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Anarchism can refer to any of a range of political views, characterized by a rejection of authority in various forms.

The term means "being without rule", and is derived from the Latin word anarchia, from Aristotle's Greek term αναρχία (αν an- "without" plus αρχία arkhia meaning "command" or "rule"). Based on this etymology, anarchists are typically described as rejecting all forms of rule or domination, including all instances of enforced or representational government and any concept of the State, and instead favouring social relations that are voluntarily and freely established among individuals. While not all anarchists accept this definition, this is the sense in which the term is commonly used in everyday speech.

Anarchism comprises various political philosophies espoused by political organisations and social movements that advocate the elimination of the State, and what are believed to be authoritarian social and economic relationships. Direct democracy (majority rule) is considered another form of authority and thus "authoritarian." In the place of centralized political and economic structures these movements favor social relations based upon what are seen as voluntary relationships. These philosophies use anarchy to mean a society based on voluntary interaction of free individuals. There is considerable vagueness as to how decisions would be made by free associations of individuals; is "consensus" majority rule or minority rule? Philosophical anarchist thought does not advocate chaos or anomie — it refers to "anarchy" as a manner of human relations that is intentionally established and maintained.

There is considerable variation among the anarchist political philosophies. Opinions differ in various areas, such as whether violence should be employed to foster anarchism, what type of economic system should exist, whether social hierarchy or unequal wealth distribution is opposed, questions on the environment and industrialism, and anarchists role in various movements. Also, throughout history various anarchists of particular schools of anarchism have claimed that other particular schools, to which they do not subscribe, are not forms of anarchism.

History of anarchism

Precursors of anarchism

In the hunter-gatherer period before recorded history, human society lived mainly in super-families. Thus there was no State, little accumulated wealth or division of labour, and no decreed law or rulers. This is sometimes called primitive anarchy or primitive communism.

Some anarchists have embraced Taoism, which developed in Ancient China, as a source of anarchistic attitudes .

The first known usage of the word anarchy appears in the play Seven Against Thebes by Aeschylus, dated 467 BC. There, Antigone openly refuses to abide by the rulers' decree to leave her brother Polyneices' body unburied, as punishment for his participation in the attack on Thebes, saying that "even if no one else is willing to share in burying him I will bury him alone and risk the peril of burying my own brother. Nor am I ashamed to act in defiant opposition to the rulers of the city (ekhous apiston tênd anarkhian polei)".

Ancient Greece also saw the first western instance of anarchism as a philosophical ideal, in the form of the stoic philosopher Zeno of Citium, who was, according to Kropotkin, "he best exponent of Anarchist philosophy in ancient Greece". As summarized by Kropotkin, Zeno "repudiated the omnipotence of the state, its intervention and regimentation, and proclaimed the sovereignty of the moral law of the individual". Within Greek philosophy, Zeno's vision of a free community without government is opposed to the state-Utopia of Plato's Republic. Zeno argued that although the necessary instinct of self-preservation leads humans to egotism, nature has supplied a corrective to it by providing man with another instinct — sociability. Like some modern anarchists, he believed that if people follow their instincts, they will have no need of law, courts, or police, no temples and no public worship, and use no money (a gift economy taking the place of the exchanges). Zeno's beliefs have only reached us as fragmentary quotations. Aristippus also claimed that the wise should not give up their liberty to the state


Later movements – such as Stregheria in the 1300's, the Free Spirit in the Middle Ages, the Anabaptists, The Diggers, and the Ranters, – have also expounded ideas that have been interpreted as anarchist.

The Anabaptists of 16th century Europe are sometimes considered to be religious forerunners of modern anarchism. Bertrand Russell, in his History of Western Philosophy, writes that the Anabaptists "repudiated all law, since they held that the good man will be guided at every moment by the Holy Spirit...rom this premise they arrive at communism...." The novel Q provides a fictional depiction of this movement and its revolutionary ideology. In 1548 Étienne de la Boétie wrote The Politics of Obedience: The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude, an essay which explored the question of why people obey rulers. Gerrard Winstanley of The Diggers, who published a pamphlet calling for communal ownership and social and economic organization in small agrarian communities in the 17th century, is considered another of the forerunners of modern anarchism.

It should be noted that an essay explicitly advocating the absence of government ("A Vindication of Natural Society") was written and published anonymously in 1756 by Edmund Burke -- a man widely acknowledged to be the founding-father of modern Conservatism. Upon discovery that he was the author of the anonymous essay, Burke dismissed the writing as satire. There is some conflict involved over the sincerity of Burke's dismissal of "Vindication..."; a most notable contribution to the debate is Murray Rothbard's 1958 essay "Edmund Burke, Anarchist." Other anarchists, such as Godwin and Tucker, have been known to consider the essay to be an important contribution to their philosophy.

Modern anarchism

In 1793 William Godwin published An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, in which he presented his vision of a free society alongside a critique of government. Some consider this the first anarchist treatise, calling Godwin the "founder of philosophical anarchism". Other than the spontaneous association that may arise when individuals defend each other from aggressors, Godwin opposes every kind of cooperation in labor among individuals (even orchestras are opposed). He is an early proponent of liberalism, supporting a right of an individual to own property, defining it as "the empire to which every man is entitled over the produce of his own industry," but advocating that individuals voluntarily share their surplus property with those who have a need for it.

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon of France, author of "What is Property?" in 1840 was the first individual to call himself an "anarchist." Proudhon advocated a non-coercive market economy where individuals would trade the produce of their labor. Exchange value of goods within such an economy was to be determined by the amount of labor exerted in their production. Proudhon did not use the term "property" in a consistent way. While he is famous for saying "property is theft" in early writings, at that time he was defining property as anything that was not the product of labor (e.g. unused land) that was held by individuals and was protected by government force. Titles granted to land that was not in use by the owner would allow individuals to charge rent to others who wished to use it, which Proudhon opposed. Later, he began using the term "property" to refer to the ownership of produce of labor, which he strongly supported. Proudhon held that property was an essential element of liberty: "Where shall we find a power capable of counter-balancing the... State? There is none other than property... The absolute right of the State is in conflict with the absolute right of the property owner. Property is the greatest revolutionary force which exists" (Theory of Property) He opposed profit in all economic transactions, viewing it as being paid without laboring --labor being the sole source of legitimate property. He coined the term "mutualism" to label the theoretical economic system where goods and services would be traded without profit. He preferred the abolition of government, but he did not believe that its total elimination was possible, so advocated its minimization: "...the institutions of the police, preventative and repressive methods officialdom, taxation etc., are reduced to a minimum..."

