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His ExcellencyMuammar al-Gaddafi معمر محمد أبو منيار القذافيGCFR
Gaddafi at an African Union summit in February 2009
Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution of Libya
In office 1 September 1969 – 23 August 2011
President	See list Abdul Ati al-Obeidi Muhammad az-Zaruq Rajab Mifta al-Usta Umar Abdul Razzaq as-Sawsa Muhammad az-Zanati Miftah Muhammed K'eba Imbarek Shamekh Mohamed Abu Al-Quasim al-Zwai
Prime Minister	See list Jadallah Azzuz at-Talhi Muhammad az-Zaruq Rajab Jadallah Azzuz at-Talhi Umar Mustafa al-Muntasir Abuzed Omar Dorda Abdul Majid al-Qa′ud Muhammad Ahmad al-Mangoush Imbarek Shamekh Shukri Ghanem Baghdadi Mahmudi
Preceded by	Position established
Succeeded by	Position abolished
Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council of Libya
In office 1 September 1969 – 2 March 1977
Prime Minister	Mahmud Sulayman al-Maghribi Abdessalam Jalloud Abdul Ati al-Obeidi
Preceded by	Idris (King)
Succeeded by	Himself (Secretary General of the General People's Congress of Libya)
Secretary General of the General People's Congress
In office 2 March 1977 – 2 March 1979
Prime Minister	Abdul Ati al-Obeidi
Preceded by	Himself (Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council)
Succeeded by	Abdul Ati al-Obeidi
Prime Minister of Libya
In office 16 January 1970 – 16 July 1972
Preceded by	Mahmud Sulayman al-Maghribi
Succeeded by	Abdessalam Jalloud
Chairperson of the African Union
In office 2 February 2009 – 31 January 2010
Preceded by	Jakaya Kikwete
Succeeded by	Bingu wa Mutharika
Personal details
Born	c. 1940–43 Qasr Abu Hadi, Italian Libya
Died	(2011-10-20)October 20, 2011 (aged c.69) Sirte, Libya
Resting place	Undisclosed
Political party	Arab Socialist Union (1971–1977) Independent (1977–2011)
Spouses	Fatiha al-Nuri (1969–1970) Safia el-Brasai (1970–2011)
Children	Sons Muhammad (born 1970) Saif al-Islam (born 1972) Al-Saadi (born 1973) Mutassim (1974–2011) Hannibal (born 1975) Saif al-Arab (1982–2011) Khamis (1983–2012) Milad (adopted) Daughters Ayesha (born 1976) Hanna (adopted)
Alma mater	Benghazi Military University Academy
Signature
Military service
Allegiance	Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
Branch/service	Libyan Army
Years of service	1961–2011
Rank	Colonel
Commands	Libyan Armed Forces
Battles/wars	Libyan coup d'etat (1969) Libyan–Egyptian War Chadian–Libyan conflict Uganda–Tanzania war Bombing of Libya (1986) Libyan civil war

Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi (Template:Lang-ar /ˈmoʊ.əmɑːr ɡəˈdɑːfi/ audio) (c. 1942 – 20 October 2011), commonly known as Colonel Gaddafi, ruled Libya for 42 years, taking power in a 1969 coup d'etat overthrowing King Idris. He was ousted in 2011 in the Libyan civil war. As a Libyan revolutionary and politician, he ruled Libya as Revolutionary Chairman of the Libyan Arab Republic from 1969 to 1977 and then as the "Brother Leader" of the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya from 1977 to 2011. Politically an Arab nationalist and Arab socialist, he governed the country according to his own ideology, Third International Theory, later embracing Pan-Africanism and serving as Chairperson of the African Union from 2009 to 2010.

The son of an impoverished Bedouin goatherder, Gaddafi became involved in politics while at school in Sabha, subsequently enrolling in the Royal Military Academy, Benghazi. Founding a revolutionary cell within the military, in 1969 they seized power from King Idris in a bloodless coup. Becoming Chairman of the governing Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), he dissolved the monarchy and proclaimed the Republic. Ruling by decree, he implemented measures to remove what he viewed as foreign imperialist influence from Libya, and strengthened ties to Arab nationalist governments. Intent on pushing Libya toward socialism, he nationalized the oil industry and used the increased revenues to bolster the military, implement social programs and fund revolutionary militants across the world. In 1973 he initiated a "Popular Revolution" with the formation of General People's Committees (GPCs), a system of direct democracy, but retained personal control over major decisions. He outlined his Third International Theory that year, publishing these ideas in The Green Book.

In 1977, he dissolved the Republic and created the Jamahiriya, a "state of the masses" part-governed by GPCs. Officially adopting a symbolic role in governance, he retained power as military commander-in-chief and head of the Revolutionary Committees responsible for policing and suppressing opponents. Overseeing unsuccessful border conflicts with Egypt and Chad, Gaddafi's support for foreign militants led to Libya's label of "international pariah"; a particularly hostile relationship developed with the United States and United Kingdom. From 1999, Gaddafi encouraged economic privatization, pan-African integration, and sought better relations with the West. In 2011, an anti-Gaddafist uprising led by the National Transitional Council (NTC) broke out, resulting in civil war. NATO intervened militarily on the side of the NTC, resulting in the government's downfall. Retreating to Sirte, Gaddafi was captured and killed by NTC militia.

Gaddafi was a controversial and highly divisive world figure. Supporters lauded his anti-imperialist stance and work in unifying Africa and the Arab world, and he was decorated with various awards. Conversely, he was internationally condemned as a dictator and autocrat whose authoritarian administration violated the human rights of Libyan citizens and supported international terrorism.

Early life

Childhood: 1942/43–1950

Muammar Gaddafi was born in a tent near Qasr Abu Hadi, a rural area outside the town of Sirte in the deserts of western Libya. His family came from a small, relatively unimportant tribal group called the Qadhadhfa, who were Arabized Berber in heritage. His father, Mohammad Abdul Salam bin Hamed bin Mohammad, was known as Abu Meniar (died 1985), and his mother was named Aisha (died 1978); Abu Meniar earned a subsistence as a goat and camel herder. Nomadic Bedouin, they were illiterate and kept no birth records; as such, Gaddafi's date of birth is not known with certainty, and sources have set it in 1942 or in the spring of 1943, although biographers Blundy and Lycett noted that it could have been pre-1940. His parents' only surviving son, he had three older sisters. Gaddafi's upbringing in Bedouin culture influenced his personal tastes for the rest of the life. He repeatedly expressed a preference for the desert to the city, and retreated to the desert to meditate.

At the time of his birth, Libya was occupied by Italy, witnessing the conflict between Italian and British troops as a part of the North African Campaign of World War II; as a result, Gaddafi was aware of the involvement of European colonialists in his country from childhood. According to later claims, Gaddafi's paternal grandfather, Abdessalam Bouminyar, was killed by the Italian Army during the Italian invasion of 1911. At World War II's end in 1945, British and French forces had taken control of Libya, and although intending on dividing the nation between themselves, the General Assembly of the United Nations declared that the country be granted political independence. In 1951, the UN created the United Kingdom of Libya, a federal state under the leadership of a pro-western monarch, Idris, who banned political parties and established an absolute monarchy.

Education and political activism: 1950–1963

Gaddafi's earliest education was provided by a local tribal teacher, comprising largely of the traditional Islamic teachings which influenced him throughout his life. Subsequently moving to nearby Sirte to attend elementary school, he progressed through six grades in four years. Education in Libya was not free, but his father thought it would greatly benefit his son, despite the fact that paying for it strained the impoverished family's resources. During the week Gaddafi slept in the local mosque, and at weekends walked 20 miles to visit his parents. Bullied for being a Bedouin, he nevertheless was proud of his identity and encouraged other Bedouin children to think the same. From Sirte, he and his family moved to the market town of Sabha in Fezzan, south-central Libya. Here, his father worked as the caretaker for a local tribal leader while Muammar attended secondary school, something neither parent had done. Gaddafi was popular at the school; some friends made there would receive significant jobs in his later administration, most notably his best friend, Abdul Salam Jalloud.

Many teachers at Sabha were Egyptian, and for the first time Gaddafi had access to pan-Arab newspapers and radio broadcasts, most notably the Cairo-based Voice of the Arabs. Growing up, Gaddafi witnessed significant events rock the Arab world, including the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, the Suez Crisis of 1956, and the short-lived existence of the United Arab Republic between 1958 and 1961. Gaddafi took an active interest in the political changes being implemented in the Arab Republic of Egypt under the presidency of Gamal Abdel Nasser of the Arab Socialist Union, who had ascended to power in 1956. An advocate of Arab nationalism, Nasser argued for greater unity within the Arab world, the rejection of Western colonialism, neo-colonialism, and zionism, and a transition from capitalism to socialism. Such ideas inspired Gaddafi, who viewed Nasser as a hero. Nasser's book, Philosophy of the Revolution, was a key influence on Gaddafi; outlining how to initiate a coup, it has been described as "the inspiration and blueprint of revolution." Becoming actively involved in politics, Gaddafi helped organize demonstrations and distribute posters criticizing the monarchy.

In October 1961, Gaddafi led a local demonstration in protest at Syria's secession from the United Arab Republic. During the protest he led an attack on a local hotel accused of serving alcohol, breaking several windows. As a result he caught the authorities' attention, who expelled him from the school and ordered his family to leave Sabha. Intent on finishing his secondary education, Gaddafi moved to Misrata, where he attended Misrata Secondary School. Maintaining his interest in Arab nationalist activism, he refused to join any of the banned political parties then active in the city – including the Arab Nationalist Movement, the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, and the Muslim Brotherhood – claiming he rejected factionalism. He read voraciously, including everything that he could find on the subjects of Nasser and the French Revolution of 1789, as well as the works of Syrian political theorist Michel Aflaq and biographies of Abraham Lincoln, Sun Yat-Sen, and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.

Military training: 1963–1966

Deciding to study History at the University of Libya in Benghazi, Gaddafi soon dropped out to join the military. Despite his police record, in 1963 he began training at the Royal Military Academy, Benghazi, alongside several friends from Misrata who shared his political views. The armed forces offered the only good opportunity for upward social mobility for Libyans from underprivileged backgrounds such as himself, and was an obvious instrument of political change, having the potential for ousting Idris' absolute monarchy. Libya's armed forces were trained by the British military, angering Gaddafi, who viewed the British as imperialists; he refused to learn English, was rude to the British officers, and failed his exams. The British trainers reported him for insubordination and abusive behaviour, stating their suspicion that he was directly involved in the assassination of the military academy's commander in 1963. Such reports were ignored and Gaddafi quickly progressed through the course.

With a group of loyal cadres, in 1964 Gaddafi founded the Central Committee of the Free Officers Movement, named after the Egyptian group founded in 1949 by Nasser, devoting themselves to the revolutionary cause. Led by Gaddafi, they met clandestinely and were organised into a clandestine cell system, offering their salaries into a single fund. Gaddafi travelled around Libya when he could, gathering intelligence and developing connections with those sympathetic to his cause; the government's intelligence services failed to pay much attention, considering him of little threat due to his poor background. Gaddafi graduated in August 1965, becoming commissioned as a communications officer in the Libyan Army's signal corps.

In April 1966, he was assigned to the United Kingdom for further training; over nine months he underwent an English-language course at Beaconsfield, Buckinghamshire, a Royal Air Corps signal instructors course in Bovington Camp, Dorset, and an infantry signal instructors course at Hythe, Kent. Despite later rumours to the contrary, he did not attend the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst. The director of the Bovington signal course put together a report noting that Gaddafi successfully overcame early problems with learning English, displaying a firm command of voice procedure. Noting that Gaddafi's favourite hobbies were reading and playing football, he thought him an "amusing officer, always cheerful, hard-working, and conscientious." Gaddafi disliked his time in England, claiming British Army officers racially insulted him and finding it difficult adjusting to the country's culture; asserting his Arab identity in London, he walked around Piccadilly wearing traditional Libyan robes. He later related that while he travelled to England believing it more advanced than Libya, he returned home "more confident and proud of our values, ideals and social character."

Libyan Arab Republic

Coup d'etat: 1969

King Idris' government had become increasingly unpopular by the latter 1960s. In 1963 they had begun the export of the country's oil, providing a huge boost to the country's economy. Attempting to make the industry as profitable as possible, they replaced the federal system with a centralized one, causing problems in a country that was deeply divided along regional, ethnic and tribal lines. Within the oil industry, corruption was widespread, with entrenched systems of patronage. Arab nationalism was becoming increasingly popular, and protests flared up in 1967 following Egypt's defeat in the Six Day War with Israel; being allies with the western powers, Idris' administration was seen as favourable to Israel. Anti-western riots broke out in Tripoli and Benghazi, while Libyan workers shut down the oil terminals in solidarity with Egypt. By 1969, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency was expecting segments of Libya's armed forces to institute a coup d'etat. Although claims have been made that they knew about Gaddafi's Free Officers Movement, they have since claimed ignorance, instead stating that they were monitoring a separate revolutionary group known as the Black Boots, led by Abdul Aziz Shalhi.

