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Gun violence in the United States

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Leon Czolgosz shoots President McKinley with a concealed revolver.
File:Eric harris dylan klebold.jpg
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold in the cafeteria at Columbine High School, shortly before committing suicide.

Gun violence in the United States, especially that involving youths and gang activity, is a great public concern in urban areas. Gun violence, though, is not a new problem in the United States, with the assassinations of President Abraham Lincoln in 1865, and of Presidents James Garfield, William McKinley, and John F. Kennedy. High profile gun violence incidents, such as the assassinations of Robert F. Kennedy, and Martin Luther King, Jr., and, more recently, the Columbine High School massacre and the Beltway sniper attacks, additionally have helped fuel debate over gun policies. The homicide rate in the United States of America is higher than that of other developed countries, with firearms used to commit 68% of the 14,860 homicides in the United States during 2005. Many more suffer non-fatal gunshot wounds, with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimating 52,447 violence-related gunshot injuries in the United States during 2000. The majority of gun-related deaths in the United States are suicides, with firearms used in 16,907 suicides in the United States during 2004.

Legal policies at the Federal, state, and local levels have attempted to address gun violence through a variety of methods, including restricting firearms purchasing by youths and other "at-risk" populations, setting waiting periods for firearm purchases, establishing gun "buy-back" programs, targeted law enforcement and policing strategies, stiff sentencing of gun law violators, education programs for parents and children, and community-outreach programs. Research has shown mixed results, finding some policies such as gun buy-back programs are entirely ineffective, while Boston's Operation Ceasefire is an example of an effective intervention strategy. Gun policy in the United States is also highly influenced by the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution, which prohibits infringement of "the right of the people to keep and bear arms". Gun rights advocates generally encourage a strict preservation of the right protected by the Second Amendment. (See also: Gun politics in the United States).

Crime rates

Main article: Crime in the United States

Homicides

Overall homicide and gun homicide rates by country (2000)
Homicides by weapon type, 1976-2004.
Homicide offenders by age, 1976 - 2004.

Crime rates in the United States are similar to those of other developed countries, except for homicide which occurs at higher rates. The percentage of homicides committed in the United States with firearms is also significantly higher than in other developed countries. Nonetheless, many developing countries have higher rates of homicide and firearm usage in homicides, including Mexico, Brazil, South Africa, Thailand, Guatemala, Colombia, Estonia, and Russia.

Death rates from homicide among young Hispanic and African American males in the United States are especially high, compared to other demographic groups. The rising trend in homicide rates during the 1980s and early 1990s was most pronounced among Hispanic and African American males in the United States, with the injury and death rates tripling for black males age 13-17 and doubling for black males age 18-24. The rise in crack cocaine use in cities across the United States is often cited as a factor for increased gun violence among youths during this time period. With 17% of deaths in 2002 caused by firearms for those ages 15-19 in the United States, firearms were the second leading cause of death for this age group after motor vehicle accidents. In Rochester, New York, 22% of young males have carried an illegal gun, though most for only a short period of time. There is little overlap between legal gun ownership and illegal gun carrying among youths. Those youths in a gang, and those involved in drug selling, are more likely to carry illegal guns.

People with a criminal record are also more likely to die as homicide victims. Between 1990 and 1994, 75% of all homicide victims age 21 and younger in the city of Boston had a prior criminal record. In Philadelphia, the percentage of gun homicide individuals that had prior criminal records increased from 73% in 1985 to 93% in 1996. In Richmond, Virginia, the risk of gunshot injury is 22 times higher for those males involved with crime.

In 2005, 75% of the 10,100 homicides committed using firearms in the United States were committed using handguns, compared to 4% with rifles, 5% with shotguns, and the rest with a type of firearm not specified. When a crime occurs involving a gun, the likelihood that it results in a death is significantly increased, due to the lethal potential that a gun brings to a situation. During the 1980s and early 1990s, handgun homicides accounted for nearly all of the overall increase in the homicide rate, from 1985 to 1993, with other homicide rates declining during that timeframe.

Suicides involving guns

Some research shows an association between household firearm ownership and gun suicide rates. Other research shows no such association. During the 1980s and early 1990s, there was a strong upward trend in adolescent suicides with a gun.

