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Engraved buckle (6th century) naming the Antes

The Antes or Antae were a medieval European tribal union who lived north of the lower Danube and the Black Sea (on the territory of modern Moldova and Ukraine) in the 6th and 7th century AD and who are associated with the archaeological Penkovka culture. They are generally viewed as an early Slavic-speaking group, although that they also spoke Iranian or East Germanic is also a postulate.

Historiography

Based on the literary evidence provided by Procopius and Jordanes, the Antes (along with the Sklaveni and Venethi) have long been viewed as one of the constituent proto-Slavic peoples from which, both, medieval groups and modern nations descended. Studied since the late 18th century, modern scholars have at times engaged in heated polemics regarding Antean origins and the attribution of their ancestors. They have been variously regarded as ancestors of specifically the Vyatichi or Rus, from medieval perspective, and the Ukrainians versus all East Slavs with regard to extant populations. South Slavic historians additionally regarded the Antes as the ancestors of the eastern South Slavs (Bulgarians, Macedonians).

Ethnolinguistic affinities

Although regarded as a predominantly Slavic tribal union, numerous other theories have arisen, especially with regard to the origins of their ruling core; including theories of a Gothic, Iranic and Slavic ruling nobility, or some mixture thereof. Much dispute arose because of scant literary evidence: little is known apart from the tribal name itself and a handful of anthroponyms.

The name Antes itself does not appear to be Slavic, but is often held to be an Iranian word. Pritsak, citing Max Vasmer, argues that anta- means "fontier, end" (in Saskrit), thus *ant-ya could mean frontier-man.

Although the first unequivocal attestation of the tribal Antes in the 6th century AD, scholars have tried to connect the Antes with a tribe rendered An-tsai in a 2nd-century BC Chinese source (Hou Han-shu, 118, fol. 13r). Pliny the Elder (Natural History VI, 35) mentions some Anti living near the Azov shores; and inscriptions from the Kerch peninsula dating to the third century AD bear the word antas. Based on documentation of "Sarmatian" tribes inhabiting the north Pontic region during the early centuries of the Common Era, presumed Iranian loanwords into Slavic, and Sarmatian 'cultural borrowings' into the Penkovka culture, scholars such as Robert Magosci, Valentin Sedov and John Fine Jr. maintain earlier proposals by Soviet-era scholars such as Boris Rybakov, that the Antes were originally a Sarmatian-Alans frontier tribe who become Slavicized, but preserved their name.

Bohdan Strumins'kyj highlights, however, that the etymology of Antes remains unproven and is nevertheless "irrelevant". He instead analyses the personal names of Antean chiefs and offers Germanic alternatives to the commonly accepted Slavic etymology (first proposed by Stanislaw Rospond):

  • Boz: the Antean king mentioned by Jordanes. Slavic etymologies include *Bosы - barefooted, or *Božы- divine; *Vo(d)žы - chief. B.S. suggests Germanic *Bōs, possibly meaning socerer.
  • Chilbudious: the Antean chief with a Byzantine namesake. Slavic *Xvalibud - 'awakener of glory' vs Gemanic Hilibodo - 'battle-messenger' (c.f. Gothic Cannabaudes ~ 300 AD)
  • Dabregezas: an Antian mercenary fighting for the Byzantines in the southern Caucasus. Slavic *Dobrogost - 'good visitor' vs Germanic *Dapragaizuz - 'having a heavy spear' (c.f. Radagaisus - 'having a light spear')
  • Mezamiron: Antian envoy to the Avars. Slavic *Mezamir - 'the peaceful' vs Germanic *Mezamirs - 'glorious for being greater' (c.f Thiudimer, Vidimer: 'glorious in battle', 'glorious in forests', resp)
  • Kaligostos: another envoy. Slavic *Kaligost - 'healthy, glowing guest' vs Germanic *Kallagastuz - 'healthy guest' also (cf. attested Nordic name Heilgestr)

However, recent perspectives view the tribal entities named by Graeco-Roman sources as fluctuant political formations which were, above all, etic categorizations based on ethnographic stereotypes rather than first-hand, accurate knowledge of barbarian language or 'culture'. Szmoniewski summarizes that the Antes were not a "discrete, ethnically homogeneous entity" but rather "a highly complex political reality". Linguistically, contemporary evidence suggests that Slavic was widely spoken over a large area (from the eastern Alps to the Black Sea) by various ethnie, including those Roman provincial, "Germanic" (such as Gepids and Lombards), and Oghuric (Avars, Bulgars) populations. It has further been proposed that the Sklaveni were not distinguished from others on the basis of language or culture, but the type of their military organization. Ie compared to the Avars, or 6th century Goths, the Sklaveni were numerous, smaller disunited groups, one of which - the Antai- became foederati constituted by a treaty.

