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Abuse
Types
Related topics

Child sexual abuse (CSA) is the sexual abuse of a minor or, according to the American Psychological Association sexual activity between a minor and an older person in which the dominant position of the older person is used to coerce or exploit the younger. Pedophilia is a term often used to describe the acts of perpetrators and is a psychiatric diagnosis in the DSM-IV-R. The assailants can be of either sex as can their targets. Child sexual abuse is illegal in all countries about which information is available. Although these laws differ in detail, all set an age - typically falling somewhere between the typical onset of puberty and the age of majority - under which all sexual contact with adults is deemed abusive and illegal. Above this age, sexual contact may be judged abuse depending on the use of violence or coercion or the type of relationship involved. Incest between parents and their children is one almost universally condemned type of child sexual abuse.

The term includes also the commercial sexual exploitation of children, defined by the International Labour Organization in the text of the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention, 1999. Child molestation is an informal synonym for child sexual abuse, most often used for sex between adults and young children. A perpetrator of child sexual abuse is known as a child sex offender if convicted, or informally as a child molester.

Effects

Child sexual abuse has been identified as a predictor of future psychopathology, though its effects vary and the level of harm associated with the abuse may correlate with other factors. A minority of abused children have been found to be healthy and asymptomatic.

Kendall-Tackett et al. (1993) and other studies found that a wide range of psychological, emotional, physical, and social effects are associated with child sexual abuse, including depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, poor self-esteem, somatoform disorders, complex post-traumatic stress disorder, emotional dysregulation, neurosis, and other more general dysfunctions such as sexualized behavior, school/learning problems, behavior problems and destructive behavior.

Kendell-Tackett et al. also found that one third of the children were symptom-free, and comparisons between clinical abused children and nonabused children in treatment showed that abused children were less symptomatic for all symptoms except sexualised behavior. Caffaro-Rouget et al. (1989) found that 51% of their sample was symptomatic; in Mannarino and Cohen (1986), 69% of forty-five assessed children were symptomatic; 64% of Tong, Oates, and McDowell's (1987) forty-nine child sample were not within the normal range on the child behavior checklist; and in Conte and Schuerman (1987), whose assessment included both very specific and broad items such as 'fearful of abuse stimuli' and 'emotional upset,' 79% of the sample was symptomatic.

The relationship between child sexual abuse and many of its attributed symptoms is controversial according to one study, because child sexual abuse frequently occurs alongside other possibly confounding variables, such as poor family environment. Rind et al.'s 1998 meta-analysis of studies using college student samples concluded that the relationship between poorer adjustment and child sexual abuse is generally found nonsignificant in studies which control for these variables. Other studies, however, have found an independent association of child sexual abuse with adverse psychological outcomes.

After controlling for possible confounding variables, Widom (1999) found that child sexual abuse independently predicts the number of symptoms for PTSD a person displays. 37.5% of their sexually abused subjects, 32.7% of their physically abused subjects, and 20.4% of their control group met the criteria for a diagnosis of PTSD. The authors concluded, "Victims of child abuse (sexual and physical) and neglect are at increased risk for developing PTSD, but childhood victimization is not a sufficient condition. Family, individual, and lifestyle variables also place individuals at risk and contribute to the symptoms of PTSD."

It has been suggested that young children who are abused sexually by adult females may incur double traumatization due to the widespread denial of female-perpetrated child sexual abuse by non-abusing parents, professional caregivers and the general public. One study found that most men formerly involved in woman-boy sexual relations, however, evaluate their experience as positive upon reflection. Turner and Maryanski in Incest: Origins of the Taboo (2005), suggest that mother-son incest causes the most serious damage to children in comparision to mother-daughter, father-daughter and father-son child incest. Crawford asserts that our socially repressed view of female and maternal sexuality conceals both the reality of female sexual pathologies and the damage done by female sexual abuse to children.