Assassinations and attempted assassinations of U.S. Presidents

The most notable assassination victim within early U.S. history was President Abraham Lincoln in 1865. Three other U.S. Presidents have been killed by assassination: James Garfield, William McKinley, and John F. Kennedy. Presidents Andrew Jackson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Gerald Ford, and Ronald Reagan survived significant assassination attempts (FDR while President-elect, the others while in office). Former President Theodore Roosevelt was shot and wounded during the 1912 presidential campaign.

Other violent crime

In the United States, a quarter of commercial robberies are committed with guns. Robberies committed with guns are three times as likely to result in fatalities compared with robberies where other weapons were used, with similar patterns in cases of family violence. Philip J. Cook hypothesizes that if guns were less available, criminals may likely commit the crime anyway but with less-lethal weapons. He points out that the level of gun ownership in the 50 largest U.S. cities correlates with the rate of robberies committed with guns, but not overall robbery rates. A significant number of homicides result as a by-product of another violent crime which escalates, with the offender going into the crime without a clear or sustained intent to kill or be killed. Overall robbery and assault rates in the United States are also comparable to other developed countries, such as Australia and Finland, notwithstanding the much lower levels of gun ownership in those countries.

See also Assault with a deadly weapon

Gun ownership

The General Social Survey (GSS) is a primary source for data on firearm ownership, with surveys periodically done by other organizations such as Harris Interactive. In 2004, 36.5% of Americans reported having a gun in their home, which is down from 46% as reported in 1989. Philip J. Cook suggests that increased numbers of female-headed households may be a factor in declining household ownership figures. A National Survey on Private Ownership and Use of Firearms (NSPOF), conducted in 1994, indicates that Americans own 192 million guns, with 36% of these consisting of rifles, 34% handguns, 26% shotguns, and 4% other types of longguns. Most firearm owners own multiple firearms, with the NSPOF survey indicating 25% of adults own firearms. In the United States, 11% of households report actively being involved in hunting, with the remaining firearm owners having guns for self protection and other reasons. Throughout the 1970s and much of the 1980s, the rate of gun ownership in the home ranged from 45-50%. Gun ownership also varies across geographic regions, ranging from 25% rates of ownership in the Northeastern United States to 60% rates of ownership in the East South Central States.

Self protection

Between 1987 and 1990, David McDowall found that guns were used in defense during a crime incident 64,615 times annually. This equates to two times out of 1,000, or 0.2% of incidents that occurred in this time frame. For violent crimes (assault, robbery, and rape), guns were used 0.83% of the time in self defense. Of the times that guns were used in self defense, 71% of the crimes were committed by strangers, with the rest of the incidents evenly divided by offenders that were acquaintances and persons well known to the victim. Of all incidents where a gun was used for self defense, victims shot at the offender 28% of the time. In 20% of the self defense incidents, the guns were used by police officers. During the same time period, there were 46,319 gun homicides, and the National Crime Victimization Survey estimates that 2,628,532 nonfatal crimes involving guns occurred.

The findings of the McDowall study contrast with the findings of a 1993 study by Gary Kleck, who finds that as many as 2.45 million crimes are thwarted each year in the United States, and in most cases, the potential victim never fires a shot in these cases where firearms are used constructively for self protection. The results of the Kleck studies have been cited many times in scholarly and popular media.

McDowell cites methodological issues with the Kleck studies, in that he used a very small sample size and did not confine self defense to attempted victimizations where physical attacks had already commenced. A study of gun use in the 1990s, by David Hemenway at the Harvard Injury Control Research Center, found that criminal use of guns is far more common than self defense use of guns. By the Kleck study, however, most successful preventions of victimizations are accomplished without a shot being fired, which are not counted as a self-defense firearm usage by either the Hemenway or McDowell studies.

Public policy

Main article: Gun politics in the United States

Research and statistics have shown that guns intensify crime situations, and increase the likelihood of a more violent or lethal outcome. Criminologist Philip J. Cook argues for public policy goals of keeping guns out of violent encounters, and recommends approaches that limit the availability of guns to high-risk groups and the accessibility of guns in volatile situations. Cook suggests measures such as background checks for gun purchasers; banning small, easily-concealed handguns; intensive enforcement of illegal gun carrying; and tougher sentences imposed on those convicted of using a gun in a crime.

