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During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, in an act of genocidal rape, hundreds of thousands of women were raped by members of the Pakistani military and the militias supporting them. Scholars and authors have discussed that systematic rape was used by the perpetrators to terrorise the Bengalis and Hindus, who were looked upon as inferior. The rapes resulted in thousands of pregnancies, abortions, war babies, infanticides, suicides and social ostracisation of the victims. The atrocities, recognised as one of the major incidents of rape during wartime, ended after the Pakistani army was defeated due to the intervention of the Indian armed forces.
Although India had been reluctant to officially invoke the protection of civilians as a reason for its military intervention, it is widely seen as a humanitarian move. Despite the Pakistani government's attempts to censor reports during the conflict, news of atrocities came out, and caught international media and public attention. A 2009 report published by the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee of Bangladesh identified 1,597 people as having helped carry out the atrocities including rapes, and a commission was established to prosecute those accused. Since 2010 the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) has indicted, tried and sentenced several people to life imprisonment or death for their actions during the conflict.
Rape and other atrocities were also carried out by the Mukti Bahini ("Liberation Army"), who targeted the Bihari ethnic group who had given assistance to the Pakistani forces. There are several films, documentaries and books which recount the stories of the rape victims during the conflict.
Background
The Bengali people were the demographic majority in Pakistan after the Partition of India, making up an estimated 75 million in East Pakistan, compared with West Pakistan's population of 55 million. The majority in the East were Muslims, with a large Hindu minority, as well as Buddhist and Christian communities. The people of the East were looked upon as second-class citizens by the West, and Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, who served as head of the Pakistani Forces in East Pakistan in 1971, referred to the region as a "low-lying land of low, lying people".
In 1948, a few months after the creation of Pakistan, Governor-General Mohammad Ali Jinnah declared Urdu as the national language of the newly formed state, although only 4 per cent of Pakistan's population spoke Urdu at that time. He branded those who supported the use of Bengali as communists, traitors and enemies of the state. The refusal by successive governments to recognise Bengali as the second national language led to the formation of the Bengali language movement and strengthened support for the newly formed Awami League which was founded in the East as an alternative to the ruling Muslim League. A protest in Dhaka, the capital of East Pakistan, in 1952 was forcibly broken up, resulting in the deaths of several protesters. Bengali nationalists viewed those who had died as martyrs for their cause, and the violence led to calls for secession. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 caused further grievances, as the military had assigned no extra units to the defence of the East. This was a matter of concern to the Bengalis who saw their nation undefended in case of Indian attack during the conflict of 1965, and that Ayub Khan, the dictator ruler of Pakistan, was willing to lose the East if it meant gaining Kashmir.
In December 1970, the East Pakistan-based Awami League, headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a national majority in the first democratic general election since the creation of Pakistan. The West Pakistani establishment prevented them from forming a government. Former president Yahya Khan banned the Awami League and declared martial law.
On 25 March 1971, the Pakistan Army launched Operation Searchlight to maintain the rule of the West Pakistan-dominated military over East Pakistan and to curb a nascent Bengali nationalism. According to Eric Heinze the Pakistani forces attempted to exterminate the local Hindu population and indiscriminately killed Bengali civilians. In the resultant civil conflict the Pakistan Army employed systematic violence against civilians, resulting in the deaths of up to 3 million, and creating up to 10 million refuges who fled to India, and displacing a further 30 million. Historian Ian Talbot has compared the methodical planning behind the genocide with the Nazi Holocaust.
Pakistani Army actions
The attacks were led by General Tikka Khan, who was the architect of Operation Searchlight and was given the name the "butcher of Bengal" by the Bengalis for his actions. Khan said—when reminded on 27 March 1971 that he was in charge of a majority province—"I will reduce this majority to a minority".