Several studies have indicated that some children regard their sexual abuse positively. Wakefield and Underwager note the difference between CSA experiences of males and females, where more males than females report the experience as positive, saying that "It may be that women perceive such experiences as sexual violation, while men perceive them as sexual initiation." Draucker had previously argued that sexual abuse against both boys and girls had similar effects, and that "initiation" was part of the myth that males are always the initiators of sex and cannot be abused. A meta-analysis of 15 studies using college students by Rind et al. found that boys reacted positively in 37% of the cases, while girls reacted positively in 11% of the cases. The methodology of this study has been criticized by Dallam et al. (2002); see Rind et al. (1998). The editors who published the critique of the Rind et al. study argued that it had little merit but published it anyway to keep the debate inside the scientific community.

Adrian Coxell examined the effects of child sexual abuse in a sample of 2474 men in Great Britain and found that of those who had a sexual encounter prior to the age of 16, over half reported their experiences as consensual. (The mean age for first or only experience of abuse was 11, with a standard deviation of 3.) In contrast to men who reported nonconsensual child sexual abuse, men who reported their child sexual abuse as consensual did not show significantly more psychological problems than the control group. Bruce Rind asserts that the normal perception on child sexual abuse is based on an incest model where father-daughter incest serves as a model for child sexual abuse cases. He says that this view may not provide an accurate model for the effects of consensual experiences. A study of 4239 gay or bisexual men found that as children, many had sexual fantasies of adults, and of those who had experienced a sexual encounter with an adult in their childhoods, 69% regarded it as positive.

There is evidence that children who initially report positive feelings will sometimes go on to reassess their abuse in a negative light. 38% of the 53 men studied by Urquiza (1987) said that they viewed their experience as positive at the time, but only 15% retained this attitude. According to Coffey et al. (1996), this may be due in part to the stigma attached to child sexual abuse. Children may also report positive experiences even if their abuse was accompanied by negative emotions: in Okami (1991), for example, 41% of the 63 'positive' subjects recalled feelings of guilt, 35% said they were frightened at the time, and 29% reported feelings of shame. Russell (1986) speculated that the perception of a sexually abusive event as 'positive' could stem from a mechanism for coping with traumatic experiences.

Some researchers, such as John Money, David Finkelhor, and Gabriel Holguin, have opined that the presumption of trauma or damage can itself cause iatrogenic harm to child victims. Browne and Finkelhor (1986) warn "advocates not exaggerate or overstate the intensity or inevitability of consequences." Berlin (2002) asks, "How many youngsters have been inadvertently hurt, treated as if they must inevitably have become 'damaged goods,' because of a failure to distinguish between having been wronged versus having been harmed?"

Neurological differences in clinical research

Research has shown that traumatic stress, including stress caused by sexual abuse, causes notable changes in brain functioning and development. .

Various studies have suggested that severe child sexual abuse may have a deleterious effect on brain development. Ito et al. (1998) found "reversed hemispheric asymmetry and greater left hemisphere coherence in abused subjects;" Teicher et al. (1993) found that an increased likelihood of "ictal temporal lobe epilepsy-like symptoms" in abused subjects; Anderson et al. (2002) recorded abnormal transverse relaxation time in the cerebellar vermis of adults sexually abused in childhood; Teicher et al. (1993) found that child sexual abuse was associated with a reduced corpus callosum area; various studies have found an association of reduced volume of the left hippocampus with child sexual abuse; and Ito et al. (1993) found increased electrophysiological abnormalities in sexually abused children.

Some studies indicate that sexual or physical abuse in children can lead to the overexcitation of an undeveloped limbic system. Teicher et al. (1993) used the "Limbic System Checklist-33" to measure ictal temporal lobe epilepsy-like symptoms in 253 adults. Reports of child sexual abuse were associated with a 49% increase to LSCL-33 scores, 11% higher than the associated increase of self-reported physical abuse. Reports of both physical and sexual abuse were associated with a 113% increase. Male and female victims were similarly affected.