History

The Political Situaion in S.E.E. ~ 520 AD - the post-Hun period & prior to Byzantine re-conquest of Gothic Italy

Mythical

According to the Sarmatians-Antes link, the Antes were a sub-group of the Alans, which dominated the Black Sea and north Caucasus region during the "Late Sarmatian Period". The Antes were based between the Prut and lower Dniester during the 1st to 2nd centuries AD. From the 4th century, their center of power shifted northward toward the southern Bug. In the fifth and sixth centuries they settled in Volhynia and subsequently in the middle Dnieper region near the present-day city of Kiev. As they moved north from the open steppe to the forest steppe, they mixed with Slavic tribes. They organised the Slavic tribes and the name Antes came to be used for the mixed Slavo-Alanic body.

Whatever their exact 'origins', Jordanes and Procopius appear to suggest that the Antes were Slavic by the 5th century. In describing the lands of Scythia (Getica. 35), Jordanes states that "the populous race of the Venethi occupy a great expanse of land. Though their names are now dispersed amid various clans and places, yet they are chiefly called Sklaveni and Antes". Later, in describing the deeds of Ermanaric, the mythical Ostrogothic king. He informs that the Venethi "have now three names, Venethi, Antes and Sklaveni" (Get. 119'). Finally, Jordanes details a battle between the Antean king Boz and Vinitharius (Ermanaric's successor) after the latter's subjegation by the Huns. After initially defeating the Goths, the Antes lost the second battle, and Boz and 70 of his leading nobles were crucified (Get. 247). Scholars have traditionally taken the accounts of Jordanes at face value as evidence that Sklaveni and (the bulk of the) Antes descended from the Venedi, a tribe known to historians such as Tacitus, Ptolemy and Pliny the Elder since the 2nd century AD.

However, the utility of Getica as an accurate ethnographic excursus has been questioned. Prominent in raising doubts has been Walter Goffart, who argues that Getica created an entirely mythical story of Gothic, and other peoples' origins. Curta further argues that Jordanes had no real ethnographic knowledge of "Scythia", despite claims that he himself was a Goth and was born in Thrace. He borrowed heavily from earlier historians, and only articifially linked the 6th century Sklaveni and Antes with the earlier Venethi, who had otherwise long disappeared by the 6th century. Whilst being anachonistic, he also employed a "modernizing narrative strategy" whereby older events - the war between the Ostrogothic Vithimiris and the Alans - was re-told as a war between Vinitharius and the contemporary Antes. In any case, no fourth century source mentions Antes, and the "Ostrogoths" only formed in the 5th century - inside the Balkans.

Apart from respect to older historians, Jordanes narrative style was shaped by his polemical debate with his contemporary - Procopius. Whilst Jordanes linked the Sclaveni and Antes with the ancient Venedi, Procopius states that they were both once called Sporoi (Procopius. History of the Wars. VII 14.29).

Location in 6th century

Jordanes and Procopius have been seen as invaluable sources in locating the Antes with greater precision. Jordanes (Get. 25) states that they dwelt "along the curve of the Black Sea", from the Dniester to the Dnieper. P Barford questions whether this implies they occupied the steppe, or the regions further north; although most scholars generally envisage the Antes in the forest-steppe zone of Left -Bank Ukraine. In contrast, Procopius locates them just beyond the northern banks of the Danube (Wars V 27.1-2) (ie Wallachia). The lack of consistency and frank errors in their geography proves that neither author had anything more than vague geographic knowledge of "Scythia".

6th and 7th centuries

The first contact between the East Romans and the Antes was in 518 AD. Recorded by Procopius (Wars VII 40.5-6), the Antean raid appeared to coincide with Vitilianus' revolt, but was intercepted and defeated by the magister militum per Thraciam Germanus. Germanus was replaced by Chilbudious in the early 530s, who was killed 3 years later, during an expedition against the various Sklavenoi. With the death of Chilbudious, Justinian appears to have changed his policy against Slavic barbarians from attack to defense, exemplified by his grand programme of re-fortification of garrisons along the Danube. Procopius notes that in 539/ 40, the Sklavenes and Antes 'became hostile to one another an engaged in battle. probably encouraged by the Romans' traditional tactic of 'divide and conquer'. At the same time, the Romans recruited mounted merceneries from both groups to aid their war against the Ostrogoths. Nevertheless, both Procopius and Jordanes report numerous raids by "Huns", Slavs, Bulgars and Antes in the years 539-40 AD; reporting that some 32 forts and 120, 000 Roman prisoners were captured. Sometime between 533 and 545, the Antes invaded the Diocese of Thrace, enslaving many Romans and taking them north of the Danube to the Antean homelands. Indeed, there was numerous raids during this turbulent decade by numerous barbarians, including the Antes.