The perpetrators conducted nighttime raids, assaulting women in their villages, often in front of their families, to "punish" and terrorise. Girls and women were also kidnapped and held in special camps where they were repeatedly raped and gang-raped. Many of those held in the camps were murdered or committed suicide. Time magazine reported on 563 girls who had been kidnapped and held in military brothels; all of them were between three and five months pregnant when the military began to release them. While the Pakistani government estimated the number of rapes in the hundreds, other estimates range between 200,000 and 400,000. The Pakistani government had tried to censor reports coming out of the region, but media reports on the atrocities did reach the public worldwide, and gave rise to widespread international public support for the liberation movement.
Rounaq Jahan alleges elements of racism in the Pakistan army, who he says considered the Bengalis "racially inferior—a non-martial and physically weak race". According to political scientist R J Rummel, the Pakistani army looked upon the Bengalis as "subhuman" and that the Hindus were "as Jews to the Nazis, scum and vermin that best be exterminated". Jahan has accused the army of using organised rape as a weapon of war. In what has been described by Jenneke Arens as a deliberate attempt to destroy an ethnic group, many of those assaulted were raped, murdered and then bayonetted in the genitalia. Political scientist Adam Jones has said that one of the reasons for the mass rapes was to undermine Bengali society through the "dishonoring" of Bengali women and that some women were raped until they died or were killed following repeated attacks. The Pakistani army also raped Bengali males, to erode their masculinity and categorise them as homosexual. The army would stop men at checkpoints to see if they were circumcised, and this is where the rapes usually happened.
Militias
According to political scientist Peter Tomsen, Pakistan's secret service, in conjunction with the political party Jamaat-e-Islami, formed militias such as Al-Badr ("the moon") and the Al-Shams ("the sun") to conduct operations against the nationalist movement. Local collaborators known as Razakars also took part in the atrocities. The term has since become a pejorative akin to the western term "Judas". These militias targeted noncombatants and committed rapes as well as other crimes.
Members of the Muslim league such as Nizam-e-Islam, Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema Pakistan, who had lost the election, collaborated with the military and acted as an intelligence organisation for them. Jamaat-e-Islami members and some of its leaders collaborated with the Pakistani forces in rapes and targeted killings.
Mukti Bahini actions
The Mukti Bahini rebels targeted the minority Biharis (also called stranded Pakistanis) who had given support to the West Pakistan regime. Bihari women were raped and tortured during the war and in its aftermath by Bengali males. The killing of 300 Biharis in Chittagong was used by the Pakistani government as a justification to launch their crackdown on the Bengali nationalist movement. Pakistani General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi wrote in his memoirs that thousands of men and women had been killed or raped in Chittagong.
International reaction
There is an academic consensus that the events of the nine-month conflict were a genocide. The atrocities in East Pakistan were the first instances of war rape to attract international media attention, and Sally J. Scholz has written that this was the first genocide to capture the interest of the mass media. In an interview in 1972 Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi justified the use of military intervention, saying, "Shall we sit and watch their women get raped?"
The atrocities by Al-Badr and the Al-Shams garnered worldwide attention from news agencies; accounts of massacres and rapes were widely reported. The Nixon administration of US aligned with (West) Pakistan as part of its military strategy against communist expansion into the region, but American public support for the people of Bangladesh (East Pakistan) was increased by televised reports from the region.
Owing to the scale of the atrocities, US embassy staff had sent telegrams indicating that a genocide was occurring. One, which became known as the Blood telegram, was sent by Archer Blood, the US Consul General in Dhaka, and was signed by him as well as US officials from USAID and USIS who at the time were serving in Dhaka. In it, the signatories denounced American "complicity in Genocide". The events were discussed extensively in the British House of Commons. John Stonehouse proposed a motion supported by a further 200 members of parliament condemning the atrocities being carried out by the Pakistani armed forces. Although this motion was presented twice before parliament, the government did not find time to debate it.
