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Madkhalism is a strain of quietist thought within the larger Salafi movement based on the writings of Sheikh Rabee al-Madkhali, characterised by monarchism and loyalty to secular authoritarian governments in the Arab world. Arab states have generally favored Madkhalism due to its support for secular forms of government as opposed to other strains of Salafism, and Madkhalism's decline in Saudi Arabia has been connected with a decline in support for secular forms of government in the Muslim world.

Though originating in Saudi Arabia, the movement lost its support base in the country and has mostly been relegated to the Muslim community in Europe, with most Saudi Arabians not taking the edicts of Madkhalists seriously. Political scientist Omar Ashour has described the movement as resembling a cult, and English-language media has referred to the group as such.

In addition to Arab regimes, US policy-makers and senior advisors to the U.S. State Department have also advised the US government to fund al-Madkhali and his strain of thought.

Madkhalis, in contrast to members of other groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamic State, have been described as very simple men who do not have the same level of intellectual depth and knowledge. As such, they are viewed as less of a threat by their opponents.

Tenets

Part of a series on: Salafi movement
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Madkhalism is often compared to Wahhabism, sharing a number of tenets with the wider movement. Media analysts have warned against generalizing such Islamists movements despite their differences, however. Madkhali has borrowed heavily from elder Salafist scholar Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani; Madkhali adopted more extreme positions than Albani in his teaching according to Qutbi clerics, however, and Madkhalists were dismayed when Albani praised clerics Safar Al-Hawali and Salman al-Ouda.

A cornerstone of Madkhalist discourse is unquestioning loyalty to governments in public, even those that use extreme and unjustified violence against their subjects. Unlike other Islamist groups which often oppose totalitarian, mostly secular governments in the Middle East, the Madkhalist movement is openly supportive of such regimes. Madkhalists argue that the governments of Arab countries are not to be revolted even if they are oppressive. They hold that God has given the highest Muslim authority this right due to the 59th quranic verse in Surah of the Women translated

“Oh those who believe, obey Allah and obey the Messenger and those who have authority amongst you.”

And also due to some other prophetic traditions; anyone who rejects their view is labeled as a member of the Khawarij, a Muslim sect.

Relations with governments of countries which are Muslim but not Arab have not always been as smooth. Both Madkhali brothers actively encouraged Muslims inside and outside of Indonesia to join the armed Maluku sectarian conflict which continued from the late 1990s until the early 2000s. In the year 2000, Muhammad al-Madkhali went so far as to declare the prohibition of jihad by then Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid, himself an internationally recognized Islamic scholar, as being contrary to sharia law.

Though often lumped together with all other Salafists and Islamists, the Madkhalists have been noted for their opposition to and mutual rivalry with Salafist jihadism. The Madkhalist movement has been described as politically quietist, eschewing the organized political efforts of the mainstream of Salafism and even going as far as to declare religious clerics who participate in modern political system to be heretics or even apostates. Such politically active Salafists are often described by followers of Madkhalism as part of an international conspiracy against "true Salafism." On the other hand, Western intelligence agencies have identified Madkhalists as a group which can be supported and funded discreetly by the US, in comparison to the rest of the groups seen under the wider Salafi movement.

Interaction with non-Muslim societies, where most Madkhalists reside, also distinguishes the movement. While most Salafi Muslims in the Western world are noted for adjusting their religious lifestyles for pragmatic participation in the wider society, Madkhalists in particular are noted for minimizing contact with non-Muslims. Also unlike the wider Islamist movement, Madkhalists don't seem to focus on converting Western societies to Islam due to giving most concern in persuading Muslims to adopt a more orthodox Muslim lifestyle and preferring to simply accept and defend their rights as a minority community.

The polemics of the Madkhalists are markedly different from other Salafist groups as well. A noted feature of Madkhalism during Muslim dogmatic exchanges is clarifying the opponent sect instead of only discourse regarding the topic of discussion. The person of the movement's leader, Rabee al-Madkhali, also carries a heavy focus uncharacteristic of rival movements such as Qutbism. Madkhalists have been described as obsessed with defense of the movement's leader by the Muslim brotherhood who accuse them of often dramatising or exaggerating praise given by Salafist scholars and attempting to stifle or intimidate Salafists with opposing views to those of Madkhali and Madkhalists. A common mantra promoted by Madkhali is that questioning the movement's clerics is forbidden as a general rule, and only allowed in cases of necessity.