In mid-1969, King Idris travelled abroad to spend the summer in Turkey and Greece. Gaddafi's Free Officers recognized this as their chance to overthrow the monarchy, initiating a plan that they called "Operation Jerusalem". On 1 September, they occupied airports, police depots, radio stations and government offices in Tripoli and Benghazi. Gaddafi took control of the Berka barracks in Benghazi, while Omar Meheisha occupied the Tripoli barracks and Jalloud seized the anti-aircraft batteries around the city. Khweldi Hameidi was sent to the royal palace in order to arrest crown prince Sayyid Hasan ar-Rida al-Mahdi as-Sanussi, and force him to relinquish any claim to the throne. They did not meet any serious resistance, and wielded little violence against the monarchists.

Having overthrown and abolished the monarchy, Gaddafi proclaimed the foundation of the Libyan Arab Republic. He addressed the populace by radio, proclaiming an end to the old "reactionary and corrupt" regime, "the stench of which has sickened and horrified us all." Due to the bloodless nature of the coup, it was initially labelled the "White Revolution", although later became known as the "One September Revolution" after the date on which it occurred. Gaddafi was insistent that the Free Officers' ascent to power represented not just a coup but a revolution, marking the start of a widespread change in the socio-economic and political nature of Libyan society. He would proclaim that the revolution meant "freedom, socialism, and unity" for Libya, and over the coming years would implement measures to achieve this.

Consolidating leadership: 1969–1973

Setting up a new government, the 12 member central committee of the Free Unionist Officers proclaimed themselves the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), wielding control over the new republic. Captain Gaddafi promoted himself to the rank of Colonel, and was recognized as both RCC Chairman and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, becoming the de facto head of state, while Jalloud became Prime Minister. Created to oversee the implementation of RCC policy was a civilian Council of Ministers, headed by Sulaiman Maghribi. Although the RCC was theoretically a collegial body that operated through discussion and consensus building, from the start it was dominated by the opinions and decisions of Gaddafi, although some of the others attempted to constrain what they saw as his excesses. Gaddafi remained the public face of the government, with the identities of the other RCC members only being publicly revealed in the Official Gazette on 10 January 1970. All of them were young men, from (typically rural) working and middle-class backgrounds, and none had university degrees; in this way they were all distinct from the wealthy, highly educated conservatives who had previously governed the country.

The coup completed, the RCC proceeded with their intentions of consolidating the revolutionary government and modernizing the country. They began to purge monarchists and members of Idris' Senussi clan from Libya's political world and armed forces; Gaddafi believed that this elite were opposed to the will of the Libyan people and had to be expunged. "People's Courts" were founded to try various monarchist politicians and journalists, and though many were imprisoned, none were executed. Idris was sentenced to execution in absentia, but remained in Egypt. In May 1970, the Revolutionary Intellectuals Seminar was held to bring intellectuals and academics in line with the revolution, while that year's Legislative Review and Amendment united secular and religious law codes, thereby introducing elements of sharia law into the legal system. Ruling by decree, the RCC maintained the previous administration's ban on political parties, in May 1970 banned trade unions, and in 1972 outlawed workers' strikes and suspended the publication of newspapers. In September 1971, Gaddafi resigned, claiming to be dissatisfied with the pace of reform, but had returned to his position within a month. In February 1973, Gaddafi resigned again, once more returning the following month.

Economic and social reform

With crude oil being the country's primary export, Gaddafi sought to improve the position of the Libyan oil sector. In October 1969, he proclaimed that the current trade terms were unfair, benefiting foreign oil corporations more than the Libyan state, and in December Prime Minister Jalloud oversaw successful talks to increase the price at which they sold their country's oil by threatening to reduce production. In 1970, other OPEC states followed suit, leading to a global increase in the price of crude oil. The RCC followed this with further talks with the oil companies operating in Libya, known as the Tripoli Agreement, in which they secured income tax, back-payments and better pricing; these measures would bring Libya an estimated $1 billion in additional revenues in its first year. Further increasing state control over the oil sector, the RCC began a program of nationalization, starting with the expropriation of British Petroleum's share of the British Petroleum-N.B. Hunt Sahir Field in December 1971. In September 1973, this was followed by the announcement that all foreign oil producers active in the country were to be nationalized under state control. For Gaddafi, this was an important step towards establishing socialism. It proved an economic success; while gross domestic product had been $3.8 billion in 1969, it had risen to $13.7 billion in 1974, and $24.5 billion in 1979. In turn, the Libyans' standard of life greatly improved over the first decade of Gaddafi's administration, and by 1979 the average per-capita income was at $8,170, up from $40 in 1951; this was above the average of many industrialized countries like Italy and the U.K.

The RCC attempted to suppress regional and tribal affiliation in the country, replacing it with a unified pan-Libyan identity. In doing so, they tried to discredit tribal leaders, tying them to the old colonial regime, and in August 1971 a military court was assembled in Sebha to put many of them on trial for counter-revolutionary activity. Long-standing administrative boundaries were re-drawn, crossing tribal boundaries, while pro-revolutionary modernizers were brought in to replace traditional leaders, but the communities that they served often rejected them for more established figures. Realizing the failures of the modernizers, on 11 June 1971, Gaddafi proclaimed the creation of the Arab Socialist Union (ASU), a mass mobilization vanguard party of which he would be president. The ASU recognized the RCC as its "Supreme Leading Authority", and was designed to further revolutionary enthusiasm throughout the country.

The RCC also implemented measures for social reform, adopting sharia law as a basis. The consumption of alcohol was banned, night clubs and Christian churches were shut down, traditional Libyan dress was encouraged, while Arabic was decreed as the only language permitted in official communications and road signs. From 1969 to 1973, the government introduced social welfare programs, funded with oil money, which led to house-building projects and improved healthcare; education remained a lesser priority. In doing so, they greatly expanded the public sector, providing employment for thousands. These early social programs proved popular within Libya. This popularity was in part due to Gaddafi's personal charisma, virility, youth and underdog status, as well as his rhetoric emphasizing his role as the successor to the anti-Italian fighter and national hero Omar Mukhtar.

Foreign relations

On its ascendancy to power, the influence of Nasser's Arab nationalism over the RCC was clearly apparent. The new administration was immediately recognized by four neighbouring states with Arab nationalist governments: Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Sudan, while Egypt sent experts in various fields to aid the RCC, who were unanimously inexperienced in governance. Gaddafi propounded Pan-Arab ideas, proclaiming the need for a single Arab state stretching across North Africa and the Middle East; in December 1969, Libya founded the Arab Revolutionary Front with Egypt and Sudan as a step towards political unification, and the following year, Syria stated its intention to join. After Nasser died in November 1970, his successor, Anwar Sadat, suggested that rather than a unified state, they create a political federation, implemented in April 1971; in doing so, Egypt, Syria and Sudan got large grants of Libyan oil money. In February 1972, Gaddafi and Sadat signed an unofficial charter of merger between Libya and Egypt, but it was never implemented as relations broke down the following year. Sadat became increasingly wary of Libya's radical direction, and the September 1973 deadline for implementing the Federation passed by with no action taken, leaving it defunct.

Straight after the 1969 coup, representatives of the Four Powers – France, the United Kingdom, the United States and the Soviet Union – were called to meet with members of the RCC. The U.K. and U.S. quickly extended diplomatic recognition to the RCC, hoping to secure the position of their military bases in the country and fearing further instability. Hoping to ingratiate themselves with Gaddafi's administration, in early 1970 the U.S. informed the Libyan regime of at least one planned counter-coup. Such attempts to form a working relationship with the RCC failed; Gaddafi was determined to reassert Libyan national sovereignty and expunge foreign colonial and imperialist influences. The new administration insisted that the U.S. and U.K. remove their military bases from Libya, with Gaddafi proclaiming that "the armed forces which rose to express the people's revolution tolerate living in their shacks while the bases of imperialism exist in Libyan territory." The Western powers complied, with the British leaving in March and the Americans in June 1970.

Moving to reduce Italian influence, in October 1970 all Italian-owned assets were expropriated and the 12,000-strong Italian community expelled from Libya; the day became a national holiday. The Catholic cathedral of the Sacred Heart of Jesus was converted into the Gamal Abdul Nasser Mosque, while a smaller number of Jews were also expelled. Aiming to reduce the power of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the Mediterranean, in 1971 Libya requested that Malta cease to allow NATO to use its land for a military base, in turn offering to provide them with large amounts of foreign aid. Ultimately, the Maltese government continued to allow NATO to use the island for their activity, but only on the condition that they would not use it for launching an attack on any Arab country. Orchestrating a military build-up, Gaddafi's RCC began purchasing weapons from France and the Soviet Union; the commercial relationship with the latter led to an increasingly strained relationship with the U.S., who were then engaged in the Cold War with the Soviets.

Gaddafi was especially critical of the U.S. due to their support for Israel; Gaddafi supported the Palestinians in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, viewing the 1948 creation of Israel as an oppressive indignity forced on the Arab world by Western colonialists. Calling on the Arab states to wage "continuous war" against Israel, in 1970 he initiated a Jihad Fund to finance anti-Israeli militants, and in a 11 June 1972 speech, announced the creation of the First Nasserite Volunteers Centre to train guerrillas in tactics against the Zionist state. His relationship with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat of Fatah was strained, with Gaddafi considering him too moderate and calling for more violent action. Instead he supported more extremist militants, including the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, As-Sa'iqa, the Palestinian Popular Struggle Front, and the Abu Nidal Organization. He funded the Black September group who perpetrated the 1972 Munich massacre of Israeli athletes in West Germany, and had the militants' bodies flown to Libya for a hero's funeral.

Using Libya's oil wealth, Gaddafi financially supported other militant groups across the world, including the Black Panther Party and Nation of Islam in the U.S., the Provisional Irish Republican Army in the U.K., Action directe in France, ETA in Spain, the Red Brigades in Italy, the Red Army Faction in West Germany, the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia in Armenia, Tupamaros in Uruguay, the 19th of April Movement in Colombia, the Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua, the Red Army in Japan, the Free Aceh Movement in Indonesia and the Moro National Liberation Front in the Philippines. Gaddafi remained indiscriminate in the causes he funded, sometimes switching from supporting one side in a conflict to the other, as in the Eritrean War of Independence. Throughout the rest of the 1970s, these groups received financial support from Libya, which came to be seen as a leader in the Third World's struggle against colonialism and neocolonialism. Though many of these groups were labelled "terrorists" by critics of their activities, Gaddafi refuted such a characterisation, instead considering them to be revolutionaries engaged in liberation struggles.

The "Popular Revolution": 1973–1977

On 16 April 1973, he gave a speech in Zuwara proclaiming the start of a "Popular Revolution" in Libya. He initiated this new beginning with a five-point plan, the first point of which dissolved all existing laws, which were to be replaced by revolutionary enactments. The second point proclaimed that all opponents of the revolution had to be removed, while the third initiated an administrative revolution that Gaddafi proclaimed would remove all traces of bureaucracy and the bourgeoisie from Libya. The fourth point announced that the population must form People's Committees and be armed to defend the revolution, while the fifth proclaimed the beginning of a cultural revolution that would expunge Libya of "poisonous" foreign influences. He began to lecture on this new phase of the revolution both in Libya and abroad, visiting Egypt and Paris, France.

As part of this Popular Revolution, Gaddafi invited the Libyan people to found General People's Committees across the country, as conduits for raising political consciousness. Although he offered little guidance for how people should go about setting up these councils, Gaddafi exclaimed that they would offer a form of direct political participation for all Libyans that was innately more democratic than a traditional party-based representative system. In doing so, he hoped that the councils would mobilize the people behind the RCC, erode the power of the traditional leaders and the traditional bureaucracy, and allow for the formation of a new revolutionary legal system chosen by the people. The People's Committees led to a high percentage of public involvement in decision making, within the limits permitted by the RCC, but also exasperated problems with tribal divisions. They also served as a surveillance system, aiding the security services in locating individuals with views critical of the RCC, leading to the arrest of Ba'athists, Marxists and Islamists. The base form of these Revolutionary Committees were the local working groups, who proceeded to send elected representatives to the district level, and from that to the national level – divided between the General People's Congress and the General People's Committee – in a pyramid structure. Above these Committees remained Gaddafi and the RCC, who ultimately remained responsible for all major decisions.

Third Universal Theory and The Green Book

In June 1973, Gaddafi announced the creation of a political ideology that would underpin the new Popular Revolution. Referred to as "Third Universal Theory", it rejected the capitalism of the western world and the atheism of the communist powers, proclaiming that both the United States and the Soviet Union were imperialist. In this respect it was similar to the Three Worlds Theory recently developed by Chinese political leader Mao Zedong. As part of this theory, Gaddafi praised nationalism as a progressive force and continued to advocate the creation of a pan-Arab state which would lead both the Islamic and Third Worlds against the forces of imperialism. Gaddafi saw Islam as having a key role in this ideology, calling for an Islamic Revival that returned to the origins of the Qur'an, rejecting scholarly interpretations and the Hadith; in doing so he angered many Libyan clerics. Over 1973 and 1974 his government deepened the legal reliance on sharia, for instance introducing flogging for those convicted of adultery or same-sex sexual activity.