A study by Gilbertson found that individuals with a smaller hippocampal volume are more disposed to the development of PTSD. This is supported by studies which show that those who have shown damage also have a history of neurocognitive abnormalities. McNally gave his view on the recent research into this area in his book Remembering Trauma:

Another myth debunked by recent research is the notion that elevated cortisol in PTSD has damaged the hippocampi of survivors. Not only is cortisol seldom elevated in PTSD, but smaller hippocampi in those with the disorder are best tributed to genetic factors, not traumatic stress. A smaller hippocampus may constitute a vulnerability for the disorder among those exposed to trauma.

King et al. (2001), studying 5 to 7 year old girls who had been abused within the last two months, found victims of early sexual abuse had significantly lower cortisol levels than control subjects. However, other studies have found an increase in cortisol levels among victims of child sexual abuse and trauma and damage to various parts of the brain.

A short-term longitudinal study of hippocampal volume in thirty-seven trauma survivors by Bonne et al. found no progressive reduction of the hippocampus between 1 week and 6 months after the traumatic incident. Regarding this, they speculated that structural changes to the hippocampus may only occur if the victim's exposure to traumatization is prolonged; that it may take longer than 6 months for any change in volume to manifest; or that a change in volume may have taken place in the period between the incident and the first assessment. They also found that there was no significant difference between the hippocampal volume of survivors of trauma who developed PTSD and those who did not. Because of these findings, they concluded that "smaller hippocampal volume is not a necessary risk factor for developing PTSD and does not occur within 6 months of expressing the disorder." This study did not specifically focus on child sexual abuse victims.

Navalta et al. (2006) found that the self-reported math Scholastic Aptitude Test scores of their sample of women with a history of repeated child sexual abuse were significantly lower than the self-reported math SAT scores of their non-abused sample. Because the abused subjects verbal SAT scores were high, they hypothesized that the low math SAT scores could "stem from a defect in hemispheric integration," which, they say, "could be a consequence of reduced corpus callosal area." They also found a strong association between short term memory impairments for all categories tested (verbal, visual, and global) and the duration of the abuse. The authors hypothesized that the development of brain regions which myelinate over decades (such as the corpus callosum and hippocampus) may be disturbed by stress, because stress hormones such as cortisol supress the final mitosis of granule cells and thereby the production of the oligodendrocytes and Schwann cells that form the myelin sheath.

Offenders

Offenders are more likely to be relatives or acquaintances of their victim than strangers. The percentage of incidents of sexual abuse by female perpetrators that come to the attention of the legal system is usually reported to be between 1% and 4%.

Pedophilia is described as a mental disorder that may involve sexual activity with a prepubescent child. The individual must be over the age of sixteen years and at least five years older than the child who has been molested.. Specific sub categories in the DSM include the following:

  1. Sexually Attracted to Males
  2. Sexually Attracted to Females
  3. Sexually Attracted to Both
  4. Specify if: Limited to Incest
  5. Specify type: Exclusive Type or Nonexclusive type.

Historically, most researchers have reported that men have a virtual "monolopy" on child sexual abuse but studies of sexual misconduct in US schools female sex offenders have showed mixed results with rates between 4% to 43% of female offenders. In U.S. schools, educators who offend range in age from "21- to 75-years-old, with an average age of 28" with teachers, coaches, substitute teachers, bus drivers and teacher's aids (in that order) totaling 69% of the offenders.

Typology

Typologies for child sex offenders have been used since the 1970s. Male Offenders are typically classified by their motivation, which is usually assessed by reviewing their offense's characteristics. Phallometric tests may also be used to determine the abuser's level of pedophilic interest. Groth et al. proposed a simple, dichotomous system in 1982 which classed offenders as either "regressed" or "fixated."

Regressed offenders

Regressed offenders are primarily attracted to their own age group but are passively aroused by minors (pseudo-pedophiles and pseudo-ephebophiles).