Public policy approaches can focus on ways that law enforcement and regulatory agencies may intervene. This includes intervention at the acquisition state, with policies such as prohibiting youths and those with criminal records from purchasing guns. Policies can also make it more difficult for guns to be brought to a crime scene, such as restricting and/or regulating who can carry concealed weapons. Policies can also focus on use of guns in crime, such as mandating increased sentences for those who use guns in crime, or requiring guns to have certain safety features.

Gun control proponents often cite the relatively high number of homicides committed with firearms as reason to support stricter gun control laws. Firearm laws are subject of great debate in the United States, with firearms also widely used for recreational purposes, and for personal protection. Gun rights advocates cite the use of firearms for self protection and deterrent as a reason why more guns can reduce crime. Gun rights advocates also point out that criminals are the least likely to obey firearms laws, and that limiting access to guns by law abiding people makes them more vulnerable to crime.

Access to guns

The most common type of gun confiscated by police and traced by the ATF are .38 special revolvers, such as this Smith and Wesson Model 60 .38 Special revolver with a 3-inch barrel.

U.S. policy aims to maintain the right of legitimate users to own most types of firearms, while restricting access to firearms by those individuals in high risk groups. Gun dealers in the United States are prohibited from selling handguns to those under age 21, and long guns to those under age 18. There are also restrictions on selling guns to out-of-state residents.

Assuming access to guns, the top ten types of guns involved in crime in the U.S. show a definite trend in favoring handguns over long guns. The top ten guns used in crime, as reported by the ATF in 1993 included the Smith & Wesson .38 Special and .357 revolvers, Raven Arms .25 caliber, P-380 .380 caliber, Davis, Ruger .22 caliber, Lorcin L-380 .380 caliber, and Smith & Wesson semi-automatic pistols, Mossberg and Remington 12 gauge shotguns, and Tec DC-9.

An earlier 1985 study of 1,800 incarcerated felons showed that criminals prefer revolvers and other non-semi-automatic firearms over semi-automatic firearms. Among juveniles serving in correctional facilities, 86% owned a gun at some point, with 66% acquiring their first gun by age 14. There is also a tendency for youth offenders to own many firearms, with 65% owning three or more. Juveniles most often acquire guns from family, friends, drug dealers, and street contacts. Inner-city youths cite "self-protection from enemies" as the top reason for carrying a gun.

Firearms market

Policy that is targeted at the supply side of the firearms market is based on limited research, with this an active area of ongoing research. One important consideration is that only 60-70% of firearms sales in the United States are transacted through federally licensed firearm dealers, with the remainder taking place in the "secondary market". Most sales to youths and convicted felons take place in the "secondary market". Access to "secondary markets" is generally less convenient and involves greater risks, including such risks as the gun perhaps having been used previously in a homicide. The sale of firearms at gun shows creates a loophole in laws regulating sale of firearms, with some unlicensed private sellers there. Regulations that limit the number of handgun sales in the primary, regulated market to one a month per customer have been shown to be effective at reducing illegal gun trafficking by reducing the supply into the "secondary market". Taxes on firearms and ammunition purchases are another means for government to influence the market.

ATF inspector at a federally licensed gun dealer

Federally licensed firearm dealers in the primary (new and used gun) market are regulated by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF). Firearm manufacturers are required to put serial numbers on all new firearms. This allows the ATF to trace guns involved in crimes back to their last Federal Firearms License (FFL) reported change of ownership transaction, although not past the first private sale involving any particular gun. A report by the ATF released in 1999, found that 0.4 percent of federally-licensed dealers sold approximately half of the guns used criminally in 1996 and 1997. This is sometimes done through "straw purchases". State laws, such as those in Virginia and California, that restrict the number of gun purchases in a month may help stem such "straw purchases". An estimated 500,000 guns are also stolen each year, allowing them to get into the hands of prohibited users. During the ATF's Youth Crime Gun Interdiction Initiative (YCGII) in 1998, which took place in cities across the United States, only 18% of guns used criminally that were recovered were in possession of the original owner. The time it takes for guns to be diverted from legitimate retail sales outlets to recovery by police during criminal investigations is often just a few months or a few years, which makes them relatively new compared with firearms in general circulation.