Gaddafi summarized his thought regarding Third Universal Theory in three short volumes published between 1975 and 1979, that were collectively known as The Green Book. The first volume, The Solution of the Problem of Democracy: The Authority of the People, was devoted to the issue of democracy, outlining the flaws of representative systems in favour of direct, participatory democracy in the form of his General People's Committees. The second, The Solution of the Economic Problem, dealt with Gaddafi's beliefs regarding socialism, while the third, The Social Basis of the Third International Theory, explored social issues regarding the family and the tribe. While the first two volumes had expressed views advocating radical reform, the third adopted a socially conservative stance, proclaiming that while men and women were equal, they were biologically designed for different roles in life. In ensuing years, government supporters would adopt quotes from The Green Book, such as "Representation is Fraud", as revolutionary slogans. Meanwhile, in September 1975 Gaddafi implemented further measures to increase popular mobilization, introducing objectives to try and improve the relationship between the Revolutionary Committees and the ASU.

The swift implementation of these radical reforms led to discontent, furthered by widespread opposition to the RCC's decision to spend oil money on foreign causes. In 1974, Libya saw its first civilian attack on Gaddafi's government when an army building in Benghazi was bombed. The following year, two members of the RCC, Bashir Saghir al-Hawaadi and Omar Mehishi, launched a coup to overthrow Gaddafi, having become increasingly dissatisfied with his leadership. They failed, and in the aftermath only five of the original twelve RCC members remained in power. Ultimately, this led to collapse of the RCC, which would be officially abolished in March 1977. In September 1975 Gaddafi purged the army, arresting around 200 senior officers, and in October he founded a clandestine security service, the Office for the Security of the Revolution. In 1976, student demonstrations broke out against the government in Tripoli and Benghazi, but were attacked by police and pro-Gaddafist students. The RCC responded with mass arrests, and introduced compulsory national service for young people. Dissent also arose from conservative clerics and the Muslim Brotherhood, many of whom began to preach against the government, subsequently being persecuted as anti-revolutionary elements. In January 1977 two dissenting students and a number of army officers were publicly hanged; Amnesty International condemned it as the first time in Gaddafist Libya that dissenters had been executed for purely political crimes.

Foreign relations

Following Anwar Sadat's ascension to the Egyptian presidency, Libya's relations with Egypt deteriorated. Sadat was perturbed by Gaddafi's unpredictability and insistence that Egypt required a cultural revolution. In February 1973, Israeli forces shot down Libyan Arab Airlines (LAA) Flight 114, which had strayed from Egyptian airspace into Israeli-held territory during a sandstorm. Gaddafi was infuriated that Egypt had not done more to prevent the incident, and in retaliation planned to destroy the RMS Queen Elizabeth 2, a British ship chartered by American Jews to sail to Haifa for Israel's 25th anniversary. Gaddafi ordered an Egyptian submarine to target the ship, but Sadat discovered and cancelled the order, fearing a military escalation. The Yom Kippur War between an Egyptian-Syrian alliance and Israel also led to the deterioration of relations between the two leaders; Gaddafi was infuriated that he had not been consulted on the war plans, and was angry that Egypt eventually conceded to peace talks with Israel, believing that they should have fought on till victory. Sadat and Gaddafi became openly hostile, the latter proclaiming that Sadat had betrayed Nasser's vision and should be overthrown. Relations also deteriorated with Sudan, where Islamist President Gaafar Nimeiry had developed closer links to Egypt and the West; by 1975, Gaddafi was sponsoring the Sudan People's Liberation Army to overthrow Nimeiri, who proclaimed the former to have "a split personality – both parts evil".

Gaddafi's break with Egypt and Sudan led him to focus his attention on the rest of Africa. Expanding Libyan influence southward, in late 1972 and early 1973, Libya invaded Chad in order to annex the Aouzou Strip, a desert region suspected of containing underground uranium deposits. One of his primary ambitions was to reduce Israeli influence in the continent, successfully convincing eight states to break off diplomatic relations with Israel in 1973, offering financial incentives to do so. Intent on propagating Islam, in 1973 Gaddafi founded the Islamic Call Society, which had begun operations in 132 centers across Africa within a decade. He achieved early success, in 1973 converting Gabonese President Omar Bongo to the faith, which he repeated three years later with Jean-Bédel Bokassa, president of the Central African Republic. Gaddafi sought to develop closer links in the Maghreb area of northwest Africa. In January 1974, Libya and Tunisia announced a political union, forming the Arab Islamic Republic; although advocated by Gaddafi and Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba, the move was deeply unpopular within Tunisia, and soon abandoned. Retaliating, Gaddafi sponsored anti-government militants in Tunisia into the 1980s. Turning his attention to Algeria, in 1975 Libya signed the Hassi Messaoud defence agreement to counter the threat of Moroccan expansionism, also funding the Polisario Front of Western Sahara in their liberation struggle against Morocco. Seeking to diversify Libya's economy, Gaddafi's government began purchasing shares in major European corporations like Fiat and the Union de Banques Arabes et Français (UBAF), which would become a valuable source of income during the 1980s oil slump.

Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya

Foundation: 1977

On 2 March 1977 the General People's Congress adopted the "Declaration of the Establishment of the People's Authority" at Gaddafi's behest. Dissolving the Libyan Arab Republic, it was replaced by the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (Template:Lang-ar, al-Jamāhīrīyah al-‘Arabīyah al-Lībīyah ash-Sha‘bīyah al-Ishtirākīyah), a "state of the masses" conceptualized by Gaddafi. Officially, the Jamahiriya was a direct democracy in which the people ruled themselves through the 187 Basic People's Congresses, where all adult Libyans participated and voted on national decisions. These then sent members to the annual General People's Congress, which was broadcast live on television. In principle, the People's Congresses were Libya's highest authority, with major decisions proposed by government officials or Gaddafi himself requiring the consent of the People's Congresses.

However, debate remained limited, and major decisions regarding the economy and defence were avoided or dealt with only cursorily; the GPC largely remained "a rubber stamp" for Gaddafi's policies. On rare occasions, the GPC opposed Gaddafi's suggestions, sometimes successfully; notably, when Gaddafi called on primary schools to be abolished, believing that home schooling was healthier for children, the GPC rejected the idea. In other instances, Gaddafi pushed through laws without the support of the GPC, such as when he desired to allow women into the armed forces. Gaddafi proclaimed that the People's Congresses provided for Libya's every political need, rendering other political organizations unnecessary; all non-authorized groups, including political parties, professional associations, independent trade unions and women's groups, were banned.

With preceding legal institutions abolished, Gaddafi envisioned the Jamahiriya as following the Qur'an for legal guidance, adopting sharia law; he proclaimed "man-made" laws unnatural and dictatorial, only permitting God's law. Within a year he was backtracking, announcing that sharia was inappropriate for the Jamahiriya because it guaranteed the protection of private property, contravening The Green Book's socialism. His emphasis on placing his own work on a par with the Qur'an led conservative clerics to accuse him of shirk, furthering their opposition to his regime. In July, a border war broke out with Egypt, in which the Egyptians defeated Libya despite their technological inferiority. The conflict lasted a week before both sides agreed to a peace treaty brokered by several Arab states. That year, Gaddafi was invited to Moscow by the Soviet government in recognition of their increasing commercial relationship.

Revolutionary Committees and furthering socialism: 1978–1980

"If socialism is defined as a redistribution of wealth and resources, a socialist revolution clearly occurred in Libya after 1969 and most especially in the second half of the 1970s. The management of the economy was increasingly socialist in intent and effect with wealth in housing, capital and land significantly redistributed or in the process of redistribution. Private enterprise was virtually eliminated, largely replaced by a centrally controlled economy."

In December 1978, Gaddafi stepped down as Secretary-General of the GPC, announcing his new focus on revolutionary rather than governmental activities; this was part of his new emphasis on separating the apparatus of the revolution from the government. Adopting the title of "Leader of the Revolution", he continued as commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Gaddafi continued exerting considerable influence over Libya, with many critics insisting that the structure of Libya's direct democracy gave him "the freedom to manipulate outcomes". On 2 March 1979, the GPC announced the separation of government and revolution, the latter being represented by new Revolutionary Committees, who operated in tandem with the People's Committees in schools, universities, unions, the police force and the military. Dominated by revolutionary zealots, the Revolutionary Committees were led by Mohammad Maghgoub and a Central Coordinating Office, and met with Gaddafi annually. Publishing their own weekly magazine, The Green March (al-Zahf al-Akhdar), in October 1980 they took control of all press. Responsible for perpetuating revolutionary fervour, they performed ideological surveillance, later adopting a significant security role, making arrests and putting people on trial according to the "law of the revolution" (qanun al-thawra). With no legal code or safeguards, the administration of revolutionary justice was largely arbitrary and resulted in widespread abuses and the suppression of civil liberties: the "Green Terror."

1978 saw the Libyan government push towards socialism. In March, they published guidelines for housing redistribution, attempting to ensure that every adult Libyan owned their own home and was not "enslaved" to paying rent. Most families were banned from owning more than one house, and houses that had formerly been rented were expropriated by the government and sold to the tenants at a heavily subsidized price. In September, Gaddafi called for the People's Committees to eliminate the "bureaucracy of the public sector" and the "dictatorship of the private sector"; the People's Committees seized control of several hundred companies, converting them into workers' cooperatives run by elected representatives. In 1979, the committees began redistribution of land in the Jefara plain, continuing through to 1981. In May 1980, measures to redistribute and equalize wealth were implemented; anyone with over 1000 dinar in their bank account saw that extra money expropriated. The following year, the GPC announced that the government would take control of all import, export and distribution functions, with state supermarkets replacing privately owned businesses; this led to a decline in the availability of consumer goods and the development of a thriving black market.

"I have created a Utopia here in Libya. Not an imaginary one that people write about in books, but a concrete Utopia."

The Jamahiriya's radical socialist direction and revolutionary justice earned the government many enemies. In February 1978 Gaddafi discovered that his head of military intelligence was plotting to kill him, and began to increasingly entrust security to his own Qaddadfa tribe. Many who had seen their wealth and property confiscated turned against the administration, and a number of western-funded opposition groups were founded by exiles. Most prominent was the National Front for the Salvation of Libya (NFSL), founded in 1981 by Mohammed Magariaf, which orchestrated militant attacks against Libya's government, while another, Borkan, began killing Libyan diplomats abroad. Following Gaddafi's command to kill these "stray dogs", under Colonel Younis Bilgasim's leadership, the Revolutionary Committees set up overseas branches to suppress counter-revolutionary activity, assassinating various dissidents. Though similar tactics were employed by Syria and Israel, Gaddafi was unusual in publicly bragging about his administration's use of hit squads; in June 1980, he ordered all dissidents to return home or be "liquidated wherever you are."

In 1979, the U.S. government placed Libya on their list of state sponsors of terrorism, while at the end of the year a demonstration torched the U.S. embassy in Tripoli in solidarity with the perpetrators of the Iran hostage crisis. The following year, Libyan fighters began intercepting U.S. fighter jets flying over the Mediterranean, signalling the collapse of relations between the two countries. Libyan relations with Lebanon and Shi'ite communities across the world also deteriorated over the August 1978 disappearance of Shia imam Musa al-Sadr when on a visit to Libya; the Lebanese accused Gaddafi of having him killed or imprisoned, a charge he denied. Relations with Syria improved, as Gaddafi and Syrian President Hafez al-Assad shared an enmity with Israel and Egypt's Sadat. In 1980, they proposed a political union, with Libya paying off Syria's £1 billion debt to the Soviet Union; although pressures led Assad to pull out, they remained allies. Another key ally was Uganda, and in 1979, Gaddafi sent 2,500 troops into Uganda to defend the regime of President Idi Amin from Tanzanian invaders. The mission failed; 400 Libyans were killed and they were forced to retreat.

"International Pariah": 1981–1986

The early and mid-1980s saw economic trouble for Libya; from 1982 to 1986, the country's annual oil revenues dropped from $21 billion to $5.4 billion. Focusing on irrigation projects, 1983 saw construction start on the Great Manmade River; although designed to be finished by the end of the decade, it would still be incomplete at the start of the 21st century. Military spending increased, while other administrative budgets were cut back. Libya had long supported the Frolinat militia in neighbouring Chad, and in December 1980, re-invaded Chad at the request of the Frolinat-controlled GUNT government to aid in the civil war; in January 1981, Gaddafi suggested a political merger. The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) rejected this, and called for a Libyan withdrawal, which came about in November 1981. The civil war resumed, and so Libya sent troops back in to support Frolinat, clashing with French forces who supported the southern Chadian forces. Many African nations had tired of Libya's policies of interference in foreign affairs; by 1980, nine African states had cut off diplomatic relations with Libya, while in 1982 the OAU cancelled its scheduled conference in Tripoli in order to prevent Gaddafi gaining chairmanship. Proposing political unity with Morocco, in August 1984, Gaddafi and Moroccan monarch Hassan II signed the Oujda Treaty, forming the Arab-African Union; such a union was considered surprising due to the strong political differences that existed between the two governments. Relations remained strained, particularly due to the Moroccan regime's friendly relations with the U.S. and Israel; in August 1986, Hassan abolished the union. Domestic threats continued to plague Gaddafi; in May 1984, his Aziziya home was unsuccessfully attacked by a joint NFSL-Muslim Brotherhood militia, and in the aftermath 5000 dissidents were arrested.