Before the end of the war the international community had begun to provide aid in large quantities to the refugees living in India. Although humanitarian aid was given, there was little support for the war crimes trials which Bangladesh proposed at the end of the war. Critics of the United Nations have used the 1971 atrocities to argue that military intervention was the only thing to stop the mass murder. On 1 August 1971 George Harrison and Ravi Shankar organised The Concert for Bangladesh in New York, which raised almost $240,000 for the refugees. Writing to The New York Times, a group of women said in response to women being shunned by family and husbands "It is unthinkable that innocent wives whose lives were virtually destroyed by war are now being totally destroyed by their own husbands". International aid was also forthcoming owing to the issue of war rape.
According to Brownmiller, mass rape during wartime is not a new phenomenon. She argues that what is unique to the Bangladesh Liberation War was that the international community, for the first time, recognised that systematic rape could be used as a weapon to terrorise the people.
Aftermath
In the year following the war, there was a Bangladeshi government-mandated victim relief programme, supported by the World Health Organization and International Planned Parenthood Federation. Dr. Geoffrey Davis, a physician who participated in the programme, estimated that the commonly cited figures were probably "very conservative" compared with the real numbers. Davis has also said he heard of numerous suicides by victims, and of infanticides during the course of his work and estimated that around 5,000 rape victims had performed self-induced abortions. Estimates of forced pregnancies vary. A doctor at the rehabilitation center in Dhaka reported 170,000 abortions of pregnancies caused by the rapes, and the births of 30,000 war babies. Davis estimated that between 150,000 and 170,000 women had abortions before the state-mandated programme had even started. Other estimates of the number of pregnancies resulting in births range from 25,000 to the Bangladeshi government's figure of 70,000, while one publication by the Centre for Reproductive Law and Policy gave a total of 250,000. Many of the victims suffered from sexual infections and feelings of intense shame and humiliation, and a number were ostracised by their families and communities or committed suicide.
Feminist writer Cynthia Enloe has written that some of the pregnancies were intended by the soldiers and perhaps their officers as well. Journalist Liz Trotta reported in 1972 from a village in the aftermath of the conflict. She interviewed a 16-year-old widow whose husband had been murdered in front of her before she was raped, making her pregnant. A report from the International Commission of Jurists said, "Whatever the precise numbers, the teams of American and British surgeons carrying out abortions and the widespread government efforts to persuade people to accept these girls into the community, testify to the scale on which raping occurred". The commission also said that Pakistani officers not only allowed their men to rape, but enslaved women themselves.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called the victims birangona ("heroine"), but this served as a reminder that these women were now deemed socially unacceptable as they were "dishonored", and the term became associated with barangona ("prostitute"). The women's human rights organisation Bangladesh Mahila Parishat took part in the war by publicising the atrocities being carried out by the Pakistani army. On 18 February 1972 the state formed the Bangladesh Women's Rehabilitation Board, who were tasked with helping the victims of rape and to help with the adoption programme. Several international agencies took part in the adoption programme such as Mother Teresa's Sisters of Charity. The majority of the war babies were adopted in the Netherlands and Canada as the state wished to remove the reminders of Pakistan from the newly formed nation.
A photograph taken during the conflict of a woman who had been assaulted featured in a photography exhibition in London. Titled Shamed Woman, but also called Brave Woman, the image was taken by Bangladeshi photographer, Naib Uddin Ahmed. The image is considered by John Tulloch to be as "classical a pose as any Madonna and Child". One of the more emotive photographs at the exhibition, the woman has her hands clenched, her face completely covered by her hair. Tulloch describes the image as having the "Capability to reveal or suggest what is unsayable"
Forty years after the war two sisters who had been raped were interviewed by Deutsche Welle. Aleya stated she had been taken by the Pakistani army when she was thirteen, and was gang raped repeatedly for seven months. She states she was tortured and was five months pregnant when she returned to her home. Her sister, Laily, says she was pregnant when she was taken by the armed forces, and lost the child. Later she fought alongside the Mukti Bahini. Both say that the state has failed the Birangona, and that all they received was "humiliation, insults, hatred, and ostracism."