Josiah Warren, an American, and a coeval of Proudhon's, authored an individualistic philosophy of a similar nature to Proudon's that explicitly opposed the existence of government (though they worked without apparent knowledge of each other). Warren had been writing about and practicing an economic system based on the labor theory of value by which exchange was facilitated by the medium of "labor notes." This was the practical exercise of the mutualist economic system that Proudhon later theorized. Many consider the periodical that Warren published and edited beginning in 1833, called The Peaceful Revolutionist, to be the first anarchist periodical. Individualists, taking much from the writings of Max Stirner, among others, emphasized to the utmost extent the liberty of the individual. While some individualists looked to natural law to justify individualism, Stirner's "Egoism" held that self-interest is the only legitimate justification for action.

Liberals were often labeled "anarchists" by monarchists, even though they did not call for the abolition of the State. Still, they did promote the idea of a minimal State, individual rights, and the responsibility of the people to judge their governments, which provided a groundwork for the development of anarchist thought. "The Law" (1849) by Frederic Bastiat is a good example of an anti-statist liberal tract. A clear precursor of anarcho-capitalism was Gustave de Molinari, who wrote about private defense agencies in The Production of Security (1849). This was one of the first attempts to solve the problem of security in a stateless manner. In the United States, anarchist thoughts were expressed in the writings of Henry David Thoreau (Civil Disobedience), Josiah Warren, and Benjamin Tucker. Individualist anarchists such as Tucker were influenced by the writings of Herbert Spencer and Max Stirner, among others. The American tradition of individualist anarchism is firmly in support of individual sovereignty, private property, wages, and a free market economy. However, they see violations of "cost the limit of price" (based in the labor theory of value) as exploitative, and as a result oppose profit in all economic relations. Nevertheless, they will allow it to occur if the result of contract --contract being the ultimate source of law. Their position on profit is that it would be near impossible if government ceased to exist, due to release of privileged capital and proliferation of competition.

Later in the 19th century, anarchist theorists like Mikhail Bakunin and Anarchist communists like Peter Kropotkin took a slightly different stance on how to establish the utmost liberty of the individual. They drew from the Marxist critique of capitalism and came to the conclusion that workplaces and economic production under capitalism were unavoidably authoritarian and exploitative, suppressing the liberty of the individual just as much, if not more than the State. They argued that both capitalism and the State needed to be abolished and replaced with more democratic ways of living and producing. Furthermore, they argued that gift economies were preferable to free market systems, although Bakunin was less ardent about this point than about workplace democracy (see cooperative).

In short, Bakunin and Kropotkin emphasized the importance of a communal perspective to maintain individual liberty in a social context, and the critical role of workers self-managed organs of production and creation. The International Workingmen's Association was an organisation of workers, including both anarchists and Marxists. Both sides had a common aim (stateless communism) and common political opponents (conservatives and other right-wing elements). But each was critical of the other, and the inherent conflict between the two groups soon embodied itself in an ongoing argument between Mikhail Bakunin, representative of anarchist ideas, and Karl Marx himself. Generally Marx wanted to work within the system, use hierarchical organizational structures, and run people in elections. Bakunin hated these ideas, and predicted that if a revolution were won under a Marxist revolutionary party, they would end up being as bad as the ruling class that they fought against. However, Mikhail Bakunin saw a need to defend the working class against oppression and overthrow the ruling class, and he predicted that democratic committes would arise in future revolutionary periods and fulfill this role. Nevertheless, in 1872, the conflict in the First International climaxed with the expulsion of Bakunin and those who had become known as the "Bakuninists" when they were outvoted and outmanouvered by the Marx's supporters at the Hague Congress. This is often cited as the origins of the conflict between anarchists and Marxists.

Peter Kropotkin's anarchist communism developed from his scientific theory based on evolution in which co-operation equalled or surpassed competition in importance, as illustrated in Mutual Aid: A Factor in Evolution (1897).

Some revolutionaries of this time such as the Nihilists encouraged acts of political violence such as bombings and the assassinations of heads of state to further anarchism. However, these actions were regarded by many anarchists as counter-productive or ineffective (see "Violence and non-violence", below).

In the late 19th century, anarcho-syndicalism developed as the industrialized form of libertarian communism, emphasizing industrial actions, especially the general strike, as the primary strategy to achieve anarchist revolution, and "build the new society in the shell of the old".

Anarchists played a major role in many of the labour movements, uprisings, and revolutions of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, including the Russian Revolution of 1917. In the United States, many new immigrants were anarchists; an especially notable group was the large number of Jewish immigrants who had left Russia and Eastern Europe during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These groups were disrupted by the Red Scare of 1919. Emma Goldman was a very influential anarchist and feminist during this period. She traveled the country and the world spreading anarchist ideas and attempting to live an anarchist life.

The anarcho-syndicalist orientation of many early American labor unions played a large part in the formation of the American political spectrum. The United States is the only industrialized former British colony to not have a labor-based political party. In Mexico, anarcho-syndicalists like Ricardo Flores Magón led various revolts and uprisings that would help overthrow the dictator Diaz, lead the way for the growth of anarchism in Latin America, and also go on to influence the modern day Zapatista rebellion.

In Europe, in the first quarter of the 20th century, anarchist movements achieved relative, if short-lived, successes and were violently repressed by states. In the United States anarchist organisations were given a crushing blow during the "Red Scare" (1919-20). However, in the 1920s and 1930s the conflict between anarchism and the state was eclipsed by the one between liberal democracy, fascism and stalinism, which ended with the defeat of the Axis Powers in World War II.

In Spain, years of social, political and religious turmoil coupled with decades of anarchist agitation and organisation led to class conflict. The old ruling class (church, army and monarchy) and capitalists were horrified by the new freedoms and social changes within the Second Spanish Republic. So an army rebellion or coup d'état was initiated so as to regain control of the country. The Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) as it became known, pitched the ruling class and fascists against the middle-class liberals and politicised workers. In reponse to the army rebellion an anarchist-inspired peasant and workers movement (supported by militias initially tolerated by the republic) took control of huge areas of urban and rural Spain (including most major cities) in 1936-1937 and collectivized the land. Along with the POUM, they were eventually suppressed by the Stalinist-controlled republican army, which later lost to Franco's army in 1939. In the Soviet Union from 1918 and in Europe during the World War, thousands of anarchists were killed or sent to prisons and concentration camps.