In 1981, the new US President Ronald Reagan famously declared Gaddafi an "international pariah" and the "mad dog of the Middle East". He immediately pursued a hard line approach to Libya, erroneously considering its government a puppet regime of the Soviet Union. In turn, Gaddafi played up his commercial relationship with the Soviets, visiting Moscow again on 27 April 1981 and threatening to join the Warsaw Pact. The Soviets were nevertheless cautious of Gaddafi, seeing him as an unpredictable extremist. Beginning U.S. military exercises in the Gulfe of Sirte – an area of sea that Libya claimed as a part of its territorial waters – in August 1981 the U.S. shot down two Libyan Su-22 planes that were monitoring them. Closing down the Libyan embassy in Washington D.C., Reagan advised U.S. companies operating in the country to reduce the number of American personnel stationed there. In March 1982, the U.S. implemented an embargo of Libyan oil, and in January 1986 ordered all U.S. companies to cease operating in the country, although several hundred workers remained. Diplomatic relations also broke down with the U.K., after Libyan diplomats were accused of shooting dead Yvonne Fletcher, a British policewoman stationed outside their London embassy, in April 1984. In Spring 1986, the U.S. Navy again began performing exercises in the Gulf of Sirte; the Libyan military retaliated, but failed as the U.S. sank several Libyan ships.

After the U.S. accused Libya of orchestrating the 1986 Berlin discotheque bombing, in which two American soldiers died, Reagan decided to retaliate militarily. The Central Intelligence Agency were critical of the move, believing that Syria were a greater threat and that an attack would strengthen Gaddafi's reputation; however Libya was recognised as a "soft target." Raegan was supported by the U.K. but opposed by other European allies, who highlighted that it would contravene international law. In Operation El Dorado Canyon, orchestrated on 15 April 1986, U.S. military planes launched a series of air-strikes on Libya, bombing military installations in various parts of the country, killing around 100 Libyans, including several civilians. One of the targets had been Gaddafi's home in the Bab al-Azizia barracks. Himself unharmed, two of Gaddafi's sons were injured, and he claimed that his four-year-old adopted daughter Hanna was killed, although her existence has since been questioned. In the immediate aftermath, Gaddafi retreated to the desert to meditate, while there were sporadic clashes between Gaddafists and army officers who wanted to overthrow the government. Although the U.S. was condemned internationally, Reagan received a popularity boost at home. Publicly lambasting U.S. imperialism, Gaddafi's reputation as an anti-imperialist was strengthened both domestically and across the Arab world. In June 1986, by his personal order, the names of the month were changed in Libya.

"Revolution within a Revolution": 1987–1998

The late 1980s saw a series of liberalising economic reforms within Libya designed to cope with the decline in oil revenues. In May 1987, Gaddafi announced the start of the "Revolution within a Revolution", which began with reforms to industry and agriculture and saw the re-opening of small business. Restrictions were placed on the activities of the Revolutionary Committees; in March 1988, their role was narrowed by the newly created Ministry for Mass Mobilization and Revolutionary Leadership to restrict their violence and judicial role, while in August 1988 Gaddafi publicly criticised them, asserting that "they deviated, harmed, tortured" and that "the true revolutionary does not practise repression." In March, hundreds of political prisoners were freed, with Gaddafi erroneously claiming that there were no further political prisoners in Libya. In June, the Libyan government issued the Great Green Charter on Human Rights in the Era of the Masses, in which 27 articles laid out goals, rights and guarantees to improve the situation of human rights in Libya, restricting the use of the death penalty and calling for its eventual abolition. Many of the measures suggested in the charter would be implemented the following year, although others remained inactive. Also in 1989, the Libyan government founded the Al-Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights, to be awarded to figures from the Third World who had struggled against colonialism and imperialism; the first year's winner was South African anti-apartheid activist Nelson Mandela. From 1994 through to 1997, the Libyan government initiated cleansing committees to root out corruption, particularly in the economic sector.

In the aftermath of the 1986 U.S. attack, the army was purged of perceived disloyal elements, and in 1988, Gaddafi announced the creation of a popular militia to replace the army and police. In 1987, Libya began production of mustard gas at a facility in Rabta, although publicly denied it was stockpiling chemical weapons, and unsuccessfully attempted to develop nuclear weapons. The period also saw a growth in domestic Islamist opposition, formulated into groups like the Muslim Brotherhood and the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group. A number of assassination attempts against Gaddafi were foiled, and in turn, 1989 saw the security forces raid mosques believed to be centres of counter-revolutionary preaching. In October 1993, elements of the army initiated a failed coup in Misrata, while in September 1995, Islamists launched an insurgency in Benghazi, and in July 1996 an anti-Gaddafist football riot broke out in Tripoli. The Revolutionary Committees experienced a resurgence to combat these Islamists.

In 1989, Gaddafi was overjoyed by the foundation of the Arab Maghreb Union, uniting Libya in an economic pact with Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. Gaddafi saw the Pact as a first step towards the formation of "one invincible Arab nation" and shouted for a state "from Marrakesh to Bahrain", pumping his fists in the air. A decade later, it joined the Community of Sahel-Saharan States. Meanwhile, Libya stepped up its support for anti-western militants such as the Provisional IRA, and in 1988, Pan Am Flight 103 was blown up over Lockerbie in Scotland, killing 259 passengers. British police investigations identified two Libyans – Abdelbaset al-Megrahi and Lamin Khalifah Fhimah – as the chief suspects, and in November 1991 issued a declaration demanding that Libya hand them over. When Gaddafi refused, citing the Montreal Convention, the United Nations (UN) imposed Resolution 748 in March 1992, initiating economic sanctions against them which had deep repurcussions for the country's economy. The country suffered an estimated $900 million financial loss as a result. Further problems arose with the west when in January 1989, two Libyan warplanes were shot down by the U.S. off the Libyan coast. Many African states opposed the UN sanctions, with Mandela criticising them on a visit to Gaddafi in October 1997, when he praised Libya for its work in fighting apartheid and awarded Gaddafi the Order of Good Hope. They would only be suspended in 1998 when Libya agreed to allow the extradition of the suspects to the Scottish Court in the Netherlands, in a process overseen by Mandela.

Pan-Africanism, reconciliation and privatization: 1999–2011

As the 20th century came to a close, Gaddafi increasingly rejected Arab nationalism, frustrated by the failure of his Pan-Arab ideals; instead he turned to Pan-Africanism, emphasising Libya's African identity. From 1997 to 2000, Libya initiated cooperative agreements or bilateral aid arrangements with ten African states. In June 1999, Gaddafi visited South Africa, visiting his friend, Mandela; the following month he attended the OAU summit in Algiers, calling for greater political and economic integration across the continent and advocating the foundation of a United States of Africa. He became one of the founding figureheads of the African Union (AU), initiated in July 2002 to replace the OAU; at the opening ceremonies, he proclaimed that African states should reject conditional aid from the developed world, a direct contrast to the message of South African President Thabo Mbeki. At the third AU summit, held in Libya in July 2005, he called for a greater level of integration, advocating a single AU passport, a common defense system and a single currency, utilising the slogan: "The United States of Africa is the hope." In June 2005, Libya joined the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), and in August 2008 Gaddafi was proclaimed "King of Kings" by an assembled committee of traditional African leaders. On 1 February 2009, a 'coronation ceremony' in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, was held to coincide with the 53rd African Union Summit, at which Gaddafi was elected chairman of the African Union for the year.

The era saw Libya's return to the international arena. In 1999, Libya began secret talks with the British government to normalise relations. In 2001, Gaddafi condemned the September 11 attacks on the U.S. by al-Qaeda, expressing sympathy with the victims and calling for Libyan involvement in the War on Terror against militant Islamism. His government continued suppressing domestic Islamism, at the same time as Gaddafi called for the wider application of sharia law. Libya also cemented connections with China and North Korea, being visited by Chinese President Jiang Zemin in April 2002. Influenced by the events of the Iraq War, in December 2003, Libya renounced its possession of weapons of mass destruction, decommissioning its chemical and nuclear weapons programs. Relations with the U.S. improved as a result, while U.K. Prime Minister Tony Blair met with Gaddafi in the Libyan desert in March 2004. The following month, Gaddafi travelled to the headquarters of the European Union (EU) in Brussels, signifying improved relations between Libya and the EU, the latter ending its remaining sanctions in October. In October 2010, the EU paid Libya €50 million to stop African migrants passing into Europe; Gaddafi encouraged the move, saying that it was necessary to prevent the creation of a "Black Europe".

Removed from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism in 2006, Gaddafi nevertheless continued his anti-western rhetoric, and at the Second Africa-South America Summit on Isla Margarita, Venezuela in September 2009, joined Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in calling for an "anti-imperialist" front across Africa and Latin America. Gaddafi proposed the establishment of a South Atlantic Treaty Organization to rival NATO. On 23 September 2009, Gaddafi addressed the United Nations General Assembly in New York for the first time, using it to condemn western aggression. In Spring 2010, Gaddafi proclaimed jihad against Switzerland after Swiss police accused two of his family members of criminal activity in the country, resulting in the breakdown of bilateral relations.

The Libyan economy witnessed increasing privatization; although rejecting the socialist policies of nationalized industry advocated in The Green Book, government figures asserted that they were forging "people's socialism" rather than capitalism. Gaddafi welcomed these reforms, calling for widescale privatization in a March 2003 speech. In 2003, the oil industry was largely turned over to private corporations, and by 2004, there was $40 billion of direct foreign investment in Libya, a sixfold rise on 2003. Sectors of the Libyan population reacted against these reforms with public demonstrations, and in March 2006, revolutionary hardliners took control of the GPC cabinet; although scaling back the pace of change, they did not halt them. In 2010, plans were announced that would have seen half the Libyan economy privatized over the following decade. While there was no accompanying political liberalization, with Gaddafi retaining predominant control, in March 2000, the government devolved further powers to the municipal councils. Rising numbers of reformist technocrats attained positions in the country's governance; best known was Gaddafi's son and heir apparent Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, who was openly critical of Libya's human rights record. He led a group who proposed the drafting of the new constitution, although it was never adopted, and in October 2009 was appointed to head the PSLC. Involved in encouraging tourism, Saif founded several privately run media channels in 2008, but after criticising the government they were nationalised in 2009. In October 2010, Gaddafi apologized for Arab involvement in the African slave trade.

Libyan civil war

Origins: February–March 2011

Following the start of the Arab Spring in 2011, Gaddafi spoke out in favour of Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, then threatened by the Tunisian revolution. He suggested that Tunisia's people would be satisfied if Ben Ali introduced a Jamahiriyah system there. Fearing domestic protest, Libya's government implemented preventative measures, reducing food prices, purging the army leadership of potential defectors and releasing several Islamist prisoners. They proved ineffective, and on 17 February 2011, major protests broke out against Gaddafi's government. Unlike Tunisia or Egypt, Libya was largely religiously homogenous and had no strong Islamist movement, but there was widespread dissatisfaction with the corruption and entrenched systems of patronage, while unemployment had reached around 30%.

Accusing the rebels of being "drugged" and linked to al-Qaeda, Gaddafi proclaimed that he would die a martyr rather than leave Libya. As he announced that the rebels would be "hunted down street by street, house by house and wardrobe by wardrobe", the army opened fire on protests in Benghazi, killing hundreds. Shocked at the government's response, a number of senior politicians resigned or defected to the protesters' side. The uprising spread quickly through Libya's less economically developed eastern half. By February's end, eastern cities like Benghazi, Misrata, al-Bayda and Tobruk were controlled by rebels, and the Benghazi-based National Transitional Council (NTC) had been founded to represent them.

In the conflict's early months it appeared that Gaddafi's government – with its greater firepower – would be victorious. Both sides disregarded the laws of war, committing human rights abuses, including arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial executions and revenge attacks. On 26 February the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1970, suspending Libya from the UN Human Rights Council, implementing sanctions and calling for an International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into the killing of unarmed civilians. In March, the Security Council declared a no fly zone to protect the civilian population from aerial bombardment, calling on foreign nations to enforce it; it also specifically prohibited foreign occupation. Ignoring this, Qatar sent hundreds of troops to support the dissidents, and along with France and the United Arab Emirates provided the NTC with weaponry and training.

NATO intervention: March–August 2011

A week after the implementation of the no-fly zone, NATO announced that it would enforce it. On 30 April a NATO airstrike killed Gaddafi's sixth son and three of his grandsons in Tripoli, though Gaddafi and his wife were unharmed. Western officials remained divided over whether Gaddafi was a legitimate military target under the Security Council resolution. U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said that NATO was "not targeting Gaddafi specifically" but that his command-and-control facilities were legitimate targets—including a facility inside his sprawling Tripoli compound that was hit with airstrikes 25 April. However, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was captured on video calling for Gaddafi to be killed or captured and was later captured again on video celebrating the news of his death.