War Crimes prosecutions
In 2008, after a 17-year investigation, the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee released documentation identifying 1,597 people who had taken part in the atrocities. The list included members of the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, a political group founded in 1978. In 2010 the government of Bangladesh set up the ICT to investigate the atrocities of that era, though human rights activist Irene Khan has expressed doubt about whether the mass rapes and killings of women will be addressed. Khan has said of her government's reaction:
A conservative Muslim society has preferred to throw a veil of negligence and denial on the issue, allowed those who committed or colluded with gender violence to thrive, and left the women victims to struggle in anonymity and shame and without much state or community support.
Jamaat-e-Islami Deputy Leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, the first person to face charges related to the conflict, was indicted by the ICT on twenty counts of war crimes, which included murder, rape and arson. He has denied all charges. On 28 February 2013, Sayeedi was found guilty of genocide, rape and religious persecution, and was sentenced to death by hanging. Four other members of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, including Motiur Rahman Nizami, have also been indicted for war crimes. Human Rights Watch has supported the tribunal, and has also been critical of reported harassment of lawyers representing the accused. Brad Adams, director of the Asia branch of Human Rights Watch, said that those accused must be given the full protection of the law or run the risk on the trials not being taken seriously. Abul Kalam Azad, a member of the Razakars, was the first person to be sentenced for crimes during the war. He was found guilty of murder and rape in absentia, and was given the death penalty. Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, senior assistant secretary general of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami faced 7 charges of war crimes including planning and advising on the rape of women in the village of Shohaghpur on 25 July 1971. The ICT sentenced him to death by hanging on 9 May 2013. In July 2013 Ghulam Azam was given a ninety-year sentence for rape and mass murder during the conflict.
Pakistani government reaction
After the conflict the Pakistani government decided on a policy of silence regarding the rapes. They set up the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, a judicial commission to prepare an account of the circumstances surrounding the atrocities of the 1971 war and Pakistan's surrender. The commission was highly critical of the army. The chiefs of staff of the army and the Pakistan Air Force were removed from their positions for attempting to interfere with the commission. The Commission based its reports on interviews with politicians, officers and senior commanders. The final reports were submitted in July 1972, but all were subsequently destroyed except for one held by the Pakistani premier Zulfikar Ali Bhutto; the findings were never made public.
In 1974 the commission was reopened and issued a supplementary report, which remained classified for 25 years until published by the magazine India Today. The report said that 26,000 people were killed, rapes numbered in the hundreds, and that the Mukti Bahini rebels engaged in widespread rape and other human rights abuses. Political scientist Sumit Ganguly believes that the Pakistani establishment has yet to come to terms with the atrocities carried out, saying that, in a visit to Bangladesh in 2002, Pervez Musharraf expressed regret for the atrocities rather than accepting responsibility.
In literature and media
Orunodoyer Ognishakhi (Pledge to a New Dawn), the first film about the war, was screened in 1972 on the first Bangladeshi Independence Day celebration. It draws on the experiences of an actor called Altaf. While trying to reach safe haven in Calcutta he encounters women who have been raped. The images of these birangona, stripped and vacant-eyed from the trauma, are used as testimony to the assault. Other victims Altaf meets are shown committing suicide or having lost their minds.
In 1995 Gita Sahgal produced the documentary War Crimes File, which was screened on Channel 4. In 2011 the film Meherjaan was shown at the Guwahati International Film Festival. It explores the war from two perspectives: that of a woman who loved a Pakistani soldier and that of a person born from rape.
In 1996 Nilima Ibrahim wrote Ami Birangana Bolchi (The Voices of War Heroines), a collection of eyewitness testimony from seven rape victims, which she documented while working in rehabilitation centers.
Rising from the Ashes women's narratives of 1971, an edited volume published in English in 2012, included oral testimonies of women affected by the Liberation War. As well as an account from Taramon Bibi, who fought and was awarded the Bir Protik (Symbol of Valour) for her actions, there are nine interviews with women who were raped. The book's publication in English at the time of the fortieth anniversary of the war was noted in the New York Times as an "important oral history".