A surge of popular interest in anarchism occurred during the 1960s and 1970s. In the UK this was associated with the punk rock movement; the band Crass is celebrated for its anarchist and pacifist ideas. In Denmark, the Freetown Christiania was created in downtown Copenhagen. The housing and employment crisis in most of Western Europe led to the formation of communes and squatter movements like the one still thriving in Barcelona, in Catalonia. Militant resistance to neo-Nazi groups in places like Germany, and the uprisings of autonomous Marxism, situationist, and Autonomist groups in France and Italy also helped to give popularity to anti-authoritarian, non-capitalist ideas.

Beginning in the later part of the 20th century anarchist primitivists like John Zerzan began to proclaim that civilization — not just the state — would need to fall for anarchy to be achieved. A rejection of industrial technology is also prominent in the views of many green anarchists. This worldview was associated with the growth of the anti-roads movement in the UK, Earth First! and the Earth Liberation Front in the US.

Through the 20th century anarchists were actively involved in the labour, animal-rights, radical ecological, feminist movements, and later in the fight against fascism. It should be noted that, in general, the anarchists participating in these movements opposed social hierarchy in general, and their activism came naturally out of this position. The influence of this on anarchist thought is apparent, as most of the traditional anarchist philosophies emphasize the economic implications of anarchism, or arrive at anarchism from economic arguments. Since the mid-1960s, anarchists have been involved in student protest movements, peace movements, squatter movements, and the anti-globalization movement, among others.

Anarchism today

North American anarchism takes a strong influences from the American Civil Rights Movement and the movement against the Vietnam War. European anarchism has developed out of the labour movement, and both have incorporated animal rights and environmental activism from a direct action approach which gave growth to the anti-roads movement, and Reclaim the Streets. Globally, anarchism has been associated with the anti-war, anti-capitalist, and anti-globalization movements. Since the late 1990s, anarchists have been known for their involvement in protests against World Trade Organization and Group of Eight meetings, and the World Economic Forum -- protests that are generally portrayed in mainstream media coverage as violent riots. Some anarchists advocate the formation of black blocs at protests, in which participants of the bloc wear black and cover their faces to avoid police identification and to create one large solid mass. Bloc participants confront the police, set up barricades, and sometimes engage in the destruction of corporate property.

Although black bloc anarchists are often the anarchists high-lighted by the media at large protests, large-scale protests are often constructed and organised through non-hierarchical structures. Affinity groupings, spokescouncils, and networking all have led to the success of various large-scale anti-war and anti-globalization mobilizations, most notably at the protests against the WTO Meeting of 1999 in Seattle. Anarchists have also been involved heavily with underground direct action movements such as the Animal Liberation Front, and the Earth Liberation Front, which are considered "eco-terrorist" by federal authorities and some liberal organizations. Anarchism (or at least non-hierarchical systems of organizing) is now largely seen to have about the same sway in modern revolutionary movements as Marxism had in the 1960's.

However, anarchism is not constrained to political protest. Many anarchists also work with others to build parallel structures and organizations, such as communes, eco-villages, infoshops and radical social centers, Food Not Bombs, radical labor unions, new education methods, and do-it-yourself media in various forms. They also emphasise equality and "horizontal" organizing within the movement, using such tools as consensus decision-making. This is in line with how anarchists interpret the idea of "dual-power", creating the new anti-authoritarian society "in the shell of the old", hierarchical one.

Some have said that recent technological developments have made the anarchist cause both easier to advance and more conceivable to people. Public key cryptography and the Internet have made anonymous digital currencies such as e-gold an alternative to statist fiat money. Many people use cell phones or the Internet to form loose communities that could be said to be organized along anarchist lines. Some of these communities have as their purpose the production of information in a non-commodified or use-value format, a goal made attainable by the availability of personal computing, desktop publishing, and digital media. These things have made it possible for individuals to share music files over the Internet. There are also open source programming communities, who donate their time and offer their product for free. Examples include Usenet, the free software movement (including the GNU/Linux community and the wiki paradigm), and Indymedia.

Most of these modern efforts mentioned above have been undertaken by anarchists who maintain an opposition to social hierarchy in general. For examples of major groupings of anarchist collectives and groups throughout the world, see the list of Anarchist organizations at the end of this article.

Historical and contemporary examples

There are various examples of societies which have been organized by anarchist principles, ranging from the Thing system of classical Iceland to pirate cities.

See Past and present anarchist communities

Anarchist schools of thought

From William Godwin's utilitarian anarchism to Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's mutualism, to Max Stirner's egoism, to Benjamin Tucker's radical individualism, to Peter Kropotkin's anarchist communism, the roots of anarchist thought in modern political philosophy are varied, with many different views of what a society without government should be like. A listing in chronological order of inception follows:

Individualist anarchism

Further information: Individualist anarchism
Benjamin Tucker

Individualist anarchism is a philosophical tradition that opposes collectivism and has a particularly strong emphasis on the supremacy and autonomy of the individual. While individualist anarchists include Europeans such as William Godwin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and Max Stirner, the term is most often used in association with the American tradition of individualist anarchism, which advocates private property (individual ownership of the "full produce" of one's labor) and a competitive market economy where this property and labor may be bought and sold (therefore opposing communism). They espouse a labor theory of value, and, as a result, they regard profit (and hence, capitalism insofar as it allows that) as being exploitative; they believe profit is only made possible by reduced competition due to government regulations on banking and currency issuance, as well as by protection of vacant land. Wage labor is supported as long as wages adhere to the labor theory of value, hence, traditional individualists tend to advocate, and practice, an economic system called mutualism as an alternative to capitalism and communism. Traditional individualists do not oppose the private ownership of capital, with an important exception: Most oppose property titles to unused land since it is not the product of labor and therefore oppose its purchase and sale; however, individuals may possess land by occupation or use and must continue using it to retain title to it. Unused land is not considered to be collective property of the community --is simply unowned and therefore no permission is needed from the community to put it to private use and no compensation is due to them. Individualism contrasts with collectivist forms of anarchism (anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism), and the relationships between these groups of been characterized by varying degrees of antagonism and harmony throughout their history. As a testament to the liberal character of American individualist anarchism, the most famous individualist, Benjamin Tucker, refers to his philosophy as "unterrified Jeffersonianism." To protect individual liberty and private property, individualists tend to advocate "private police" and private courts.