On 27 June, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Gaddafi, his son Saif al-Islam, and his brother-in-law Abdullah Senussi, head of state security for charges, concerning crimes against humanity. Libyan officials rejected the ICC, claiming that it had "no legitimacy whatsoever" and highlighting that "all of its activities are directed at African leaders". That month, Amnesty International published their findings, in which they asserted that many of the accusations of mass human rights abuses made against Gaddafist forces lacked credible evidence, and were instead fabrications of the rebel forces which had been readily adopted by the western media. On 15 July 2011, at a meeting in Istanbul, over 30 governments recognised the NTC as the legitimate government of Libya. Gaddafi responded to the announcement with a speech on Libyan national television, in which he called on supporters to "Trample on those recognitions, trample on them under your feet ... They are worthless".

Now with NATO support in the form of air cover, the rebel militia pushed westward, defeating loyalist armies and securing control of the centre of the country. Gaining the support of Amazigh (Berber) communities of the Nafusa Mountains, who had long been persecuted as non-Arab speakers under Gaddafi, the NTC armies were able to encircle Gaddafi loyalists in several key areas of western Libya. In August, the rebels seized both Zlitan and Tripoli, effectively ending the last vestiges of Gaddafist power. On 25 August, the Arab League recognised the NTC to be "the legitimate representative of the Libyan state", on which basis Libya would resume its membership of the League.

Capture and death: September–October 2011

Although all major cities were now under NTC control, a few towns in western Libya—such as Bani Walid, Sebha and Sirte—remained Gaddafist strongholds. Retreating to the latter after Tripoli's fall, Gaddafi announced his willingness to negotiate for a handover to a transitional government, a suggestion rejected by the NTC, who held out for total victory. Surrounding himself with trusted confidants and bodyguards, he continually moved residences to escape NTC shelling; with food, water and electricity becoming scarce, Gaddafi devoted his days to reading the Qur'an and praying. On the morning of Thursday 20 October, Gaddafi broke out of Sirte's District 2 in a joint civilian-military convoy, hoping to take refuge in the Jarref Valley. At around 8.30am, NATO bombers attacked, destroying at least 14 vehicles and killing at least 53. The convoy scattered, and Gaddafi and those closest to him fled to a nearby villa, which was shelled by rebel militia from Misrata. Fleeing to a construction site, Gaddafi and his inner consort hid inside drainage pipes while his bodyguards battled the rebels; in the conflict, Gaddafi suffered head injuries from a grenade blast while defence minister Abu-Bakr Yunis Jabr was killed.

Overwhelming the loyalists, a Misratan militia took Gaddafi prisoner, beating him and stabbing him in the anus with a bayonet, causing serious injuries; the events were filmed on a cell phone, accompanied by cries of "Allahu Akbar!" and "Misrata!". Pulled onto the front of a pick-up truck, he fell off as it drove away. His semi-naked, lifeless body was then placed into an ambulance and taken to Misrata; upon arrival, he was found to be dead. Official NTC accounts claimed that Gaddafi was caught in a cross-fire and died from his bullet wounds. Other eye-witness accounts claimed that rebels had fatally shot Gaddafi in the stomach; a rebel identifying himself as Senad el-Sadik el-Ureybi later claimed responsibility. Gaddafi's son Mutassim, who had also been among the convoy, was also captured, and found dead several hours later, most probably from an extrajudicial execution. Around 140 Gaddafi loyalists were rounded up from the convoy; tied up and abused, the corpses of 66 were found at the nearby Mahari Hotel, victims of extrajudicial execution. Libya's chief forensic pathologist, Dr. Othman al-Zintani, carried out the autopsies of Gaddafi, his son and Jabr in the days following their death; although the pathologist initially told the press that Gaddafi had died from a gunshot wound to the head, the autopsy report was not made public.

On the afternoon of Gaddafi's death, NTC Prime Minister Mahmoud Jibril publicly revealed the news. Gaddafi's corpse was placed in the freezer of a local market alongside the corpses of Yunis Jabr and Mutassim; the bodies were publicly displayed for four days, with Libyans from all over the country coming to view them. In response to international calls, on 24 October Jibril announced that a commission would investigate Gaddafi's death. On 25 October, the NTC announced that Gaddafi had been buried at an unidentified location in the desert; Al Aan TV showed amateur video footage of the funeral. Seeking vengeance for the killing, Gaddafist sympathisers fatally wounded one of those who had captured Gaddafi, Omran Shaaban, near Bani Walid in September 2012.

Personal and public life

Ideology

As a schoolboy, Gaddafi adopted the ideologies of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism, influenced in particular by Nasserism, the thought of Egyptian revolutionary and president Gamal Abdel Nasser, whom Gaddafi adopted as his hero. During the early 1970s, Gaddafi formulated his own particular approach to Arab nationalism and socialism, known as Third International Theory, which has been described as a combination of "utopian socialism, Arab nationalism, and the Third World revolutionary theory that was in vogue at the time". He laid out the principles of this Theory in the three volumes of The Green Book, in which he sought to "explain the structure of the ideal society." His Arab nationalist views led him to believe that there needed to be unity across the Arab world, combining the Arab nation under a single nation-state. He described his approach to economics as "Islamic socialism", although biographers Blundy and Lycett noted that Gaddafi's socialism had a "curiously Marxist undertone". He saw his socialist Jamahiriyah as a model for the Arab, Islamic, and Non-aligned worlds to follow.

"We call it the Third Theory to indicate that there is a new path for all those who reject both materialist capitalism and atheist Communism. The path is for all the people of the world who abhor the dangerous confrontation between the Warsaw and North Atlantic military alliances. It is for all those who believe that all nations of the world are brothers under the aegis of the rule of God."

Gaddafi's ideological worldview was moulded by his environment, namely his Islamic faith, his Bedouin upbringing, and his disgust at the actions of European colonialists in Libya. He was driven by a sense of "divine mission", believing himself a conduit of Allah's will, and thought that he must achieve his goals "no matter what the cost". Raised within the Sunni branch of Islam, Gaddafi called for the implementation of sharia within Libya. He desired unity across the Islamic world, and encouraged the propagation of the faith elsewhere. On a 2010 visit to Italy, he paid a modelling agency to find 200 young Italian women for a lecture he gave urging them to convert. He also funded the construction and renovation of two mosques in Africa, including Uganda's Kampala Mosque. He nevertheless clashed with conservative Libyan clerics as to his interpretation of Islam. Many criticised his attempts to encourage women to enter traditionally male-only sectors of society, such as the armed forces. Gaddafi was keen to improve women's status, though saw the sexes as "separate but equal" and therefore felt women should usually remain in traditional roles.

A fundamental part of Gaddafi's ideology was anti-zionism. He believed that the state of Israel should not exist, and that any Arab compromise with the Israeli government was a betrayal of the Arab people. Rallying against Jews in many of his speeches, his anti-Semitism has been described as "almost Hitlerian." From the late 1990s, he came to moderate these views, coming to advocate the Isratine single-state solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, in 2007 stating that it was "the fundamental solution" because the alternative would be the annihilation of "the Jews" by the Palestinians, who had " depth". Two years later he argued that a single-state solution would "move beyond old conflicts and look to a unified future based on shared culture and respect." In large part due to their support of Israel, Gaddafi despised the United States, considering the country to be imperialist and lambasting it as "the embodiment of evil."

Personal life

Gaddafi was a very private individual, who saw himself as a "simple revolutionary" and "pious Muslim" called upon by Allah to continue Nasser's work. Described as "extraordinarily vain", Gaddafi owned a large variety of clothes, and would often change his outfit multiple times a day. He saw himself as a fashion icon, stating "Whatever I wear becomes a fad. I wear a certain shirt and suddenly everyone is wearing it." According to a Brazilian plastic surgeon, Gaddafi had been his patient in 1995. Gaddafi was considered a womaniser, and would often make sexual advances toward female reporters and members of his entourage, although rumours circulated that this was a front to hide his own homosexuality. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency believed that Gaddafi had suffered from clinical depression, while the Israeli authorities claimed that he had been afflicted by epilepsy and hemorrhoids. Although he disdained intellectuals generally, Gaddafi considered himself an intellectual and a philosopher, and has been described as an "armchair philosopher" but not a "logical thinker". He described himself as a fan of Beethoven, and considered his favourite novels to be Uncle Tom's Cabin, Roots, and Colin Wilson's The Outsider. He was also a fan of playing soccer.

Following his ascension to power, Gaddafi moved into the Bab al-Azizia barracks, a six-mile long fortified compound located two miles from the centre of Tripoli. His home and office at Aziziya was a bunker designed by West German engineers, while the rest of his family lived in a large two-story building. Within the compound were also two-tennis courts, a football pitch, several gardens, and a Bedouin tent with several camels, in which he entertained guests. His lifestyle was widely thought to be modest in comparison to those of many other Arab leaders. On 25 February 2011, Britain's Treasury set up a specialised unit to trace Gaddafi's assets in Britain. Gaddafi allegedly worked for years with Swiss banks to launder international banking transactions. In November 2011, The Sunday Times identified property worth £1 billion in the UK that Gaddafi allegedly owned. Gaddafi had an Airbus A340 private jet, which he bought from Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal of Saudi Arabia for $120 million in 2003. Operated by Tripoli-based Afriqiyah Airways and decorated externally in their colours, it was used in 2009 to repatriate Lockerbie bomber Abdul Baset Ali al-Megrahi, on his licensed release from prison in Scotland. The plane was captured at Tripoli airport in August 2011 as a result of the Libyan civil war, and found by BBC News reporter John Simpson to contain various luxuries including a jacuzzi.

In public, Gaddafi was keen to present himself as a family man. He married his first wife, Fatiha al-Nuri, in 1969. She was the daughter of General Khalid, a senior figure in King Idris' administration, and was from a middle-class background. Although they had one son, Muhammad Gaddafi (b. 1970), their relationship was strained, and they divorced in 1970. Gaddafi's second wife was Safia Farkash, née el-Brasai, a former nurse from Obeidat tribe born in Bayda. They met in 1969, following his ascension to power, when he was hospitalized with appendicitis; he claimed that it was love at first sight. The couple remained married until his death. Together they had seven biological children: Saif al-Islam Gaddafi (born 1972), Al-Saadi Gaddafi (b. 1973), Mutassim Gaddafi (1974–2011), Hannibal Muammar Gaddafi (b. 1975), Ayesha Gaddafi (b. 1976), Saif al-Arab Gaddafi (1982–2011), and Khamis Gaddafi (1983-2011?). He is also said to have adopted two children, Hanna Gaddafi and Milad Gaddafi. Gaddafi's brother-in-law, Abdullah Senussi, was believed to have headed Libya's military intelligence until the Gaddafi government was overthrown.

Public image

A cult of personality devoted to Gaddafi existed in Libya; his face appeared on a wide variety of items, including postage stamps, watches, and school satchels. Quotations from The Green Book appeared on a wide variety of places, from street walls to airports and pens, and were put to pop music for public release. Gaddafi claimed that he disliked this personality cult, but that he tolerated it because Libya's people adored him. Biographers Blundy and Lycett believed that he was "a populist at heart." Throughout Libya, crowds of supporters would turn up to public events at which he appeared; described as "spontaneous demonstrations" by the government, there are recorded instances of groups being coerced or paid to attend. He was typically late to public events, and would sometimes not show up at all. Considered a poor orator by biographers Blundy and Lycett, biographer Daniel Kawczynski noted that Gaddafi was famed for his "lengthy, wandering" speeches, which typically involved criticising Israel and the U.S.

From early in his rule he acquired a reputation for unpredictability and eccentricity. He was notably confrontational in his approach to foreign powers, and generally shunned western ambassadors and diplomats, believing them to be spies. He once said that HIV was "a peaceful virus, not an aggressive virus" and assured attendees at the African Union that "if you are straight you have nothing to fear from AIDS". He also said that the H1N1 influenza virus was a biological weapon manufactured by a foreign military, and he assured Africans that the tsetse fly and mosquito were "God's armies which will protect us against colonialists". Should these 'enemies' come to Africa, "they will get malaria and sleeping sickness". On one occasion, he was reported to have said that the Christian Bible was a "forgery".

Gaddafi was preoccupied with his own security, regularly changing where he slept and sometimes grounding all other planes in Libya when he was flying. He made very particular requests when traveling to foreign nations. During his trips to Rome, Paris, Moscow, and New York, he resided in a bulletproof tent, following his Bedouin traditions. Starting in the 1980s, he travelled with his all-female Amazonian Guard, who were allegedly sworn to a life of celibacy. Investigating the regime's human rights abuses after the civil war, psychologist Seham Sergewa reported that several of the guards claimed to have been pressured into joining the group, and that they claimed to had been raped by Gaddafi and senior officials. He hired several Ukrainian nurses to care for him and his family's health. In 2009, it was revealed that he did not travel without his trusted Ukrainian nurse Halyna Kolotnytska, noted as a "voluptuous blonde". Kolotnytska's daughter denied the suggestion that the relationship was anything but professional.