Citations

1. Omayma Abdel-Latif, "Trends in Salafism." Taken from Islamist Radicalisation: The Challenge for Euro-Mediterranean Relations, pg. 74. Eds. Michael Emerson, Kristina Kausch and Richard Youngs. Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies, 2009. ISBN 9789290798651
2. Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought, Sheikh Rabi’ Ibn Haadi ‘Umayr Al Madkhali Archived 2013-03-22 at the Wayback Machine. The Muslim 500: The World's Most Influential Muslims
3. ^ ICG Middle East Report N°31. Saudi Arabia Backgrounder: Who Are the Islamists? Amman/Riyadh/Brussels: International Crisis Group, 21 September 2004.
4. Roel Meijer, Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Movement, pg. 49. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.
5. ^ Jarret M. Brachman, Global Jihadism: Theory and Practice, pg. 29. London: Routledge, 2008. ISBN 9781134055418
6. Kasra Shahhosseini, The Rise of ISIS: Who’s to Blame? Archived 2015-12-21 at the Wayback Machine International Policy Digest, October 20, 2014.
7. Roel Meijer, "Politicizing al-jarh wa-l-ta'dil: Rabi b. Hadi al-Madkhali and the transnational battle for religious authority." Taken from The Transmission and Dynamics of the Textual Sources of Islam: Essays in Honour of Harald Motzki, eds. Nicolet Boekhoff-van der Voort, Kees Versteegh and Joas Wagemakers, pg. 382. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 2011.
8. ^ Mohammad Pervez Bilgrami, Arab Counter-revolution on Threshold of Plummeting. World Bulletin, Sunday, September 21, 2014.
9. ^ Omar Ashour, Libyan Islamists Unpacked Archived 2013-06-17 at the Wayback Machine: Rise, Transformation and Future. Brookings Doha Center, 2012.
10. Brachman, Jarret M.; McCants, Willam F. (February 2006). "Stealing Al-Qa'ida's Playbook". Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. 29 (4): 317. doi:10.1080/10576100600634605. S2CID 109531443.
11. "Addressing the Rise of Libya's Madkhali-Salafis". Crisis Group. 2019-04-25. Retrieved 2021-03-17.
12. Sherifa Zuhur, Saudi Arabia: Islamic Threat, Political reform, and the Global War on Terror, pg. 26. Strategic Studies Institute, March 2005.
13. ^ Almaz Rysaliev, "West Kazakhstan Under Growing Islamic Influence." Archived 2013-10-29 at the Wayback Machine Institute for War and Peace Reporting. RCA Issue 653, 21 July 2011. Accessed 29 January 2013.
14. Zoltan Pall, Kuwaiti Salafism and Its Growing Influence in the Levant. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, May 7, 2014.
15. Martijn de Koning, pg. 171.
16. ^ Richard Gauvain, Salafi Ritual Purity: In the Presence of God, pg. 41. New York: Routledge, 2013.
17. The Jamestown Foundation, Salafists Challenge al-Azhar for Ideological Supremacy in Egypt. 16 September 2010, Terrorism Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 35
18. Jarret M. Brachman, Global Jihadism, pg. 30.
19. Noorhaidi Hasan, Laskar Jihad, pg. 151. Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 2006.
20. Rohan Gunaratna, Inside Al Qaeda: global network of terror, pg. 201. Volume 3 of the University of St Andrews' Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence series. London: C. Hurst & Co., 2002.
21. Robert W. Hefner, "Civil Pluralism Denied?" Taken from New Media in the Muslim World: The Emerging Public Sphere, pg. 170. Eds. Dale F. Eickelman and Jon W. Anderson. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003. ISBN 9780253342522
22. Martijn de Koning, pg. 169.
23. George Joffé, Islamist Radicalisation in Europe and the Middle East: Reassessing the Causes of Terrorism, pg. 317. London: I.B. Tauris, 2013.
24. Meijer, "Politicizing," pg. 388.
25. 'U.S. could discretely fund mainstream Salafi figures like Madkhali ...' .
26. Martijn de Koning, pg. 166. "Other examples can be found on the Internet and in meetings where books are sold explaining... the ‘Islamic’ aspects of the relationship between men and women and how to be a Muslim in Western society... Since Salafi Muslims have to function in the secular Dutch state and therefore have to adjust in a particular way, this does not necessarily go against participation in society with regard to education and labor, ..(in particular in the Madkhali Selefie network) choose to interact with the broader society in a very minimal way."
27. Martijn de Koning, pg. 174.
28. Meijer, "Politicizing," pg. 381.
29. Roel Meijer, "The Problem of the Political in Islamist Movements." Taken from Whatever Happened to the Islamists?: Salafis, Heavy Metal Muslims and the Lure of Consumerist Islam, pg. 49. Eds. Amel Boubekeur and Olivier Roy. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012. ISBN 9780231154260

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