Federal legislation

Gun Control Act of 1968

The Gun Control Act of 1968 established regulations for gun commerce, restricting mail order sales and shipments to only licensed firearm dealers. The Act also made gun ownership illegal for those with felony or domestic violence convictions, those under indictment, fugitives, illegal aliens, drug users, those dishonorably discharged from the military, and those in mental institutions. The law also restricted importation of Saturday night specials and other types of guns, and limited the sale of automatic weapons and semi-automatic weapons conversion kits.

Firearm Owners Protection Act

The Firearm Owners Protection Act, also known as the McClure-Volkmer Act, was passed in 1986. It changed some restrictions in the 1968 Act, allowing federally licensed gun dealers, as well as individual unlicensed private sellers, to sell at gun shows, while continuing to require licensed gun dealers to require background checks whether in storefronts or at gunshows. The 1986 Act also restricted the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms from conducting repetitive inspections, reduced the amount of recordkeeping required of gun dealers, raised the burden of proof for gun law violators, and changed restrictions on convicted felons from owning firearms.

Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act

In the years following the passage of the Gun Control Act of 1968, enforcement was done by requiring people buying guns to show identification and sign a statement that they did not belong in any of the prohibited categories. Many states enacted background check laws that went beyond the federal requirements. The Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act passed by Congress in 1993 imposed a mandatory waiting period before the purchase of a handgun, so that a background check can be done. The Brady Act also required a national instant criminal background check system to be established, with checks to be done by firearms dealers. Restrictions, such as waiting periods, are opposed by many, who argue that they impose costs and inconveniences on legitimate gun purchasers, such as hunters.

Federal Assault Weapons Ban

AK47 assault rifle

The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, enacted in 1994, included the Federal Assault Weapons Ban, in response to public concern over mass shooting incidents. This provision prohibited the manufacture and importation of some military-style semiautomatic firearms, as well as magazines capable of holding more than ten rounds. A grandfather clause was included in the ban, allowing firearms manufactured before 1994 to remain legal. A short-term evaluation of the ban by Christopher S. Koper and Jeffrey A. Roth did not find any clear impact on gun violence. Koper and Roth cited the grandfather clause as a factor limiting the effectiveness of the ban, as well as to the relative rarity of these weapons' use in crime, which makes it difficult to discern any effect. Given the short study time period of the evaluation, the National Academy of Sciences advises caution in making any conclusions. In September 2004, the assault weapon ban expired, with its sunset clause.

Disaster Recovery Personal Protection Act of 2006

In the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, police and National Guard units in New Orleans confiscated firearms from private citizens in an attempt to prevent gun violence. In reaction, Congress passed the Disaster Recovery Personal Protection Act of 2006 in the form of an amendment to Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act, 2007. Section 706 of the Act prohibits federal employees and those receiving federal funds from confiscating legally-possessed firearms during a disaster.

State legislation

Right-to-carry

Laws that permit persons to carry firearms openly, known as open carry, often without any permit required, existed in 22 states in 1998. Laws that permit persons to carry concealed handguns, known as carrying concealed weapon, CCW, or concealed handgun license, CHL, laws existed in 34 states in the United States in 2004. John Lott has argued that right-to-carry laws create a perception that more potential crime victims might be carrying firearms, and thus serve as a deterrent against crime. Lott's study has been criticized for not adequately controlling for other factors. When Lott's data was re-analyzed by other researchers, the only statistically significant effect of concealed-carry laws found was an increase in assaults, with similar findings by Jens Ludwig. Since concealed-carry permits are only given to adults, Philip J. Cook suggests that analysis should focus on the relationship with adult and not juvenile gun incident rates. He finds a small, positive effect of concealed-carry laws on adult homicide rates, but states the effect is not statistically significant. The National Academy of Science has found no evidence that shows right-to-carry laws have an impact, either way, on rates of violent crime. NAS suggests that new analytical approaches and datasets at the county or local level are needed to evaluate adequately the impact of right-to-carry laws.