Notable figures that assist in comprising the American tradition include Josiah Warren, Benjamin Tucker, Lysander Spooner, and Ezra Heywood. Many also consider Henry David Thoreau as an individualist anarchist due to his position that individuals should not be governed and his belief that all should be free to withdraw themselves from "any incorporated body." Noteworthy anarchist writer and poet John Henry Mackay is also considered an individualist anarchist. Contemporary individualist anarchists include Robert Anton Wilson, James J. Martin, Joe Peacott, Kevin Carson, Keith Preston, and Larry Gambone. Wendy McElroy, an anarcho-capitalist, also labels herself an individualist anarchist, albeit not a classical one. Italian anarcho-capitalist Guglielmo Piombini also regards his philosophy as individualist anarchism.

Anarcho-communism

Further information: Anarcho-communism

Anarcho-communism shares many things in common with anarcho-syndicalism but generally rejects private property in favor of collectivizing the means of production and products of labor. The Florence Conference of the Federation of the International, formulated by Carlo Cafiero, Errico Malatesta, Andrea Costa and other ex-Mazzinian Republicans, in laying out the principles of anarcho-communism states: "Italian Federation of the International considers the collective property of the products of labour as the necessary complement to the collectivist programme..." Cafiero notes, in Anarchie et Communisme, that private property in the product of labor will lead to unequal accumulation of capital, and therefore undesirable class distinctions. Anarcho-communism developed as a rejection of the individualist anarchism of Proudhon; Joseph Dejacque wrote to Proudhon criticizing him for his support of private ownership of the product of labor and a market economy: "it is not the product of his or her labor that the worker has a right to, but to the satisfaction of his or her needs, whatever may be their nature." Anarcho-communists advocate an egalitarian society without markets or wages, and instead, propose collectives based on direct worker control, gift economies, self-management over community institutions, and mutual aid based upon the idea of "from each according to their ability, to each according to need." Anarcho-communists also propose large- and small-scale connections of communities, groups, and workplaces through federations and networks created by free association and popular affinity. Anarcho-communists want direct worker control over production, and have decisions made through workers councils and assemblies. Communities would be organized through systems of direct democracy, and through various organizations and collectives to carry out various tasks.

Peter Kropotkin, Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, and most recently, groups like NEFAC (North Eastern Federation of Anarcho-Communists), have advocated various forms of anarcho-communism. Joseph Dietzgen and Guy Aldred tried to overcome the differences between Marxism and anarchism. Historically, anarcho-communism is believed to have been put into practice by millions of people in the anarchist collectives and communes of the anarchist-controlled region of Ukraine during the Russian Revolution, and during the Spanish Civil War in the Aragon and Catalonia regions of Spain.

Anarcho-communists are split generally on the Platform, or the "Organizational Platform of Libertarian Communists", written by Ukrainian anarchist militant, Nestor Makhno. The Platform calls for anarchist organisations based on "Theoretical Unity, Tactical Unity, Collective Action and Discipline, and Federalism", and has been accepted by some anarchists and scorned by others.

Anarcho-communists today are involved in various broad labor and community issues; generally revolving around housing, labor struggles/strikes, anti-racism, and building the anarchist movement. Anarcho-communists have generally called for more cohesive groups and structures of anarchist groups and thereby garnered criticism from other anarchist sects. Various large-scale groups of anarcho-communists exist today with the larger groups existing throughout various countries.

Traditional American individualist anarchists, have denied that anarcho-communism is a form of anarchism. Benjamin Tucker has referred to it as "pseudo-anarchism."

Anarcho-syndicalism

Further information: Anarcho-syndicalism
File:Blkred flag.png
The red-and-black flag, coming from the experience of anarchists in the labour movement, is particularly associated with anarcho-syndicalism.

Anarcho-syndicalism is the anarchist wing of the labor union movement. Its primary aim is the end of the wage system and the abolition of private property, both of which are believed to lead to class divisions. It is not so much a separate "school of thought" within anarchism as it is a particular focus within the wider anarchist movement (on industrial action and anarchist unionism). It is generally regarded as being compatible with all other forms of anti-capitalist anarchism. Anarcho-syndicalism functions on principles of workers solidarity, direct action, and self-management.

Workers solidarity is the belief that all workers -- no matter what race, gender, or ethnic group -- are in a similar situation vis-à-vis their bosses. Furthermore, within capitalism, any gains or losses made by some workers in their relation to bosses will eventually impact all workers. Therefore, in order to gain liberation, all workers must support one another in their struggle against bosses.

Anarcho-syndicalists only believe in direct action — that is, action directly designed to confront a problem. Direct action can range from traditional strike action to active sabotage.

Furthermore, anarcho-syndicalists believe that workers' organizations — the organizations struggling against the wage system who, in anarcho-syndicalist theory, will eventually form the basis of a new society – should be self-managing. They should not have bosses or "business agents"; rather, the workers should be able to make decisions that affect them amongst themselves.

The International Workers Association is an international anarcho-syndicalist federation of various labor unions from different countries. The Industrial Workers of the World, a once-powerful, still active, and again growing labor union, is considered a leading organ of the anarcho-syndicalist program in the United States. The Spanish Confederación Nacional del Trabajo played a major role in the Spanish Civil War, and today it is the third biggest union in Spain. Other major anarcho-syndicalist organizations include the Workers Solidarity Alliance, and the Solidarity Federation in the UK.

Anarcho-communist critics of anarcho-syndicalism oppose the strategy of unions, believing them to feed into the concept of capitalism and because they are hierarchically organized. Also, some contend that its focus on proletarian class struggle overlooks the needs of segments of society such as parents or others occupied with child-rearing or domestic labor, although some anarcho-syndicalist thought attempts to address other sectors of economic life. Post-left anarchist thinkers, notably Bob Black, contend that an anarcho-syndicalist revolution would leave in place social systems they find oppressive (work and workplaces, for example), although anarcho-syndicalists contend that worker self-management would render those systems fundamentally more humane. At issue also is the willingness of various anarcho-syndicalists groups to collaborate with government in their activities.

Some, generally primitivsts, hold that anarcho-syndicalism is not a form of anarchism and attack it as a purely workerist ideology. For example, Feral Faun argues in "The Bourgeois Roots of Anarcho-Syndicalism" that anarcho-syndicalism is actually a non-anarchist form of liberalism that, by default, supports capitalism.