References
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{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Malik, Anas (2010). Political Survival in Pakistan: Beyond Ideology. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-77924-1.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Mani, Bakirathi (2012). Aspiring to Home: South Asians in America. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-7800-8.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Midlarsky, Manus I. (2011). Origins of Political Extremism: Mass Violence in the Twentieth Century and Beyond. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-87708-4.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Mohsin, Amena (2005). "Gendered nation, gendered peace: A study of Bangladesh". In Samir Kumar Das (ed.). Peace Processes and Peace Accords. Sage. ISBN 978-0-7619-3391-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Molla, Gyasuddin (2004). "The Awami League: From Charismatic Leadership to Political Party". Political Parties in South Asia. Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-96832-8.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|editors=ignored (|editor=suggested) (help) - Mookherjee, Nayanika (2006). "Muktir Gaan, the raped woman and migrant identities of the Bangladesh war". In Navnita Chadha Behera (ed.). Gender, Conflict and Migration. Sage. ISBN 978-0-7619-3455-4.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Mookherjee, Nayanika (2009a). "Denunciatory practices and the constitutive role of collaboration in the Bangladesh War". In Sharika Thiranagama, Tobias Kelly (ed.). Traitors: Suspicion, Intimacy, and the Ethics of State-Building. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4213-3.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Mookherjee, Nayanika (2009b). "Friendships and Encounters on the Political Left in Bangladesh". Taking Sides: Ethics, Politics, and Fieldwork in Anthropology. Berghahn. ISBN 978-1-84545-701-3.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|editors=ignored (|editor=suggested) (help) - Mookherjee, Nayanika (2012). "Mass rape and the inscription of gendered and racial domination during the Bangladesh War of 1971". In Raphaelle Branche, Fabrice Virgili (ed.). Rape in Wartime. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-36399-1.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Mustafa, Sabir (21 January 2013). "Bangladesh's watershed war crimes moment". British Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 12 August 2013.
{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Nasreen, Taslima (1998). "The contest over gender in Bangladesh". In Herbert L. Bodman, Nayereh E. Tohidi (ed.). Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity Within Unity. Lynne Rienner. ISBN 978-1-55587-578-7.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Payaslian, Simon. "20th Century Genocides". Oxford Bibliographies. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/OBO/9780199743292-0105.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Rahman, Hamoodur (2007). Hamoodur Rahman Commission of Inquiry into the 1971 India-Pakistan War, Supplementary Report. Arc Manor. ISBN 978-1-60450-020-2.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Rahman, Syedur (2002). Historical Dictionary of Bangladesh. Scarecrow. ISBN 978-81-7094-588-8.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=ignored (|author=suggested) (help) - Riedel, Bruce O. (2011). Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America, and the Future of the Global Jihad. Brookings Institution. ISBN 978-0-8157-0557-4.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Roy, Nilanjana S. (24 August 2010). "Bangladesh War's Toll on Women Still Undiscussed". New York Times. Retrieved 12 August 2013.
- Roy, Rituparna (2010b). South Asian Partition Fiction in English: From Khushwant Singh to Amitav Ghosh (1st ed.). Amsterdam University Press. ISBN 978-90-8964-245-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Roy, Srila (2010c). "Wounds and Cures in South Asian Gender and Memory Politics". Global Perspectives on War, Gender and Health. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-7523-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|editors=ignored (|editor=suggested) (help) - Rummel, R.J. (1997). Death by Government: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900. Transaction. ISBN 978-1-56000-927-6.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Sajjad, Tazreena (2012). "The Post-Genocidal Period and its Impact on Women". In Samuel Totten (ed.). Plight and Fate of Women During and Following Genocide (Reprint ed.). Transaction. pp. 219–248. ISBN 978-1-4128-4759-9.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Sadique, Mahfuz (15 July 2013). "Bangladesh Islamist Ghulam Azam found guilty of war crimes". British Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 13 August 2013.
{{cite news}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Sahgal, Gita (18 December 2011). "Dead Reckoning: Disappearing stories and evidence". The Daily Star.