Honours and awards

Honours

Award or decoration		Country	Date	Place	Note	Ref
	Xirka Ġieħ ir-Repubblika	Malta	5 December 1975	Valletta	Former highest decoration of the Republic of Malta, now seconds highest honour.
	Order of the Stara Planina	Bulgaria	17 June 1978	Sofia	Bulgarian highest order of merit.
	Grand Cordon of the Order of Merit of the People's Republic of Poland	Poland	June 1978	Warsaw
	Collar of the Order of the White Lion	Czechoslovakia	1982	Prague	Czechoslovakian highest order.
	Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic	Nigeria	11 May 1997	Abuja	Nigerian highest honour.
	Grand Cross of the Order of Good Hope	South Africa	29 October 1997	Tripoli	Former South African highest order.
	Great Star of the Order of the Yugoslav Star	Serbia and Montenegro	26 October 1999	Tripoli	Second highest order of merit in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
	Collar of the Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise	Ukraine	11 October 2003		Ukrainian third highest order.
	Collar of the National Order of Merit	Malta	8 February 2004		Republic of Malta highest order.
	Order of Katonga	Uganda	20 May 2004	Tripoli	Ugandan highest military order.
	Order of Bohdan Khmelnytsky	Ukraine	4 April 2008
	Grand Commander of the Order of the Republic of the Gambia	Gambia	22 July 2009	Banjul	Gambian highest decoration.
	Grand Collar of the Order of the Liberator	Venezuela	28 September 2009	Isla Margarita	Former Venezuelan highest distinction.

Honorary degrees

•  Sudan: University of Khartoum Honorary doctorate, 1996 (revoked on 7 March 2011).
•  South Korea: Myongji University Honorary doctorate, 29 March 2000.
•  Algeria: University of Algiers Honorary doctorate, 27 March 2005.
•  Serbia: Megatrend University Honorary doctorate, March 2007.
•  Tunisia: Carthage University-National Institute of Applied Science and Technology Honorary doctorate in Arabic and Islamic Civilisation, 12 October 2008.
•  Belarus: Belarusian State University of Informatics and Radioelectronics Honorary doctorate, 2010.

Legacy

Gaddafi remained a controversial and divisive figure on the world stage throughout his life and after death. Supporters praised Gaddafi's administration for the creation of an almost classless society through domestic reform. They stress the regime's achievements in combating homelessness and ensuring access to food and safe drinking water. Highlighting that under Gaddafi, all Libyans enjoyed free education to a university level, they point to the dramatic rise in literacy rates after the 1969 revolution. Supporters have also applauded achievements in medical care, praising the universal free healthcare provided under the Gaddafist administration, with diseases like cholera and typhoid being contained and life expectancy raised. Biographers Blundy and Lycett noted that under the first decade of Gaddafi's leadership, life for most Libyans "undoubtedly changed for the better" as material conditions and wealth drastically improved, while Libyan studies specialist Lillian Craig Harris remarked that in the early years of his administration, Libya's "national wealth and international influence soared, and its national standard of living has risen dramatically." Such high standards declined during the 1980s, as a result of economic stagnation. Gaddafi claimed that his Jamahiriya was a "concrete utopia", and that he had been appointed by "popular assent", with some Islamic supporters believing that he exhibited barakah.

Critics labelled Gaddafi "despotic, cruel, arrogant, vain and stupid", with western governments and press presenting him as the "vicious dictator of an oppressed people". During the Reagan administration, the United States regarded him as "Public Enemy No. 1" and Reagan famously dubbed him the "mad dog of the Middle East". Critics asserted that under Gaddafi's administration, the Libyan people lived in a climate of fear, due to his government's pervasive surveillance of civilians. Despite officially banning the police force, Gaddafi's Libya was typically described by western commentators as "a police state". Opponents were critical of Libya's human rights abuses; according to Human Rights Watch (HRW), those arrested often failed to receive a fair trial, and were sometimes subjected to torture or extrajudicial execution, most notably in the Abu Salim prison, including an alleged massacre in 29 June 1996 in which HRW estimated that 1,270 prisoners were massacred. His government's treatment of non-Arab Libyans has also come in for criticism from human rights activists, with native Berbers, Italians, Jews, refugees, and foreign workers all facing persecution in Gaddafist Libya. Such abuses did not cause outrage in Libya itself, as the "direct physical oppression" affected the lives of only a small segment of the population. Dissidents favourable to capitalist economics charged Gaddafi with mismanaging the economy through his experiments with socialism, with critics arguing that Libya's great oil wealth could have been better spent on domestic development rather than funding foreign militants. Conservative Islamic critics thought him a heretic, with some accusing him of shirk.

International reactions to Gaddafi's death were divided. US President Barack Obama stated that it meant that "the shadow of tyranny over Libya has been lifted," while UK Prime Minister David Cameron stated that he was "proud" of his country's role in overthrowing "this brutal dictator". Contrastingly, former Cuban President Fidel Castro commented that in defying the rebels, Gaddafi would "enter history as one of the great figures of the Arab nations", while Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez described him as "a great fighter, a revolutionary and a martyr." Nelson Mandela expressed sadness at the news, praising Gaddafi for his anti-apartheid stance, remarking that he backed the African National Congress during "the darkest moments of our struggle". Gaddafi was widely mourned as a hero across Sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, a vigil was held by Muslims in Sierra Leone. The Daily Times of Nigeria stated that while undeniably a dictator, Gaddafi was the most benevolent in a region that only knew dictatorship, and that he was "a great man that looked out for his people and made them the envy of all of Africa." AllAfrica.com reported that while many Libyans and Africans would mourn Gaddafi, this would by ignored by western media and that as such it would take 50 years before historians decided whether he was "martyr or villain."

Following his defeat in the civil war, Gaddafi's system of governance was dismantled and replaced under the interim regime of the NTC, who legalised trade unions and press freedom. In July 2012, elections were held to form a new General National Congress (GNC), who officially took over governance from the NTC in August. The GNC proceeded to elect Mohammed Magariaf as president of the chamber, and then voted Mustafa A.G. Abushagur as Prime Minister; when Abushagar failed to gain congressional approval, the GNC instead elected Ali Zeidan to the position. In January 2012, the GNC officially renamed the Jamahiriyah as the "State of Libya".

Eponyms

• Gaddafi National Mosque, the biggest mosque in Kampala, Uganda.
• Gadaffi Mosque, in Dodoma, Tanzania.
• Gaddafi Mosque, in Freetown, Sierra Leone.
• Gaddafi Mosque, in Kigali, Rwanda.
• Gadaffi Barracks, an Ugandan Army military base in Jinja, Uganda.
• Gaddafi Stadium, the largest cricket stadium in Pakistan, situated in Lahore. The complex also has a mosque and a bus station named after Gaddafi.
• Gadaffi Hockey Stadium, the biggest field hockey stadium in the world, located in Lahore, Pakistan.
• Gaddafi Soccer Stadium, a soccer stadium in Lahore, Pakistan.
• Gaddafi International Foundation for Charity Associations, an international NGO.

• Roads and streets:
  •  Mauritius: Khadafi Square, Port Louis.
  •  Nigeria: Gaddafi Street, Maidaguri.
  •  Pakistan: Gaddafi Road, Lahore.
  •  Pakistan: Gaddafi Road, Karachi.
  •  Rwanda: Gaddafi Road, Kigali.
  •  Uganda: Col. Muammar Gaddafi Road, Kampala.

See also

• Great Manmade River
• History of Libya under Muammar Gaddafi
• Human rights in Libya
• List of longest ruling non-royal national leaders since 1870
• The Green Book
• Third International Theory

Notes

1. For purposes of this article, 23 August 2011 is considered to be the date that Gaddafi left office. Other dates might have been chosen.
   • On 15 July 2011, at a meeting in Istanbul, more than 30 governments, including the United States, withdrew recognition from Gaddafi's government and recognised the National Transitional Council (NTC) as the legitimate government of Libya.
   • On 23 August 2011, during the Battle of Tripoli, Gaddafi lost effective political and military control of Tripoli after his compound was captured by rebel forces.
   • On 25 August 2011, the Arab League proclaimed the anti-Gaddafi National Transitional Council to be "the legitimate representative of the Libyan state".
   • On 20 October 2011, Gaddafi was captured and killed near his hometown of Sirte.
   • In a ceremony on 23 October 2011, officials of the interim National Transitional Council declared, "We declare to the whole world that we have liberated our beloved country, with its cities, villages, hill-tops, mountains, deserts and skies."
2. Due to the lack of standardization of transcribing written and regionally pronounced Arabic, Gaddafi's name has been romanized in various different ways. A 1986 column by The Straight Dope lists 32 spellings known from the U.S. Library of Congress, while ABC and MSNBC identified 112 possible spellings. A 2007 interview with Gaddafi's son Saif al-Islam Gaddafi confirms that he used the spelling "Qadhafi", and Muammar's official passport used the spelling "Al-Gathafi".