Anarcho-capitalism

Further information: Anarcho-capitalism

Anarcho-capitalism envisions a stateless society where private ownership of the means of production is supported, and economic decisions are made privately through the operation of a free market. Like most modern economists, anarcho-capitalists espouse a subjective theory of value rather than a labor theory of value; therefore, they have no opposition to profit. Anarcho-capitalism is an anti-state form of liberalism derived from 19th century American individualist anarchism, abolitionism, and classical economics. Anarcho-capitalists, like all other anarchists, oppose traditional capitalism, state capitalism, and mercantilism.

Much of the credit for the foundations of anarcho-capitalist theory goes to Murray Rothbard who formally synthesized classical liberalism with Austrian economics. Other important anarcho-capitalists include David Friedman, Jan Narveson, Hans-Hermann Hoppe, and Lew Rockwell. Some minarchists, such as Ayn Rand, Robert Nozick, and Robert Heinlein, have also contributed to the theory and popularity of anarcho-capitalism.

Anarchists who oppose private ownership of capital tend to deny that anarcho-capitalism is a form of anarchism, arguing that hierarchical institutions are inevitable in any capitalist system. On the other hand, there are contemporary American individualist anarchists that do regard it as a form of anarchism. Moreoever, anarcho-capitalists Wendy McElroy and Guglielmo Piombini regard their philosophy as "individualist anarchism." Anarcho-capitalism is compared and contrasted with classical individualist anarchism in the article Individualist anarchism and anarcho-capitalism.


See also Leo Tolstoy.

Issue and Movement Anarchisms

The philosophical schools above are often combines with pressing issues, such as environmentalism or feminism. Also, popular authors will sometimes coin a term to describe new interpretations (e.g. post-left anarchism and small-A anarchism) or combine anarchism with other special interests (e.g. crypto-anarchism and spiritual anarchism.) Some of these are outlined below.

Black anarchism

Further information: Black anarchism

Black anarchism opposes the existence of a state and subjugation and domination of people of color, and favors a non-hierarchical organization of society. Black anarchists seeks to abolish white supremacy, capitalism, and the state. Theorists include Ashanti Alston, Lorenzo Komboa Ervin, and Sam Mbah.

Ecological anarchism

Further information: Green anarchism

Ecological anarchism (also known as eco-anarchism or green anarchism) generally is a belief in deep ecology, direct action against earth destroying institutions and systems, and generally a critique of industrial capitalism, although generally not against civilization per se.

There is a significant anarchist element to the environmental movement, including those that are known as eco-anarchists and green-anarchists. Eco-anarchism is generally a broad term that broadly refers to anarchists engaged in the earth liberation movement. The largest segment of 'eco-anarchists' is the Earth First! movement, a network of various collectives formed along anarchist principles. Earth First! generally engages in direct action and eco-defense, such as tree sitting and 'locking down'. In the modern anarchist movement, eco-anarchists generally adhere to deep ecology, which is a worldview that embraces biodiversity and sustainability. Eco-feminism is also sometimes considered the form of eco-anarchist feminism.

Anarcho-primitivism

Further information: Anarcho-primitivism

Anarcho-primitivism is an anarchist critique of industrial civilization, and of the alienation that technology, progress, etc., have created between people and the natural world. Primitivists generally associate oppressive structures of hierarchy with the rise of agriculture, specialization of tasks or division of labor, the production of surplus and the first city-states. Anarcho-primitivists point to the anti-authoritarian nature of many 'primitive' or hunter-gatherer societies throughout the world's history, as examples of anarchist societies, but do not generally make them a "blueprint" for the future.

The primitivist tendency has connections to environmental movements such as Earth First! and the Earth Liberation Front. Writers often associated with the current are Fredy Perlman, John Zerzan and John Moore. Theodore Kaczynski (the Unabomber) and Derrick Jensen are well known primitivists whose ideas are associated with this school by some, and vigourously rejected by others.

Some assert that anarcho-primitivism is not a form of anarchism. For example, Brian Oliver Sheppard, in Anarchism Vs. Primitivism, says: "In recent decades, groups of quasi-religious mystics have begun equating the primitivism they advocate (rejection of science, rationality, and technology often lumped together under a blanket term "technology") with anarchism. In reality, the two have nothing to do with each other."

Anarcha-feminism

File:Goldman-4.jpg
Emma Goldman (1869-1940), an early inspiration for anarcha-feminism
Further information: Anarcha-feminism

Anarcha-feminism is a kind of radical feminism that espouses the belief that patriarchy is a fundamental problem in some societies. Feminist anarchism, or anarcha-feminism (a term allegedly created during the 1960s' second-wave feminism), views patriarchy as the first manifestation of hierarchy in human history; thus, the first form of oppression occurred in the dominance of male over female. Anarcha-feminists then conclude that if feminists are against patriarchy, they must also be against all forms of hierarchy, and therefore must reject the authoritarian nature of the state and capitalism.

Anarcho-primitivists see the creation of gender roles and patriarchy a creation of the start of civilization, and therefore consider primitivism to also be an anarchist school of thought that addresses feminist concerns. Eco-feminism is often considered a feminist variant of green anarchist feminist thought.

Anarcha-feminism was inspired early 20th-century authors and theorists such as Emma Goldman and Voltairine de Cleyre, although even early first-wave feminist Mary Wollstonecraft held proto-anarchist views. In the Spanish Civil War, an anarchist feminist group, Mujeres Libres ("Free Women"), organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas.

In the modern day anarchist movement, many anarchists, male or female, consider themselves feminists, and anarcha-feminist ideas are growing. The publishing of Quiet Rumors, an anarcha-feminist reader, has helped to spread various kinds of anti-authoritarian and anarchist feminist ideas to the broader movement.

Christian anarchism

Leo Tolstoy
Further information: Christian anarchism

Christian anarchism is the belief that there is only one source of authority to which Christians are ultimately answerable, the authority of God as embodied in the teachings of Jesus. Christian anarchists therefore feel that earthly authority such as government, or indeed the established church do not and should not have power over them. Christian anarchists are pacifists and oppose the use of all physical force, both proactive and reactive. Christian anarchists advocate nonviolent tax resistance to oppose war, state aggression and imperialism. Many Christian anarchists oppose profiting from economic transactions and state capitalism.

Christian anarchists believe that freedom from earthly authority will only be guided by the grace of God if individuals display compassion for others and turn the other cheek when confronted by violence. Its adherents believe this quest for freedom is justified spiritually and quote the teachings of Jesus, some of whom are critical of the existing establishment and church. They believe all individuals can directly communicate with God and will eventually unify in peace under this one God.

The most famous advocate of Christian anarchism was Leo Tolstoy, author of The Kingdom of God is Within You, who called for a society based on compassion, nonviolent principles and freedom.