Child Access Prevention (CAP)

Child Access Prevention (CAP) laws, enacted by many states, require parents to store firearms safely, in order to minimize access by children to guns, while maintaining access by adults. CAP laws hold gun owners liable should a child gain access to a loaded gun that is not properly stored. In most states, CAP law violations are considered misdemeanors. Florida's CAP law, enacted in 1989, permits felony prosecution of violators. Research indicates that CAP laws have reduced unintentional gun deaths by 23%, and gun suicides among those age 14-17 by 11%. A study by Lott did not detect a relationship between CAP laws and accidental gun deaths or suicides among those age 19 and under between 1979 and 1996. The National Bureau of Economic Research has found that CAP laws reduce non-fatal gun injuries among both children and adults by 30-40%. Research also indicates that CAP laws are most effective in states where violations are considered felonies, whereas in states that consider violations as misdemeanors, the impact of CAP laws is not statistically significant.

Local restrictions

Some local jurisdictions in the United States have more restrictive laws, such as Washington, D.C.'s Firearms Control Regulations Act, enacted in 1976, that bans residents from owning handguns. New York City is also known for its strict gun control laws. Despite local laws, guns are often trafficked into these cities from other parts of the United States, particularly the southern states. Results from the ATF's Youth Crime Gun Interdiction Initiative indicate that the percentage of imported guns involved in crimes is tied to the stringency of local firearm laws.

International comparison

Main article: Gun politics

In comparison to U.S. policy, the U.K. banned private ownership of handguns, with handgun ownership also prohibited in Japan.

Prevention programs

Violence prevention and educational programs have been established in many schools and communities across the United States. These programs aim to change personal behavior of both children and their parents, encouraging children to stay away from guns, ensure parents store guns safely, and encourage children to solve disputes without resorting to violence. Programs aimed at altering behavior range from passive (requiring no effort on part of the individual) to active (supervising children, or placing a trigger lock on a gun). The more effort required of people, the more difficult it is to implement a prevention strategy. Prevention strategies focused on modifying the situational environment and the firearm itself may be more effective. Empirical evaluation of gun violence prevention programs has been limited. Of the evaluations that have been done, results indicate such programs have minimal effectiveness.

Gun safety parent counseling

One of the most widely used parent counseling programs is Steps to Prevent Firearm Injury program (STOP), which was developed in 1994 by the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence. STOP was superceded by STOP 2 in 1998. STOP has been evaluated and found not to have a significant effect on gun ownership or firearm storage practices by inner-city parents. Marjorie S. Hardy suggests further evaluation of STOP is needed, as this evaluation had a limited sample size and lacked a control group.

Children

Prevention programs geared towards children have also not been greatly successful. Many inherent challenges arise when working with children, including their tendency to perceive themselves as invulnerable to injury, limited ability to apply lessons learned, their innate curiosity, and peer pressure that may encourage reckless behavior.

The goal of gun safety programs, usually administered by local firearms dealers and shooting clubs, is to teach older children and adolescents how to handle firearms safely. There has been no systematic evaluation of the effect of these programs on children. For adults, no positive effect on gun storage practices has been found as a result of these programs. Also, researchers have found that gun safety programs for children may likely increase a child's interest in obtaining and using guns, which they cannot be expected to use safely all the time, even with training.

Another approach taken is gun avoidance. The Eddie Eagle Gun Safety Program, administered by the National Rifle Association (NRA), is geared towards younger children from pre-kindergarden to Grade 6, and teaches kids that real guns are not toys by emphasizing a "just say no" approach. Other programs include Straight Talk about Risks (STAR), administered by the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence, and Hands without Guns, run by the Joshua Horwitz Educational Fund to End Handgun Violence.

Community programs

Programs targeted at entire communities, such as gun-free school zones, community revitalization, after-school programs, and media campaigns, may be more effective in reducing the general level of violence that children are exposed to. Community-based programs that have specifically targeted gun violence include Safe Kids/Healthy Neighborhoods Injury Prevention Program in New York City, and Safe Homes and Havens in Chicago. Evaluation of such community-based programs is difficult, due to many confounding factors and the multifaceted nature of such programs.

Intervention programs

Sociologist James D. Wright suggests that in order to convince inner-city youths to not carry guns "requires convincing them that they can survive in their neighborhood without being armed, that they can come and go in peace, that being unarmed will not cause them to be victimized, intimidated, or slain."