  • The sexual attraction in minors is not manifested until adulthood.
  • Their sexual conduct until adulthood is aligned with that of their own age group.
  • Their interest in minors is either not cognitively realized until well into adulthood or it was recognized early on and simply suppressed due to social taboo.

Other scenarios may include:

  • Not associating their attractions as pedosexual or ephebosexual in nature due to cultural differences.
  • Age of consent laws were raised in their jurisdiction but mainstream views toward sex with that age group remained the same, were acted upon, then they were charged with a crime.
  • The person's passive interest in children is manifested temporarily upon the consumption of alcohol and acted upon while inhibitions were low.

Fixated offenders

Fixated offenders are most often adult pedophiles who are maladaptive to accepted social norms. The etiology of pedophilia is not well-understood. The sexual acts are typically preconceived and are not alcohol or drug related.

Maletzky (1993) found that, of his sample of 4,402 convicted pedophilic offenders, 0.4% were female.

Variation in cultural practices, norms and research findings

Between cultural relativists and cultural universalists there is no consensus whether and which among different past or present cultural practices in Western or non-Western societies can be defined as abusing either general universalistic human rights or special universalistic rights of minors. As a result, there is no generally accepted definition which of them can be listed as child sexual abuse.

In different cultures the practices sanctioned by cultural norms involve for example cutting and bleeding of the genitals, female genital cutting, circumcision (of males), castration, infibulation, sexual relationships between adolescent boys and adult men sanctioned by the state and sanctified by religion in ancient Greece. In Japan, sexual relationship between adolescent boys and adult monks in feudal Japan were tolerated, if not encouraged. Again child prostitution is somewhat tolerated in abjectively poor societies as a way for children to support their families. Remedies against masturbation (once named 'self-abuse'), ritual fellation by youths (found in some Oceanic cultures ), etc.

Green (2002) notes that sexual interactions between adults and children were commonplace and accepted in a variety of archaic cultures, including that of the Siwans, Arrernte aborigines, Native Hawaiians, and Polynesians.

Epidemiology

Based on a literature review of 23 studies, Goldman & Padayachi found that the prevalence of child sexual abuse varied between 7-62% for girls and 4-30% for boys. A meta-analytic study by Rind, Tromovitch, and Bauserman found that reported prevalence of abuse for males ranged from 3% to 37%, and for females from 8% to 71% with mean rates of 17% and 28% respectively. Bert Kutchinsky argues that most prevalence rates are overexaggerated and claim that the real prevalence of child sexual abuse may be as low as 1-2%. A study on incest between fathers and daughters found prevalence rates of 0.2% for biological fathers and 0.5% for step-fathers.

In US schools, "nearly 9.6% of students are targets of educator sexual misconduct sometime during their school career" according to the US Department of Education. In studies of student sex abuse by male and female educators, male students were reported as targets in ranges from 23% to 44%. In U.S. school settings same-sex (female and male) sexual misconduct against students by educators "ranges from 18-28% or reported cases, depending on the study"

Significant underreporting of sexual abuse of boys by both women and men is believed to occur due to sex steoreotyping, social denial, the minimization of male victimization, and the relative lack of research on sexual abuse of boys. Sexual victimization of boys by their mothers or other female relatives is especially rarely researched or reported. Sexual abuse of girls by their mothers, and other related and/or unrelated adult females is beginning to be researched and reported despite the highly taboo nature of female-female child sex abuse. In studies where students are asked about sex offenses, they report higher levels of female sex offenders than found in adult reports. This under-reporting has been attributed to cultural denial of female-perpetrated child sex abuse, because "males have been socialized to believe they should be flattered or appreciative of sexual interest from a female" and because female sexual abuse of males is often seen as 'desireable' and/or beneficial by judges, mass media pundits and other authorities.

Laws on child sexual abuse

Child sexual abuse is regulated by law in most countries. Sexual relations between children and adults is illegal. As such, children cannot consent to sexual relationships and all such contact is illegal and by definition, abusive.