References

Footnotes

1. ^ Vela, Justin (16 July 2011). "West prepares to hand rebels Gaddafi's billions". The Independent. London. Retrieved 16 July 2011.
2. Staff (23 August 2011). "Libya Live Blog: Tuesday, 23 August 2011 – 16:19". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 23 August 2011.
3. ^ "Arab League gives its full backing to Libya's rebel council". The Taipei Times. 26 August 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
4. "Muammar Gaddafi: How he died". BBC. Retrieved 21 October 2011.
5. Saleh, Yasmine (23 October 2011). "UPDATE 4-Libya declares nation liberated after Gaddafi death". Reuters.
6. ^ "The Prosecutor v. Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi, Saif al-Islam al-Gaddafi and Abdullah al-Senussi". ICC-01/11-01/11. International Criminal Court. 4 July 2011. Retrieved 3 September 2011.
7. "How are you supposed to spell Muammar Gaddafi/Khadafy/Qadhafi?". The Straight Dope. 1986. Retrieved 5 March 2006.
8. "How many different ways can you spell 'Gaddafi'". ABC News. September 2009. Retrieved 22 February 2011.
9. Hardball With Chris Matthews. MSNBC. 21 October 2011. Retrieved 22 October 2011. {{cite AV media}}: Unknown parameter |person= ignored (help)
10. "Saif Gaddafi on How to Spell His Last Name". The Daily Beast. 1 March 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
11. "Rebel Discovers Qaddafi Passport, Real Spelling of Leader's Name". The Atlantic.
12. "Mohamed Al-Gaddafi's Passport August 24, 2011". YouTube. 24 August 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
13. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 33; Kawczynski 2011, p. 9; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 135 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
14. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 33; Kawczynski 2011, p. 9.
15. Harriss 1986, p. 45. sfn error: no target: CITEREFHarriss1986 (help)
16. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 35; Kawczynski 2011, p. 9; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 135 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
17. Kawczynski 2011, p. 9; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 135 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
18. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 35–37; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 135 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
19. Bianco 1975, p. 4 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBianco1975 (help); Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 37; Kawczynski 2011, p. 4.
20. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 38–39; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 7–9, 14; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 108 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
21. Bianco 1975, p. 5 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBianco1975 (help); Bruce St John 2012, pp. 135–136 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
22. Bianco 1975, pp. 5–6, 8–9 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBianco1975 (help); Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 39; Kawczynski 2011, p. 10; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 136 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
23. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 39; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 10–11; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 136 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
24. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 39–40; Kawczynski 2011, p. 11.
25. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 40; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 11–12; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 136 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
26. Bruce St John 2012, p. 136. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
27. Vandewalle 2008, pp. 10 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, pp. 11–12; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 136 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
28. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 40.
29. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 42–43; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 11–12; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 136 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
30. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 42–43; Kawczynski 2011, p. 11; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 136 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
31. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 44; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 11; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 137 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
32. ^ Bruce St John 2012, p. 137. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
33. Harris 1986, pp. 46–47; Bruce St John 2012, p. 138 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
34. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 45; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 12; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 138 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
35. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 45.
36. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 46, 48–49.
37. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 47–48; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 12–13.
38. ^ Kawczynski 2011, p. 13.
39. ^ Bruce St John 2012, p. 138. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
40. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 49–50; Kawczynski 2011, p. 13; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 138 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
41. Bruce St John 2012, pp. 138–139. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
42. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 49–50; Kawczynski 2011, p. 13; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 139 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
43. Harris 1986, p. 14; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 52; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 15–16.
44. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 51; Kawczynski 2011, p. 136.
45. Kawczynski 2011, pp. 16–17.
46. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 53; Kawczynski 2011, p. 19; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 139–140 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
47. ^ Kawczynski 2011, p. 18.
48. Harris 1986, p. 14; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 57–59; Kawczynski 2011, p. 18.
49. Harris 1986, p. 15.
50. Harris 1986, p. 14; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 59–60; Kawczynski 2011, p. 18.
51. ^ Bruce St John 2012, p. 134. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
52. Bruce St John 2012, p. 159. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
53. Harris 1986, p. 15; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 64; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 148 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
54. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 63; Vandewalle 2008, p. 9 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St. John 2011, p. 134 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2011 (help).
55. Harris 1986, p. 15; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 64; Bruce St John 2012, p. 134 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
56. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 91–92.
57. Harris 1986, p. 17; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 63.
58. Bruce St John 2011, p. 134. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2011 (help)
59. Kawczynski 2011, p. 20.
60. Vandewalle 2008, p. 9 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St John 2012, p. 134 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
61. Harris 1986, p. 38; Vandewalle 2008, p. 10 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 20; ] sfnm error: no target: CITEREF (help).
62. Vandewalle 2008, p. 11 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, pp. 21–23.
63. Harris 1986, p. 16; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 62.
64. Harris 1986, p. 17.
65. Harris 1986, p. 16.
66. Harris 1986, p. 17; Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 63–64; Vandewalle 2008, p. 11 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St. John 2012, p. 153 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
67. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 85.
68. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 66–67; Bruce St John 2012, pp. 145–146 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
69. Vandewalle 2008, p. 15 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St John 2012, p. 147 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
70. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 68; Bruce St John 2012, p. 147 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
71. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 107.
72. Bruce St John 2012, p. 154. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
73. Bruce St John 2012, pp. 154–155. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
74. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 91; Vandewalle 2008, p. 11 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St John 2012, p. 155 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
75. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 64; Vandewalle 2008, p. 31 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 21; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 134 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
76. Kawczynski 2011, p. 23; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 149 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
77. Harris 1986, p. 19; Kawczynski 2011, p. 22; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 149 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
78. Vandewalle 2008 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 22.
79. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 18.
80. Vandewalle 2008, p. 9 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St John 2012, p. 137 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
81. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 60; Kawczynski 2011, p. 18.
82. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 62–63; Kawczynski 2011, p. 18.
83. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 75; Kawczynski 2011, p. 65; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 186 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
84. Kawczynski 2011, p. 65; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 151–152 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
85. Kawczynski 2011, p. 66; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 182 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
86. Bruce St John 2012. p. 140.
87. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 65; Kawczynski 2011, p. 18; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 140–141 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
88. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 61; Kawczynski 2011, p. 19; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 141–143 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
89. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 64; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 21–22; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 142 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
90. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 64.
91. Bruce St John 2012, pp. 150–151. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
92. Bruce St John 2012, pp. 144–145. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
93. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 70–71; Vandewalle 2008, p. 34 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 64; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 150–152 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
94. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 71; Bruce St John 2012, p. 185 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
95. Kawczynski 2011, p. 37; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 151 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
96. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 69–70; Kawczynski 2011, p. 37; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 178 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
97. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 150.
98. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 78; Kawczynski 2011, p. 38; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 178 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
99. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 78–81, 150, 185; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 34–35, 40–53; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 151 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
100. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 78–81, 150; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 34–35, 40–53; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 151 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
101. Harris 1986, p. 55.
102. ^ Harris 1986, p. 50.
103. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 85; Vandewalle 2008, p. 12 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 22; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 156 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
104. Harris 1986, p. 18; Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 85–86; Kawczynski 2011, p. 22; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 156 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
105. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 93–94.
106. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 86; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 156 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
107. Bruce St. John 2012, p. 157. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help)
108. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 103–104.
109. Harris 1986, p. 18; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 116; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 157 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
110. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 104; Kawczynski 2011, p. 26.
111. Harris 1986, p. 64; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 163 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
112. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 86–87; Bruce St John 2012, pp. 157–158 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
113. Harris 1986, p. 58.
114. Bruce St. John 2012, p. 158. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help)
115. Harris 1986, p. 49; =Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 122 sfnm error: no target: CITEREF=BlundyLycett1987 (help); Bruce St. John 2012, p. 159 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
116. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 112.
117. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 96–100; Vandewalle 2008, p. 19 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 24; Bruce St John 2012, pp. 161–165 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
118. Bruce St John 2012, p. 162. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
119. ^ Bruce St John 2012, p. 165. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
120. Vandewalle 2008, p. 18 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 23.
121. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 114.
122. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 118; Vandewalle 2008, p. 18 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 23; Bruce St John 2012, p. 165 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
123. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 118–119.
124. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 119–120; Vandewalle 2008, p. 18 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 23.
125. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 122–123; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 29–30.
126. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 121–122.
127. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 74, 93–94; Kawczynski 2011, p. 66.
128. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 82–83; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 66–67.
129. Kawczynski 2011, p. 67; Bruce St John 2012, pp. 182–183 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
130. Kawczynski 2011, p. 67.
131. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 185; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 79–80; Bruce St John 2012, p. 191 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
132. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 181; Bruce St John 2012, p. 187 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
133. Kawczynski 2011, p. 77; Bruce St John 2012, p. 184 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
134. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 93, 122; Bruce St John 2012, p. 186 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
135. Kawczynski 2011, pp. 77–78.
136. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 76; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 71–72; Bruce St John 2012, p. 183 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
137. Kawczynski 2011, p. 72; Bruce St John 2012, p. 183 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
138. Kawczynski 2011, p. 71; Bruce St John 2012, p. 183 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
139. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 199–201.
140. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 105; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 26–27; Bruce St John 2012, pp. 166–168 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
141. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 29; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 166–168 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help); Vandewalle 2012, pp. 19–20 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2012 (help).
142. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 29.
143. Harris 1986, pp. 67–68.
144. Kawczynski 2011, p. 27; Bruce St John 2012, pp. 166–168 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
145. Kawczynski 2011, pp. 27–28; Bruce St John 2012, p. 167 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
146. Vandewalle 2008, p. 28. sfn error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help)
147. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 105; Vandewalle 2008, p. 35 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, pp. 67–68; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 183 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
148. Bruce St John 2012, p. 180. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
149. Bruce St John 2012, p. 173. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
150. Vandewalle 2008, p. 26 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 3; Bruce St John 2012, p. 169 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
151. Robbins, James (7 March 2007). "Eyewitness: Dialogue in the desert". BBC News. Retrieved 22 October 2011.
152. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 116–117, 127; Vandewalle 2008, pp. 25–26 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawcynski 2011, p. 31 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFKawcynski2011 (help); Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 169–171 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
153. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 117; Vandewalle 2008, p. 28 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St. John 2012, p. 174 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
154. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 111; Kawczynski 2011, p. 221; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 171–172 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
155. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 110–111; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 168 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
156. Bruce St John 2012, p. 172. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
157. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 128; Kawczynski 2011, p. 221; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 172 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
158. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 28; Vandewalle 2008, p. 21 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 220; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 172 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
159. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 26.
160. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 127–128; Vandewalle 2008, p. 19 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help).
161. Vandewalle 2008, p. 32 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St John 2012, pp. 173–174 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
162. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 156.
163. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 133–137; Vandewalle 2008, p. 27 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St. John 2012, p. 171 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
164. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 138.
165. ^ Bruce St John 2012, p. 179. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
166. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 197–198; Kawczynski 2011, p. 115; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 179 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
167. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 157–158; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 70–71; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 239 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
168. Kawczynski 2011, pp. 68–69.
169. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 185–186; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 78–79; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 189 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
170. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 31; Vandewalle 2008, p. 23 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, p. 104; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 192 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
171. Kawczynski 2011, p. 224; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 249 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
172. Vandewalle 2008, p. 35. sfn error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help)
173. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 187–190; Vandewalle 2008, p. 35 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 189–190 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
174. Bruce St John 2012, p. 189. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
175. Kawczynski 2011, p. 81; Bruce St John 2012, pp. 190–191 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
176. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 214; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 72–75; Bruce St John 2012, p. 216 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
177. Harris 1986, p. 70; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 178.
178. ^ Kawczynski 2011, pp. 115–116, 120; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 179–180 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
179. Kawczynski 2011, p. 115; Bruce St. John 2012, pp. 210–211 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
180. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 183.
181. Vandewalle 2008, p. 36 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, pp. 118–119.
182. Vandewalle 2008, p. 37 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, pp. 117–118; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 180 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
183. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 207–208; Vandewalle 2008, p. 37 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, pp. 117–18; Bruce St John 2012, p. 181 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
184. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 27, 208; Kawczynski 2011, pp. 117–118; Bruce St. John 2012, p. 176 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
185. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 175–178; Vandewalle 2008, p. 37 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Bruce St. John 2012, p. 209 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St._John2012 (help).
186. Kawczynski 2011, pp. 121–122.
187. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 4–5; Kawczynski 2011, p. 122.
188. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 5–6.
189. Kawczynski 2011, pp. 123–125.
190. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 2–3, 7–12; Vandewalle 2008, p. 37 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2008 (help); Kawczynski 2011, pp. 127–129.
191. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 13, 210; Kawczynski 2011, p. 130.
192. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 12.
193. Kawczynski 2011, p. 130.
194. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 15; Bruce St John 2012, p. 196 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
195. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 30.
196. Bruce St John 2012. p. 194.
197. Kawczynski 2011. p. 225.
198. ^ Vandewalle 2008. p. 29.
199. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 194–195, 199–200.
200. Ham, Anthony (2007). Libya (2nd ed. ed.). Footscray, Victoria: Lonely Planet. pp. 40–1. ISBN 1-74059-493-2. {{cite book}}: |edition= has extra text (help)
201. Vandewalle 2008. p. 45.
202. Bruce St John 2012. p. 222.
203. Vandewalle 2008. pp. 45–46.
204. ^ Bruce St John 2012. pp. 197–198.
205. Bruce St John 2012. p. 199.
206. Kawczynski 2011. p. 130.
207. Vandewalle 2008. p. 38.
208. Bruce St John 2012. p. 200.
209. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 201–204.
210. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 180–181.
211. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 221–222.
212. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 166–167, 236.
213. Bruce St John 2012. p. 223.
214. Kawczynski 2011. p. 166.
215. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 216–218.
216. ^ Kawczynski 2011. p. 188.
217. "Maghreb pact fulfils decades-old dream". The Glasgow Herald. 18 February 1989. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
218. Kawczynski 2011. p. 189.
219. Bruce St John 2012. p. 197.
220. Vandewalle 2008. p. 39.
221. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 205–207.
222. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 133–140.
223. Vandewalle 2008. p. 42.
224. Bruce St John 2012. p. 202.
225. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 205–206.
226. Kawczynski 2011. p. 147.
227. Bruce St John 2012. p. 206.
228. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 146–148.
229. Bruce St John 2012. p. 227.
230. Kawczynski 2011. p. 142.
231. ^ Bruce St John 2012. p. 229.
232. Bruce St John 2012. p. 226.
233. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 227–228.
234. ^ Kawczynski 2011. p. 190.
235. Bruce St John 2012. p. 230.
236. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 190–191.
237. Bruce St John 2012. p. 231.
238. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 270–271.
239. Bruce St John 2012. p. 272.
240. Malone, Barry (2 February 2009). "Gaddafi pushes for union after election to head AU". Reuters UK. Reuters. Retrieved 2 September 2011.
241. Vandewalle 2011. p. 215.
242. Vandewalle 2011. p. 220.
243. Bruce St John 2012. p. 243.
244. ^ Kawczynski 2011. p. 176.
245. Bruce St John 2012. p. 254.
246. Bruce St John 2012. p. 235.
247. Vandewalle 2008. p. 51.
248. Vandewalle 2011. p. 217.
249. Bruce St John 2012. p. 244.
250. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 162, 184.
251. Bruce St John 2012. p. 245.
252. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 178–179.
253. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 240–241.
254. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 163–164.
255. Bruce St John 2012. p. 237.
256. Kawczynski 2011. p. 175.
257. ^ Bruce St John 2012. p. 274.
258. (registration required)Hannah Strange (28 September 2009). "Gaddafi proposes 'Nato of the South' at South America-Africa summit". The Times. UK. Retrieved 29 September 2009.
259. Bruce St John 2012. p. 276.
260. Ed Pilkington (23 September 2009). "UN general assembly: 100 minutes in the life of Muammar Gaddafi". The Guardian. New York. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
261. Neil MacFarquhar (23 September 2009). "Libyan Leader Delivers a Scolding in U.N. Debut". The New York Times. New York. Retrieved 28 June 2012.
262. Bruce St John 2012. p. 250.
263. Vandewalle 2011. p. 224.
264. Bruce St John 2012. p. 247.
265. ^ Bruce St John 2012. p. 248.
266. Kawczynski 2011. p. 180.
267. Vandewalle 2011. p. 228.
268. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 249–250.
269. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 263–264.
270. Vandewalle 2011. p. 231.
271. Bruce St John 2012. p. 257.
272. Vandewalle 2011. p. 225.
273. Bruce St John 2012. pp. 249–269.
274. Kawczynski 2011. pp. 216, 227–228.
275. "Gaddafi apologizes for Arab slave traders". Press TV. 11 October 2010.
276. Bruce St John 2012, p. 278. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
277. Bruce St John 2012, pp. 282–283. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
278. Kawczynski 2011, p. 231; Bruce St John 2012, pp. 279–281 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help).
279. Kawczynski 2011, p. 242.
280. Kawczynski 2011, pp. 242–243.
281. Bruce St John 2012, p. 283. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
282. Bruce St John 2012, p. 284 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help); Vandewalle 2011, p. 236 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2011 (help).
283. ^ Vandewalle 2011, p. 236. sfn error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2011 (help)
284. Bruce St John 2012, p. 284. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help)
285. Bruce St John 2012, p. 286 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John2012 (help); Human Rights Watch 2012, p. 16 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFHuman_Rights_Watch2012 (help).
286. Human Rights Watch 2012, pp. 17–18. sfn error: no target: CITEREFHuman_Rights_Watch2012 (help)
287. Vandewalle 2011, p. 236 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2011 (help); Bruce St John, p. 284 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John (help); Human Rights Watch 2012, p. 16 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFHuman_Rights_Watch2012 (help).
288. Vandewalle 2011, p. 236 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2011 (help); Human Rights Watch 2012, p. 16 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFHuman_Rights_Watch2012 (help).
289. Human Rights Watch 2012, p. 16. sfn error: no target: CITEREFHuman_Rights_Watch2012 (help)
290. Vandewalle 2011, p. 236 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFVandewalle2011 (help); Bruce St John, p. 284 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFBruce_St_John (help).
291. Denyer, Simon; Fadel, Leila (30 April 2011). "Gaddafi's youngest son killed in NATO airstrike; Russia condemns attack". Washington Post. Tripoli. Associated Press. Retrieved 21 January 2012.
292. ^ Bruce St John 2012. p. 286.
293. Kawczynski 2011. p. 257.
294. Matt Steinglass (28 June 2011). "ICC issues arrest warrant for Gaddafi". Financial Times (FT.com). Retrieved 16 July 2011.
295. "War crimes court issues Gaddafi arrest warrant". The Guardian. London. 27 June 2011. Retrieved 16 July 2011. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
296. Corder, Mike (27 June 2011). "Judges order arrest of Gadhafi, son for slayings". Washington Examiner. Benghazi. Associated Press. Retrieved 21 January 2012.
297. Cockburn, Patrick (24 June 2011). "Amnesty questions claim that Gaddafi ordered rape as weapon of war". The Independent. London. Retrieved 26 June 2011.
298. Bruce St John 2012. p. 285.
299. ^ Human Rights Watch 2012. p. 20.
300. Human Rights Watch 2012. pp. 21–22.
301. Human Rights Watch 2012. p. 23.
302. ^ "Muammar Gaddafi: How he died". BBC News. 22 October 2011. Retrieved 22 October 2011.
303. Human Rights Watch 2012. pp. 24–25.
304. Human Rights Watch 2012. pp. 26–27.
305. "Gaddafi's Last Stand in Sirte". allAfrica.com. Retrieved 27 October 2011.
306. Human Rights Watch 2012. pp. 28–29.
307. "Libyan rebel: I killed Gaddafi – Israel News, Ynetnews". Ynetnews.com. 20 June 1995. Retrieved 25 March 2012.
308. Human Rights Watch 2012. pp. 32–33.
309. Human Rights Watch 2012. pp. 34–40.
310. Human Rights Watch 2012. p. 43.
311. "Report: Libyan militias executed dozens, possibly including Gadhafi". CNN. Retrieved 18 October 2012.
312. Human Rights Watch 2012. p. 44.
313. Mousa, Jenan. "تجهيز جثمان القذافي للدفن في الصحراء الليبية – صور حصرية". Akhbar Alaan. Retrieved 28 October 2011.
314. Letterman, David. "David Letterman – Qaddafi Funeral Top Ten". CBS. Retrieved 28 October 2011.
315. "Libyan behind Gaddafi capture dies in France". Al Jazeera. 26 September 2012. Retrieved 17 June 2013.
316. Harris 1986, p. 43; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 18.
317. Bazzi, Mohamad (27 May 2011). "What Did Qaddafi's Green Book Really Say?". The New York Times. Retrieved 28 October 2011.
318. Harris 1986, p. 57.
319. Harris 1986, p. 59.
320. ^ Harris 1986, p. 48.
321. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 98.
322. Harris 1986, p. 54.
323. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 87.
324. ^ Harris 1986, p. 43.
325. Harris 1986, pp. 45, 50.
326. Mohamed Eljahmi (2006). "Libya and the U.S.: Qadhafi Unrepentant". The Middle East Quarterly.
327. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 19.
328. "Europe should convert to Islam: Gaddafi". The Times of India. India. 31 August 2010. Archived from the original on 9 January 2011. Retrieved 30 August 2010.
329. ^ Thome, Wolfgang H. (25 March 2008). "Libya Gaddafi causes a stir, opens new national mosque in Uganda". eTurboNews.com. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
330. Harris 1986, pp. 33, 53.
331. Harris 1986, p. 54; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 18.
332. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 25.
333. "The Makeover: Libya's Muammar Qaddafi". New York Times. 19 January 2003. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
334. "Gaddafi as orator: A life in quotes". Al Jazeera. 20 October 2011. Retrieved 10 November 2011.
335. "The One-State Solution", The New York Times, 22 January 2009.
336. Blundy & Lycett 1987, pp. 19, 197.
337. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 24.
338. "Gaddafi's Plastic Surgery: Brazilian Surgeon Claims He Operated On Dictator". Huffington Post. 25 March 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
339. Harris 1986, pp. 53–54; Lycett 1987, pp. 22–23 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFLycett1987 (help).
340. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 21.
341. Harris 1986, p. 47.
342. "Profile: Muammar Gaddafi". BBC. 27 June 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
343. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 92.
344. ^ Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 22.
345. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 1.
346. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 32.
347. Burleigh, Michael. "Exposed: Gaddafi Inc.", The Daily Telegraph, 26 February 2011.
348. Risen, James; Lichtblau, Eric (9 March 2011). "Hoard of Cash Lets Qaddafi Extend Fight Against Rebels". The New York Times. Retrieved 10 March 2011.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
349. (registration required)Kerbaj, Richard (6 November 2011). "Gaddafi's £1bn UK Properties". The Sunday Times. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
350. (registration required)Brown, David; Sweeney, Charlene; Kerbaj, Richard (20 August 2009). "Lockerbie bomber's private jet to freedom courtesy of Gaddafi". The Times. London. Retrieved 29 August 2011.
351. "Inside Gaddafi's Plane". YouTube. 27 August 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2011.
352. Rayner, Gordon (29 August 2011). "Libya: Gaddafi's private jet becomes leather-lined lounge for rebels". The Telegraph. London. Retrieved 29 August 2011.
353. ^ Harris 1986, p. 53; Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 22.
354. Charkow, Ryab (22 February 2011). "Moammar Gadhafi and his family". CBC News. Retrieved 22 February 2011.
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356. The Gaddafi family tree, BBC News, 21 February 2011
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359. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 16.
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361. Kawczynski 2011, p. 191.
362. Harris 1986, p. 51.
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378. 1997 National Orders awards South African government information
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380. Gaddafi Given Yugoslavia's Top Medal By Milosevic Kosova Crisis Center (Reuters)
381. У К А З ПРЕЗИДЕНТА УКРАЇНИ Про нагородження орденом князя Ярослава Мудрого http://zakon2.rada.gov.ua Template:Uk icon
382. Последний герой джамахирии. Кучма наградил Каддафи орденом Ярослава Мудрого Centrasia.ru (Ria Novosti) Template:Ru icon
383. Grace Naisamura (22 May 2004). "Museveni decorates Qaddaffi". Mail-archive.com. Retrieved 16 June 2013.
384. Wairagala Wakabi (7 June 2004). "War Debt: Gaddafi Gets Tough With Uganda". Mail-archive.com (The EastAfrican). Retrieved 16 June 2013.
385. У К А З ПРЕЗИДЕНТА УКРАЇНИ Про нагородження М. Каддафі орденом Богдана Хмельницького http://zakon4.rada.gov.ua Template:Uk icon
386. Ющенко наградил ливийского лидера Каддафи орденом Богдана Хмельницкого Ria Novosti, 9 April 2008 Template:Ru icon
387. Our disturbing relationship with Gaddafi
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389. Condecoró a Gadafi con la Orden del Libertador y le dio una réplica de la espada Noticias24.com, 28 September 2009 Template:Es icon
390. "Khartoum University revokes honorary Gaddafi Phd". The New Age. 8 March 2011. Retrieved 14 June 2013.
391. Qadafi to Be Given Honorary Doctorate by Myongji University. Highbeam.com (Korea Times), 11 April 2000
392. "Gaddafi awarded Doctorate Honoris Causa by Algiers University". China Daily (Reuters). 28 March 2005. Retrieved 14 June 2013.
393. Gaddafi awarded an honorary doctorate of Megatrend University megatrend-edu.net
394. "Serbian University Defends Qaddafi Honorary Doctorate". Radio Free Europe. 3 March 2011. Retrieved 14 June 2013.
395. "'Dr. Muammar Gaddafi' Buys His Ways To A Ph. D . Degree In Islamic Studies". Esinislam.com. 12 October 2008. Retrieved 14 June 2013.
396. Почетные доктора Белорусского государственного университета информатики и радиоэлектроники Archived from the original on 29 December 2010 Template:Ru icon
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398. Harris 1986, p. 63.
399. Harris 1986, p. 68.
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404. Blundy & Lycett 1987, p. 28.
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Bibliography