{{cite news}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Saikia, Yasmin (2011a). Women, War, and the Making of Bangladesh: Remembering 1971. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-5038-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Saikia, Yasmin (2011b). "War as history, humanity in violence: Women, men and memories of 1971, East Pakistan/Bangladesh". In Elizabeth D. Heineman (ed.). Sexual Violence in Conflict Zones: From the Ancient World to the Era of Human Rights. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 152–170. ISBN 978-0-8122-4318-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Schmid, Alex, ed. (2011). The Routledge Handbook of Terrorism Research. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-41157-8.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Scholz, Sally J. (2006). "War rape's challenge to just war theory". In Steven Lee (ed.). Intervention, Terrorism, and Torture: Contemporary Challenges to Just War Theory. Springer. ISBN 978-1-4020-4677-3.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Scholz, Sally J. (2011). "Genocide". In Deen K. Chatterjee (ed.). Encyclopedia of Global Justice. Springer. ISBN 978-1-4020-9159-9.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Shah, Mehtab Ali (1997). The Foreign Policy of Pakistan: Ethnic Impacts on Diplomacy, 1971–1994. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-86064-169-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Shehabuddin, Elora (2010). "Bangladeshi civil society and Islamist politics". In Ali Riaz, C. Christine Fair (ed.). Political Islam and Governance in Bangladesh. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-57673-4.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Siddiqi, Dina M. (2008). Bonnie G. Smith (ed.). Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History. Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. pp. 201 f. ISBN 978-0-19-514890-9.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Simms, Brendan (2011). "Towards a history of humanitarian intervention". In Brendan Simms, D. J. B. Trim (ed.). Humanitarian Intervention: A History. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-19027-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Sisson, Richard (1992). War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07665-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=ignored (|author=suggested) (help) - Smith, Karen E. (2010). Genocide and the Europeans. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-13329-6.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Southwick, Katherine (2011). "The Urdu-speakers of Bangladesh: an unfinished story of enforcing citizenship rights". In Brad K. Blitz, Maureen Jessica Lynch (ed.). Statelessness and Citizenship: A Comparative Study on the Benefits of Nationality. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 115–141. ISBN 978-1-78195-215-3.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Talbot, Ian (1998). Pakistan: A Modern History. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-312-21606-1.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Thomas, Dorothy Q. (1998). "Rape in War: The case of Bosnia". In Sabrina P. Ramet (ed.). Gender Politics in the Western Balkans: Women and Society in Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav Successor States. Pennsylvania State University. ISBN 978-0-271-01802-7.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=ignored (|author=suggested) (help) - Thompson, Hanne-Ruth (2007). "Bangladesh". In Andrew Simpson (ed.). Language and National Identity in Asia. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-926748-4.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Tomsen, Peter (2011). The Wars of Afghanistan: Messianic Terrorism, Tribal Conflicts, and the Failures of Great Powers. Public Affairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-763-8.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Totten, Samuel (1998). Dictionary of Genocide: A-L. Volume 1: Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-32967-8.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|coauthors=ignored (|author=suggested) (help)CS1 maint: location (link) - Trotta, Liz (20 February 1972). "Bangladesh Genocide: Rape Victims". NBC.
{{cite news}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Tulloch, John; Blood, Richard Warwick (2010). "Iconic photojournalism and absent images: Democratization and memories of terror". In Stuart Allan (ed.). The Routledge Companion to News and Journalism. Routledge. pp. 507–519. ISBN 978-0-415-66953-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Tulloch, John; Blood, Richard Warwick (2012). Icons of War and Terror: Media Images in an Age of International Risk. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-69804-7.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Weiss, Thomas George (2005). Military-Civilian Interactions: Humanitarian Crises and the Responsibility to Protect.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Wheeler, Nicholas J. (2000). Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-829621-8.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Wynbrandt, James (2009). A Brief History of Pakistan (1st ed.). Facts on File. ISBN 978-0-8160-6184-6.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help)