Insurrectionary anarchism

Insurrectionary anarchism is critical of formal anarchist labor unions and federations. Instead, insurrectionary anarchists advocate informal organization, including small affinity groups, carrying out acts of resistance in various struggles, and mass organizations called base structures, which can include exploited individuals who are not anarchists. Here, Wolfi Landstreicher writes some of the basis points of its praxis.

Insurrectionary anarchism is not an ideological solution to all social problems, a commodity on the capitalist market of ideologies and opinions, but an on-going praxis aimed at putting an end to the domination of the state and the continuance of capitalism, which requires analysis and discussion to advance. We don’t look to some ideal society or offer an image of utopia for public consumption. Throughout history, most anarchists, except those who believed that society would evolve to the point that it would leave the state behind, have been insurrectionary anarchists. Most simply, this means that the state will not merely wither away, thus anarchists must attack, for waiting is defeat; what is needed is open mutiny and the spreading of subversion among the exploited and excluded. Here we spell out some implications that we and some other insurrectionary anarchists draw from this general problem: if the state will not disappear on its own, how then do we end its existence? It is, therefore, primarily a practice, and focuses on the organization of attack...The State of capital will not “wither away,” attack is the refusal of mediation, pacification, sacrifice, accommodation, and compromise.

Alfredo M. Bonanno, an Italian insurrectionary anarchist also had a great impact on this specific tendency, writing such works as "Armed Joy," "The Anarchist Tension," and others. In the US, Willful Disobedience, Killing King Abacus, and other magazines caused interest in insurrectionary anarchism to grow. Although insurrectionary anarchists are generally interested in class struggle anarchism, in the US, many insurrectionary anarchists consider themselves to be primitivists, or green anarchists, as well.

Post-anarchism

Further information: Post-anarchism

The term post-anarchism was originated by Saul Newman in his book "From Bakunin to Lacan: Antiauthoritarianism and the Dislocation of Power" to refer to a theoretical move towards a synthesis of classical anarchist theory and poststructuralist thought. In this sense it has similarities with post-Marxism associated with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffee. Subsequent to Newman's use of the term, however, it has taken on a life of its own and a wide range of ideas including autonomism, post-left anarchy, situationism, post-colonialism and Zapatismo have been suggested for inclusion under the rubric. Others have argued that the term "poststructuralist anarchism" is preferable in order to maintain an unbroken link with the anarchist heritage.

By its very nature post-anarchism rejects the idea that it should be a coherent set of doctrines and beliefs. As such it is difficult, if not impossible, to state with any degree of certainty who should or shouldn't be grouped under the rubric. Nonetheless key thinkers associated with post-anarchism include Saul Newman, Todd May, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari.

The Postanarchism Clearinghouse is probably the best place to start for anyone wanting to find out more.

Post-left anarchy

Further information: Post-left anarchy

Post-left anarchy (anarchy often used instead of "anarchism" to avoid the connotations of doctrine that the -ism suffix brings) is a more recent current in anarchist thought that seeks to distance itself from the traditional "left" - communists, liberals, social democrats, etc. - and to escape the confines of ideology in general. It has rapidly developed since the fall of the Soviet Union, which many view as the death of authoritarian leftism. It is not an independent "movement" as such but rather a critical way of thinking about anarchist ideas.

Post-leftists argue that anarchism has been weakened by its long attachment to contrary "leftist" movements and single issue causes (anti-war, anti-nuclear, etc.). It calls for a synthesis of anarchist thought and a specifically anti-authoritarian revolutionary movement outside of the leftist milieu. It often focuses on the individual rather than speaking in terms of class or other broad generalizations and shuns organizational tendencies. Total individual liberation is a key focus, rather than merely economic liberation.

Important groups and individuals associated with Post-left anarchy include: CrimethInc, the magazine Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed and its editor Jason McQuinn, Bob Black, and others. For more information, see Infoshop.org's Anarchy After Leftism section, and the Post-left section on anarchism.ws.

Small 'a' anarchism

The term "small 'a' anarchism" has been used in two different, but not unconnected contexts.

Dave Neal posited the term in opposition to big 'A' Anarchism in the article Anarchism: Ideology or Methodology?. While big 'A' Anarchism referred to ideological Anarchists, small 'a' anarchism was applied to their methodological counterparts; those who viewed anarchism as "a way of acting, or a historical tendency against illegitimate authority." As an anti-ideological position, small 'a' anarchism shares some similarities with post-left anarchy, while Neal's insistence that it entails a rejection of the idea that there can be an "ultimate Truth" recalls the poststructuralist turns of post-anarchism (see above).

David Graeber and Andrej Grubacic offer an alternative use of the term, applying it to groups and movements organising according to or acting in a manner consistent with anarchist principles of decentralisation, voluntary association, mutual aid, the network model, and crucially, "the rejection of any idea that the end justifies the means, let alone that the business of a revolutionary is to seize state power and then begin imposing one's vision at the point of a gun." Graeber and Grubacic do not offer a comprehensive list of groups within this rubric, but suggest that it includes the likes of autonomism, Zapatismo and radical democracy. It should be stressed that many of these groups do not describe themselves as "anarchist", perhaps deliberately, and are grouped instead on the basis of what they do, implying that the criteria for inclusion are similar to those articulated by Neal.

It is unclear how far the term has been picked up by the wider anarchist movement, but it does help to clarify and begin to explain some of the conflicts and disagreements within contemporary anarchism.

Crypto-anarchism

Further information: Crypto-anarchism

Crypto-anarchism is a philosophy that expounds the use of strong public key cryptography to enforce privacy and therefore individual freedom. Crypto-anarchists aim to create virtual communities where everyone is absolutely anonymous or pseudonymous.

Technological anarchism

Some anarchists see information technology as the way to replace hierarchy, defeat monopoly, and prevent war, and support culture jamming in particular as a way to do so. Some writers — particularly Iain M. Banks, who has written quite extensively in the science fiction genre about The Culture, a futuristic society which has disposed of government — have theorised that anarchism would be inevitable with the technological advances that would make travelling and living in space plausible . The Electro-anarchy Collective poses a similar theory that technological power will naturally overthrow human government (although some question their anarchist credentials, claiming that technological governance is no less oppressive than human governance).

It has also been argued that the free software movement is an example of anarchic organization, this being an example not of hierarchical business, but of voluntary association for the production of a good.

See also Crypto-anarchism and Cypherpunk.