Offences in the UK

Sexual abuse involving children in the United Kingdom (see Age of consent) can be prosecuted as offences under a number different sections of various Acts of Parliament. In England and Wales these include:

Examples for Scotland include:

Legal definition in the US

In every state and federal jurisdiction of the United States the law states that a minor below the age of consent in that state or jurisdiction cannot consent to sexual activity of any sort involving a partner. Such sexual activity is legally considered child abuse. However, state laws usually treat an adult who performs sexual activity with a minor under the age of consent differently from two minors under the age of consent who perform sexual activity with each other. Also, if the minor in question is a preadolescent child then it is generally treated differently then sexual activities with an adolescent under the age of consent. Sexual activities between an adult and an adolescent minor under the age of consent are generally covered under statutory rape laws. Illegal sexual activities involving an adult and a minor are generally categorized as a sex offense. Depending on the penal code of the jurisdiction in which the crime occurs, the specific charges against the adult may include, for example, rape/sexual assault, sexual abuse of a child, incest, or lewd acts. Incest or child sexual abuse by parents (or other related adult relatives) to related children is a crime in all states. However, a decided legal double standard exists in most states that favors parents who rape or molest their own children as opposed to unrelated adults to who rape or molest others' children. In many states, the legal age of consent is higher if the adult is in a position of authority over the minor, such as a teacher or employer.

Some states have special rules when the two parties are close in age. For example, Iowa exempts the older partner from being charged with a sex offense if they are close in age, and force or coercion are not used.

These protections are not consistently available in all states. Young people are often punished for being sexual with themselves and consenting partners of the same age. Teens have been fined, imprisoned, and labeled as sexual offenders for crimes such as taking pictures of themselves and engaging in consensual activity with others. Sometimes a couple under the age of consent are charged as each being both victims and rapists of each other at the same time.

Penalties in the US

Penalties for child sexual abuse crimes vary in the United States from state to state. The specific crimes for which the child sex offender has been convicted determine the sentence the offender will serve. Examples of criminal penalties include imprisonment, as well as post-release conditions, such as parole supervision and registration as a sex offender. The trend has been towards progressively longer prison sentences, especially for long-term or repeat offenders.

The victim can also sue the offender in civil court for the injuries the victim suffered. A civil lawsuit can result in additional penalties for the offender, such as the payment of monetary damages to the victim.

Offenders may be subject to penalties outside the court system. The 2006 Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act (H.R.4472) authorizes the indefinite involuntary commitment of "sexually dangerous persons" whom the State determines are "dangerous to others because of a mental illness, abnormality, or disorder that creates a risk that the individual will engage in sexually violent conduct or child molestation." A "sexually dangerous person" is defined as a "a person who has engaged or attempted to engage in sexually violent conduct or child molestation and who is sexually dangerous to others."

Prohibited activities

The activities identified as sexual abuses of a children vary between countries. In the United States, sexual activity of any kind is generally prohibited between an adult and a person under the age of consent. Examples of prohibited activities:

  • sexual contact between related adults and related children which is incest
  • sexual intercourse (oral, anal or vaginal) with any person under the age of consent, which is between 14 and 18 years in the U.S., depending in which state the intercourse occurs.
  • soliciting sexual activity from a child,
  • contact with a child's genitals for the purpose of sexual gratification,
  • inducing a child to touch his/her genitals or another's genitals for the purpose of sexual gratification,
  • acting as a pimp for prostituted child
  • inducing a child to behave sexually in a performance, or to watch any kind of sexual behavior,
  • inducing a child to appear in child pornography,
  • lewd acts with children, including disseminating pornography to a minor.

Most state laws either provide exceptions for legitimate behavior, such as changing a diaper or giving a legitimate medical examination, or specifically require the activity to be sexually motivated.

References

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Further reading

  • Vigil, J. M., Geary, D. C., & Byrd-Craven, J. (2005). A life history assessment of early childhood sexual abuse in women. Developmental Psychology, 41, 553-561. Full text

See also

External links

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