Intervention programs, such as Operation Ceasefire in Boston and Project Exile in Richmond, Virginia during the 1990s, have been shown to be effective. Other intervention strategies, such as gun "buy-back" programs have been demonstrated to be ineffective.

Gun "buy-back" programs

Gun "buy-back" programs are a strategy aimed to influence the firearms market, by taking guns off the streets. Gun "buy-back" programs have been shown to be ineffective, with the National Academy of Sciences citing theory underlying these programs as "badly flawed". Guns surrendered tend to be those least likely to be involved in crime, such as old, malfunctioning guns with little resale value, muzzleloading or blackpowder guns, antiques chambered for obsolete cartridges that are no longer commercially manufactured or sold, or guns that individuals inherit but have little value in possessing. Other limitations of gun "buy-back" programs include the fact that it is relatively easy to obtain gun replacements, often of better guns than were given up in the "buy-back". Also, the number of handguns used in crime (approximately 7,500 per year) is very small compared to the approximately 70 million handguns in the United States (i.e., 0.011%).

Operation Ceasefire

In 1995, Operation Ceasefire was established in Boston, as a strategy for stemming the epidemic of youth gun violence in Boston. Violence was particularly concentrated in poor, inner-city neighborhoods including Roxbury, Dorchester, and Mattapan. There were 22 youths (under age 24) killed in Boston in 1987, with that figure rising to 73 in 1990. Operation Ceasefire entailed a problem-oriented policing approach, and focused on specific places that were crime hot spots — two strategies that when combined have been shown to be quite effective. Particular focus was placed on two elements of the gun violence problem, including illicit gun trafficking and gang violence. Within two years of implementing Operation Ceasefire in Boston, the number of youth homicides dropped to ten, with only one handgun-related youth homicide occurring in 1999 and 2000. The Operation Ceasefire strategy has since been replicated in other cities, including Los Angeles.

Project Exile

Federally-supported gun violence intervention program

Project Exile conducted in Richmond, Virginia during the 1990's, was a coordinated effort involving Federal, state, and local officials that targeted gun violence. The strategy entailed prosecution of gun violations in Federal courts, where sentencing guidelines were tougher. Project Exile also involved outreach and education efforts through media campaigns, getting the message out about the crackdown. Project Exile was evaluated and shown to be effective, however researchers also point out that Richmond might have experienced declining homicide trends anyway during the evaluation period, owing to overall national trends.

Project Safe Neighborhoods

Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) is a national strategy for reducing gun violence that builds on the strategies implemented in Operation Ceasefire and Project Exile. PSN was established in 2001, with support from the Bush administration, channelled through the United States Attorney's Offices in the United States Department of Justice. The Federal government has spent over $1.5 billion since the program's inception on the hiring of prosecutors, and providing assistance to state and local jurisdictions in support of training and community outreach efforts.

Research limitations

In the United States, research into firearms and violent crime is fraught with difficulties, associated with limited data on gun ownership and use, firearms markets, and aggregation of crime data. Research studies into gun violence have primarily taken one of two approaches: case-control studies and social ecology. Gun ownership is usually determined through surveys, proxy variables, and sometimes with production and import figures. In statistical analysis of homicides and other types of crime which are rare events, these data tend to have poisson distributions, which also presents methodological challenges to researchers. With data aggregation, such as the Duggan study which aggregated to the state level, it is difficult to make inferences about individual behavior. This problem, known as ecological fallacy, is not always handled properly by researchers, leading some to jump to conclusions that their data do not necessarily support.