Utopian anarchism

Further information: Utopian anarchism

A Utopian anarchist believes, primarily, that nothing is static, everything is relative, and constantly affecting everything else. However, purpose is important, as is progress of purpose, and progress towards fulfillment of purpose. A Utopian anarchist is always thinking of the end desire, and makes decisions through life keeping this context in mind.

Much stress is put upon developing education and evolution. Through free association, a complex web of desires and goals will be strived for, each influencing and perhaps assisting one another in our paths.

The system strives for perfection, through unified diversity. Any static system will have flaws, and flaws fester. If one brushes one's teeth the same way every day, what happens to the missed spot?

Some critics perceive a lack of safety in the absence of enforced moral judgment. One Utopian anarchist response would be to consider this an issue with ego and desire for personal power and appreciation.

Spiritual Anarchism

Spiritual Anarchism, or Divine Anarchy, was originally expressed by the political revolutionary, poet and yogi Sri Aurobindo during the First World War in a series of articles published in the Arya, and later made available in two books, The Human Cycle and The Ideal of Human Unity. The exaggerations of both individualistic and communistic streams of anarchist thought are harmonized by going beyond the vital and intellectual foundations of most other schools of anarchism and rooting itself firmly in the spiritual realization and dynamic perfection of the individual and universal godhead in the race.

A spiritual anarchist holds that a perfect form of social organization can only be achieved by governing our individual and collective life by a higher light than the intellectual reason, a deeper law of solidarity and oneness than emotional or mental bonds of association.

It is a spiritual, an inner freedom that can alone create a perfect human order. It is a spiritual, a greater than the rational enlightenment that can alone illumine the vital nature of man and impose harmony on its self-seekings, antagonisms and discords. A deeper brotherhood, a yet unfound law of love is the only sure foundation possible for a perfect social evolution, no other can replace it. But this brotherhood and love will not proceed by the vital instincts or the reason where they can be met, baffled or deflected by opposite reasonings and other discordant instincts. Nor will it found itself in the natural heart of man where there are plenty of other passions to combat it. It is in the soul that it must find its roots; the love which is founded upon a deeper truth of our being, the brotherhood or, let us say,—for this is another feeling than any vital or mental sense of brotherhood, a calmer more durable motive-force,—the spiritual comradeship which is the expression of an inner realisation of oneness. For so only can egoism disappear and the true individualism of the unique godhead in each man found itself on the true communism of the equal godhead in the race; for the Spirit, the inmost Self, the universal Godhead in every being is that whose very nature of diverse oneness it is to realise the perfection of its individual life and nature in the existence of all, in the universal life and nature. —Sri Aurobindo, The Human Cycle

Conceptions of an anarchist society

Main article: Anarchism and Society

Many political philosophers justify support of the state as a means of regulating violence, so that the destruction caused by human conflict is minimized and fair relationships are established. Anarchists argue that pursuit of these ends does not justify the establishment of a state, and in fact many argue that the state is incompatible with those goals. Anarchists argue that the state helps to create a monopoly on violence, and uses force and violence to expand and protect elite interests. Much effort has been dedicated to explaining how anarchist societies would handle criminality.

Conflicts within anarchist thought

Private property vs. Collective ownership

The anarcho-communists and anarcho-syndicalists advocate the elimination of private property, while the individualist anarchists support it as being essential to liberty. Individualist anarchists support private ownership of the produce of labor, including any resulting means of production. Since unused land is not the produce of labor, most classical individualists anarchists, such as Benjamin Tucker, oppose its ownership, but also oppose collective ownership of land. Tucker believes the concept to be incoherent and incompatible with anarchism: "That there is an entity known as the community which is the rightful owner of all land, Anarchists deny. I . . . maintain that the community is a non-entity, that it has no existence, and is simply a combination of individuals having no prerogatives beyond those of the individuals themselves. As they reject the notion of the community owning all land collectively, they assert that no permission is needed from the community to put it to private use and no compensation is due to them. The results of cultivating land are considered to be private property as it is the result of labor.

Tolerance vs. Expansionism

Since there are many different anarchist standpoints, there are vastly different and often opposing ideas about: what constitutes aggression, what is valid property, and what forms and conventions societies should adopt. As a result, there is difference of opinion within each school about how to react to, or interact with, those with opposing ideologies. E.g. How should an anarcho-socialist commune react to an anarcho-capitalist firm next door? (And vice-versa.)

The tolerant attitude is to live with it - let reality be the judge. One should not use force to promote your program. Those who take this panarchist approach to 'foreign policy' generally predict that, since their system is better, it will attract more people in the long run. Benjamin Tucker is a good example of this tolerant approach.

The intolerant (evangelical or expansionist may be more descriptive) attitude considers the other system aggressive and/or authoritarian by its very nature. Thus it is permissible, perhaps even a moral imperative, to use force against the perceived criminals. This attitude occurs among anarcho-capitalists, particularly those who cannot conceive of an anti-statist form of socialism. Indeed, "socialism" in colloquial speech is generally understood as "statist socialism." This attitude also occurs among anarcho-socialists, particularly those who cannot conceive of an anti-statist form of propertarianism. Indeed, conventional socialist theory deems capitalism as necessarily authoritarian and exploitative.

Violence vs. Non-violence

Anarchists have often been portrayed as dangerous and violent, due mainly to a number of high-profile violent acts including riots, assassinations, and insurrections involving anarchists. The use of terrorism and assassination, however, is condemned by most anarchist ideology, though there remains no consensus on the legitimacy or utility of violence.

Some anarchists share Leo Tolstoy's Christian anarchist belief in nonviolence. These anarcho-pacifists advocate nonviolent resistance as the only method of achieving a truly anarchist revolution. They often see violence as the basis of government and coercion and argue that, as such, violence is illegitimate, no matter who is the target. Some of Proudhon's French followers even saw strike action as coercive and refused to take part in such traditional socialist tactics.

Mikhail Bakunin and Errico Malatesta saw violence as a necessary and sometimes desirable force. Malatesta took the view that it is "necessary to destroy with violence, since one cannot do otherwise, the violence which denies to the workers" (Umanità Nova, number 125, September 6, 1921).