Death of a Dictator: Bloody Vengeance in Sirte. Human Rights Watch. 2012. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Bearman, Jonathan (1986). Qadhafi's Libya. London: Zed Books. ISBN 978-0862324346. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Mirella, Bianco (1975). Gadafi: Voice from the Desert. Margaret Lyle (translator). London: Longman. ISBN 0-582-78062-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Blundy, David; Lycett, Andrew (1987). Qaddafi and the Libyan Revolution. Boston and Toronto: Little Brown & Co. ISBN 978-0316100427. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Bruce St. John, Ronald (2012). Libya: From Colony to Revolution (revised edition). Oxford: Oneworld. ISBN 978-1851689194. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Cooley, John K. (1983). Libyan Sandstorm. London: Sidgwick & Jackson. ISBN 978-0283989445. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Davis, Brian Lee (1990). Qaddafi, Terrorism, and the Origins of the U.S. Attack on Libya. New York: Praeger. ISBN 0275933024. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

El-Khawas, Mohamad A. (1986). Qaddafi: His Ideology in Theory and Practice. Amana. ISBN 978-0915597246. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Harris, Lillian Craig (1986). Libya: Qadhafi's Revolution and the Modern State. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-0075-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Hilsum, Lindsey (2012). Sandstorm: Libya in the Time of Revolution. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 978-0571288038. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Kawczynski, Daniel (2011). Seeking Gaddafi: Libya, the West and the Arab Spring. Biteback. ISBN 978-1849541480. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Metz, Helen Chapin (2004). Libya. US GPO. ISBN 1-4191-3012-9. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Monti-Belkaoui, Janice; Monti-Belkaoui, Ahmed (1996). Qaddafi: The Man and His Policies. Avebury. ISBN 978-1859723852. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Pargeter, Alice (2012). Libya: The Rise and Fall of Qaddafi. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300139327.

Simons, Geoff (2003). Libya and the West: From Independence to Lockerbie. Oxford: Centre for Libyan Studies. ISBN 1-86064-988-2. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Squires, Nick (29 August 2011). "Gaddafi and his sons 'raped female bodyguards'". The Telegraph. Retrieved 15 June 2013. {{cite news}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Vandewalle, Dirk (2008), "Libya's Revolution in Perspective: 1969–2000", Libya Since 1969: Qadhafi's Revolution Revisited, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 9–53, ISBN 0-230-33750-3

Vandewalle, Dirk (2011), "From International Reconciliation to Civil War: 2003-2011", Libya Since 1969: Qadhafi's Revolution Revisited (revised edition), Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 215–239, ISBN 0-230-33750-3

External links

• Template:Worldcat id
• U.S. Policy Towards Qaddafi from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives
• Muammar Gaddafi collected news and commentary at Al Jazeera English
• The Muammar Gaddafi story at BBC Online
• Muammar Gaddafi collected news and commentary at The Guardian
• Muammar Gaddafi collected news and commentary at The New York Times

Articles

• Libya's Last Bedouin, Rudolph Chimelli, Qantara.de, 2 September 2009
• Gaddafi: The Last Supervillain?, slideshow by Life magazine
• Qadaffi Plays Quietly, But He's Still in the Game, The New York Times, 17 March 1991

Videos

• Gaddafi home movie found An amateur video shows long-time Libyan leader Colonel Muammar Gaddafi enjoying free time with his family and playing with his grandchildren. No comment, Euronews, 8 October 2011.

v t e Heads of state of Libya
Kingdom of Libya (1951–1969)	Idris
Libya under Gaddafi (1969–2011)	Libyan Arab Republic (1969–1977) Gaddafi Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (1977–2011) Gaddafi al-Obeidi Rajab Umar as-Sawsa az-Zanati K'eba Shamekh al-Zwai
Transitional period (2011–present)	Jalil Salim Magariaf Atigha Abusahmain Baira Issa contested by Abusahmain al-Sarraj contested by Issa al-Menfi
Italics indicate interim officeholder

v t e Heads of government of Libya
Kingdom of Libya (1951–1969)	M. al-Muntasir Sakizli Ben Halim Kabar Said Fikini M. al-Muntasir Maziq al-Badri al-Bakkoush al-Qaddafi
Libya under Gaddafi (1969–2011)	Libyan Arab Republic (1969–1977) Maghribi Gaddafi Jalloud Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (1977–2011) al-Obeidi at-Talhi Rajab at-Talhi U. M. Al Muntasir Dorda al-Qa′ud al-Mangoush Shamekh Ghanem Mahmudi
Transitional period (2011–present)	Jibril Tarhouni El-Keib Zeidan al-Theni contested by Maiteeq • al-Hassi • al-Ghawil al-Sarraj contested by al-Theni • al-Ghawil Dbeibeh contested by Bashagha • Hammad
Italics indicate acting officeholder

Template:Cold War figures

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