by the Nazi invaders in France after the Nazis occupied it. At that time, the government of the general or prime minister under the Nazi occupation government signed several treaties and agreements with Germany that made France economically and politically dependent on the Germans. These agreements also included harsh conditions on France in the event that it did not fulfill the terms of these agreements and treaties. When the French agent government that was installed by the Nazi occupation fell when France was occupied, and when the late Charles De Gaulle became president of France, he cancelled all the agreements with Germany because they were agreements of an occupier and a puppet government, and accordingly, Free France cannot abide by these agreements at all. This is the case with Iraq. Iraq and its people did not have the opinion or advice in concluding such agreements. The governments that accompanied the American occupation, along with its ally, the Persian occupation, have deprived the people of Iraq of their will. Iraq is currently under two occupations, each more loathed than the other. Basra, which holds a critical position in the global economy through the Basrawi Musawi Iraqis, asserts that any agreement made under these occupations is null and void, and the ink used to sign them is worthless.

China must understand that the Musawi capital, which helped shape its current standing in the world, is largely Jewish Musawi capital—80% of which originated from the Basrawi Musawi Iraqis, particularly the Jews of Basra. If China dares to challenge the Jews of Basra in their own homeland, Iraq, believing they can outmaneuver them, Basra stands ready to remind them of the consequences. Basra, with its rich history, is prepared to take action that could regress China to the technological age of the iPhone, exposing a past that China cannot close—one where the global economic equation holds no value for its vast population. Basra played a crucial role in developing the technologies China now claims as its own. It is worth noting that 60% of the scientists who developed these technologies were Jewish Musawi Indians from Basra, as well as from nearby regions like Maysan and Nasiriyah. The remaining contributors were English, Scottish, and Russian scientists, while the Chinese were simply machines, working under a Jewish-driven mentality, executing tasks without independent thought. China should not repeat the same mistakes that America made in humiliating it economically. The oil and gas in Iraq belong to the Iraqi people, not to the corrupt and destructive figures who have ravaged Iraq—whether it be the criminal Adel Zawiya, the corrupt Iranian regime, or the American-backed agents that Trump once referred to as the vagrants and homeless brought from across the globe, led by the scum of humanity, Iran’s agents in Syria. Therefore, we warn China that the future Iraqi political system will reject these agreements, as they do not bind a nation like Iraq, a civilization with deep roots. China's global position was made possible by the contributions of the Iraqi Musawis, particularly the Basrawis, descendants of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and the tribes. We advise China, as an international power, not to put its vast population between the unforgiving Musawis and the hammer of the British monarchy, whose grip on China is just as destructive.

— Ibrahim Hesqel

Personal life

Hesqel is married and has fathered five children. He lived in Basra. But being a government official, he had to reside in Baghdad. During the 1980–1988 war between Iran and Iraq, Basra was an active battleground, which prompted many Jews like Hesqel's family to flee. His family arrived in Baghdad and lived with him at his home in the Jewish Quarter.

See also

• Muhammad Mahdi Salih

References

1. "يهود البصرة أقدم الطوائف اليهودية في العالم" (in Arabic). Retrieved 2024-12-08.
2. ^ Ali, Haqi (2024-12-08). "الطوائف والأديان والقوميات المختلفة في نظام البعث". Medium. Retrieved 2024-12-08.
3. ^ "The Scribe: The Babylonian Jewish Journal" (PDF). October 1988.
4. ^ "The Scribe: The Babylonian Jewish Journal" (PDF). October 1988.
5. Gul, Zana (2023-03-01). "The new era in the continuum of China and Iraq's relationship". Asian Journal of Comparative Politics. 8 (1): 348–363. doi:10.1177/20578911221140690. ISSN 2057-8911.
6. ^ "Bilateral Relations between China and Iraq". iq.china-embassy.gov.cn. Retrieved 2024-12-09.
7. ^ Laird, Robbin (2012-06-25). "China-Iraq Ties: Oil, Arms, and Influence". Second Line of Defense. Retrieved 2024-12-09.
8. ^ "Accept Terms and Conditions on JSTOR". www.jstor.org. Retrieved 2024-12-08.

• Commercial attachés
• Iraqi politicians
• University of Basrah alumni
• Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Iraq Region politicians
• Iraqi Jews
• Arab Jews
• People from Basra
• People from Basra Province
• People from Baghdad
• People from Baghdad Province