Between 1894 and 1901, individual anarchists assassinated numerous heads of state. Such "propaganda of the deed" was not universally accepted among anarchists, and many in the movement condemned the tactic. For example, McKinley's assassin, Leon Czolgosz, claimed to be a disciple of Emma Goldman, but she disavowed any association with him. At the same time, Alexander Berkman, who was a close associate of Goldman's, went to prison for his attempted assassination of Carnegie Steel executive Henry Clay Frick as a reprisal for the company's heavy handed treatment of labor. Anarchists disagreed not only on whether such "attentats" -- as Berkman termed them -- were justified, but over the precise circumstances that legitimized them. Berkman and Goldman both condemned the McKinley assassination because it would cause repression and would neither be understood nor help the cause. Depictions in the press and popular fiction helped create a lasting public impression that anarchists are violent terrorists. This perception was enhanced by events such as the Haymarket Riot, where anarchists were blamed for throwing a bomb at police who came to break up a public meeting in Chicago, Illinois. Nihilism was a terroristic movement in early 19th century Tsarist Russia which, although largely bereft of political philiosophy did have connections with more "overground" oppositional movements including anarchism. In fact Sergey Nechayev was a compatriot of Bakunin whom later distanced himself from the Nihilists after the well-publicised murder of one of Nechayev's student followers.

Some anarchists distinguish between "violence" and "property destruction": they claim that violence is when a person inflicts harm to another person, while property destruction or property damage is not violence, although it can have indirect harm such as financial harm.

The Summer of Love and Sixties radicalism brought issues of violence and non-violence to the fore again. At the end of that decade new, more militant armed struggle groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society, Weathermen, Movement 2 June and the Red Army Faction conducted campaign with varying levels of violence. While some anarchists supported such groups regardless of their authoritarian politics, other anarchists and commentators see modern urban guerillas as closer to Marxist-Leninism, Maoism and the New Left than to recent modern current of anarchism.

Pacifism vs. War

Some anarchists consider pacifism (anti-war) to be inherent in their philosophy. Some anarchists take it further and follow Leo Tolstoy's belief in non-violence (note, however, that these anarcho-pacifists are not necessarily Christian anarchists as Tolstoy was), advocating non-violent resistance as the only method of achieving a truly anarchist revolution.

Anarchist literature often portrays war as an activity in which the state seeks to gain and consolidate power, both domestically and in foreign lands. Many anarchists subscribe to Randolph Bourne's view that "war is the health of the state". Anarchists believe that if they were to support a war they would be strengthening the state — indeed, Peter Kropotkin was alienated from other anarchists when he expressed support for the British in World War I.

Just as they are critical and distrustful of most government endeavours, anarchists often view the stated reasons for war with a cynical eye. Since the protests against the Vietnam War in North America and, most recently, the protests against the invasion of Iraq, much anarchist activity has been anti-war based.

Many anarchists in the current movement however, reject complete pacifism, (although groups like Earth First!, and Food Not Bombs are based on principles of non-violence), and instead are in favor of self-defense, and sometimes violence against oppressive and authoritarian forces which they in fact also consider as defensive violence. Most anarchists are skeptical however of winning a direct armed conflict with the state, and many instead concern themselves mostly with organizing. Most anarchists however, do not consider the destruction of property to be violent, as do some other activists who believe in non-violence.

Parliamentarianism

While most anarchists firmly oppose voting, or otherwise participating in the State institution, there are a few that disagree. Even the most vocal anarchists (e.g. Proudhon) have at times succumbed to the temptation of electoral politics, and more often than not regretted it. Voluntaryism is a anarchist school of thought which emphasizes "tending your own garden" and "neither ballots nor bullets." The anarchist case against voting is explained in The Abstention is not Apathy by Alvin Lowi, Jr.

Criticism

See also Criticisms of socialism for a general critique of socialism, some of which may apply to anarchism. Criticisms specific to each school of anarchist thought can be found under their corresponding articles.

Self-Defense

One criticism of anarchism claims that the lack of a state (in particular, police and military forces) would leave the community defenseless against organised violence. Many anarchists believe in a distinction between interpersonal violence and state violence. They see interpersonal violence as a creation of class society and patriarchy, effectively producing people predisposed to violence. State violence is viewed by all anarchists as the result of power structures and the nature of the state. Briefly, anarchists believe that the establishment of anarchy will preclude most individual and social violence. Anarchists also point to examples of autonomous and anarchist societies in which the self-management of society has led to a reduction in crime; for example, Zapatista communities, the Spanish Revolution, and various IWW-led uprisings and strikes that have caused short-term near-anarchic situations.

Most anarchists perceive the need for some kind of organised communal self-defence, in the context of a world with continuing states and other repressive institutions. For many, this would take the form of an armed voluntary militia undifferentiated from the community at large, and organised on a fundamentally collective basis. Additionally, most anarchists perceive the need for social systems of mediation and arbitration to resolve disputes in a voluntary manner, replacing the judicial functions of courts. However, individualist anarchists tend to advocate "private police" and private courts to protect individual liberty and private property.

Critics, however, express doubts concerning the effectiveness of a voluntary militia against a ruthless modern military using weapons of mass destruction and hierarchical structure. Critics also argue that historical examples, like the Spanish Civil War, do not support the theory that anarchist communities can defend themselves. Some anarchists argue that examples like the Spanish Civil War actually support their contention that even communities who face vastly superior forces and are poorly supplied can hold out when they believe they are fighting for a just cause.

Production

Main article: Anarchist economics

Some critics of Anarchism claim that modern economic production in a stateless society is impossible. This critique assumes that economic order can only result from State central planning or capitalist market forces. Social, democratic or other emergent structures of production are seen as impossible within this critique.

In a stateless society where one community has no formal relationship with another, as some anarchists envision, production would be localized, eliminating the benefits of Economies of Scale and regional specialization. Some anarchists see a positive social value in communities producing the majority of their own needs, this would mean socially chosen losses in economic efficiency. Other anarchists oppose the transportation of goods for environmental reasons, the mass production of goods for cultural or environmental reasons, or industrial production for ethical and environmental reasons. However, many anarchists support the socialisation of industrial production, and see no contradiction between producing for economies of scale and community interests.

Though anarchists are against a centrally controlled or coordinated economic system, most do believe that some sort of system (or multiple co-existing systems) must replace the current, capitalist system, either with a gift economy, a time-based currency, or other, theoretical exchange/production paradigms. Bob Black proposed that anarchy would allow for "the abolition of work".

See also

Historical events

Books

Concepts

Main article: List of anarchist concepts

Anarchist organizations

Main article: List of anarchist organizations

While all of these organizations have anarchists as members, many are inclusive beyond anarchist and include anti-authoritarians and greens.

Anarchism by region/culture

External links

Opposing Views

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