Notes and references

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  2. ^ Wright, James D., Joseph F. Sheley, and M. Dwayne Smith (1992). "Kids, Guns, and Killing Fields". Society. 30(1).{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  3. ^ Rushefsky, Mark E. (2002). "Criminal Justice: To Ensure Domestic Tranquility (Chapter 7)". Public Policy in the United States: At the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century. M.E. Sharpe, Inc.
  4. ^ "The Seventh United Nations Survey on Crime Trends and the Operations of Criminal Justice Systems (1998 - 2000)". United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Retrieved 2006-11-08.
  5. ^ "Firearm Crimes, Canada Vs. U.S." Canada Firearms Centre.
  6. ^ Cook, Philip J., Jens Ludwig (2000). "Chapter 3". Gun Violence: The Real Costs. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195137930.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  7. "Expanded Homicide Data Table 6 - Murder, Types of Weapons Used Percent Distribution within Region, 2005". Federal Bureau of Investigation.
  8. "WISQARS Nonfatal Injury Reports". National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. Retrieved 2006-11-10.
  9. U.S. Center for Disease Control, National Center for Injury Prevention & Control, 2003
  10. "Self-inflicted Injury/Suicide". National Center for Health Statistics. Retrieved 2006-11-06.
  11. ^ Committee on Law and Justice (2004). "Executive Summary". Firearms and Violence: A Critical Review. National Academy of Science.
  12. "The Seventh United Nations Survey on Crime Trends and the Operations of Criminal Justice Systems (1998 - 2000)". United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Retrieved 2006-11-08.
  13. "Homicide trends in the U.S. - Weapons used". Bureau of Justice Statistics.
  14. "Homicide trends in the U.S. - Age trends". Bureau of Justice Statistics.
  15. "Crime comparisons between Canada and the United States". Statistics Canada.
  16. Fingerhut, L.A., J. C. Kleinman (1990). "International and interstate comparisons of homicide among young males". Journal of the American Medical Association. 263(24).{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  17. ^ Committee on Law and Justice (2004). "Chapter 3". Firearms and Violence: A Critical Review. National Academy of Science.
  18. Krug, E.G, K.E. Powell, L.L. Dahlberg (1998). "Firearm-related deaths in the United States and 35 other high- and upper-middle income countries". International Journal of Epidemiology. 7: pp. 214-221. {{cite journal}}: |pages= has extra text (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  19. ^ Cook, Philip J., Jens Ludwig (2000). "Chapter 2". Gun Violence: The Real Costs. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195137930.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  20. Cork, Daniel (1999). "Examining Time-Space Interaction in City-Level Homicide Data: Crack Markets and the Diffusion of Guns Among Youth". Journal of Quantitative Criminology. 15: pp. 379-406. {{cite journal}}: |pages= has extra text (help)
  21. Grogger, Jeff, Mike Willis (1998). "The Introduction of Crack Cocaine and the Rise of Urban Crime Rates". National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 6352. National Bureau of Economic Research. {{cite conference}}: Unknown parameter |booktitle= ignored (|book-title= suggested) (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  22. Blumstein, Alfred (1995). "Youth Violence, Guns and the Illicit-Drug Industry". Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 86(1): pp. 10-36. {{cite journal}}: |pages= has extra text (help)
  23. "America's Children: Key National Indicators of Well-Being 2005 - Adolescent Mortality". 2006 Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics.
  24. ^ Lizotte, Alan J., Gregory J. Howard, Marvin D. Krohn, Terence P. Thornberry (1997). "Patterns of Illegal Gun Carrying Among Urban Young Males". Valparaiso University Law Review. 31(2).{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  25. Kennedy, David M., Anne M. Piehl, Anthony A. Braga (1996). "Youth Violence in Boston: Gun Markets, Serious Youth Offenders, and a Use-Reduction Strategy". Law and Contemporary Problems. 59(1): pp. 147-183. {{cite journal}}: |pages= has extra text (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  26. McGonigal, Michael D., John Cole, C. William Schwab, Donald R. Kauder, Michael F. Rotondo, Peter B. Angood (1993). "Urban Firearm Deaths: A Five-Year Perspective". Journal of Trauma. 35(4): pp. 532-536. {{cite journal}}: |pages= has extra text (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  27. McLaughlin, Colleen R., Jack Daniel, Scott M. Riener, Dennis E. Waite; et al. "Factors Associated with Assault-Related Firearm Injuries in Male Adolescents". Working paper. Virginia Department of Juvenile Justice. {{cite conference}}: Explicit use of et al. in: |author= (help); Unknown parameter |booktitle= ignored (|book-title= suggested) (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  28. "Expanded Homicide Data Table 7 - Murder Victims by Weapon, 2001-2005". Federal Bureau of Investigation.
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