Shortly after, the Antes became Roman allies (after they approached the Romans) and were given gold payments and a fort named Turris, somewhere north of the Danube at a strategically important location, so as to prevent hostile barbarians invading Roman lands. This was part of a larger set of alliances, including the Lombars, so that pressure can be lifted off the lower Danube and forces can be diverted Italy.Thus in 545, the Antean soldiers were fighting in Lucania against Ostrogoths, and in the 580s, they attacked the settlements of the Sklavenes at the behest of the Romans. In 555 and 556, Dobregezas (of Antean origin) led the Roman fleet in Crimea against Persian positions.

The Antes remained Roman allies until their demise in the first decade of the 7th century. They were often involved in conflicts with the Avars, such as the war recorded by Menander the Guardsman (50, frg 5.3.17-21) in the 560s. Later, in retaliation for a Roman attack on their Sklavene allies, the Avars attacked the Antes in 602. The Avars sent their general Apsich to "destroy the nation of the Antes". Despite numerous defections to the Romans during the campaign, the Avar attack appears to have ended the Antean polity. They never appear in sources apart from the epithet Anticus in the imperial titulature in 612. Curta argues that the 602 attack on the Antes destroyed their political independence. However, the epithet Anticus is attested in imperial titulature until 612, thus Kardaras rather argues that they disappearance of the Antes relates to general collapse of the Scythian/ lower Danubian limes which they defended, at which time their hegemony on the lower Danube ended. Whatever the case, shortly after the collapse of the Danubian limes (more specifically, the tactical Roman withdrawal), the first evidence of Slavic settlement in north-eastern Bulgaria begin to appear.

Material Culture

Archaeologists such as V Baran, M Shchukin, M Gimbutas, and V Sedov see the Penkovka culture as the material remains of the Antes people. Most finds of this culture are found in Left-Bank Ukraine, especially along the Sula, Seim, Psel, Donets and Oril rivers. The western 'border' of the Penkovka culture is usually taken to be at the middle Prut and Dniester rivers; where contact with the "Prague culture" occurs. Penkovka pottery is also found in eastern and southern Romania, where it co-exists with wheel-made pottery of late Roman derivation; and is referred to as the Ipotesti-Candesti culture by Romanian archaeologists. Penkovka-type pottery has even been found in Byzantine forts in the north-eastern Balkans. "Nomadic" style wheel-made pottery (called Pastyrske or Saltovo ware) also occurs in the Ukrainian Penkovka sites as well as in the lower Danube and Bulgaria, but is most commonly found within the Saltovo-Mayaki culture, associated with Bulgars, Khazars and Alans.

Slavic 'archaeological cultures' 7th century C.E.

Hand-made Penkovka pottery is ditinguished from Prague and Korchak types on the basis of its biconical profile and tendency for out-turned rims. However, Florin Curta has argued that there can be no simple relationship between type of ceramic vessel and the ethnicity of groups which consumed them. E Teodor performed a detailed analysis of ceramic vessels in 6th century southeastern Europe, and discovered a complex picture which cannot be reduced to 2 or 3 broad 'archaeological cultures', as each microregion and even individual site shows idisyncracies in their ceramic profile and degree of connectivity to other regions of 'Slavic Europe'.

Penkovka settlements tended to be located on the terraces of rivers- usually arranged in a linear fashion. Buildings were usually square-shaped, post-hole constructs dug into the ground, and were equipped with an oven in the corners. There are also rounded buildings, otherwise not found in other Slavic territories, which have been associated with a nomadic influence. However, they are different to traditional tent-like nomadic yurts. Settlements tended to be abandoned after a period of habitation, and were often re-occupied years later, reflective of the itenerant form of agriculture practiced by the populace. Two fortified sites are known from the Penkovka region - Seliste and Pastyrke. The latter has been excavated in detail, and appears to have been an Iron Age fortification which was also occupied in early Medieval times. Measuring 25 ha, it included numerous settlement buildings as well as evidence of specialised industrial activity. Szmoniewski argues that "Pastyrs’ke may have also been a political power centre, the seat of a ruler with territorial authority".

Two forms of burials are found north of the Black Sea in the 6th and 7th centuries. Poorly furnished cremation burials, either inside urns or into shallow pits, are concentrated in the forest-steppe zone; whilst more elaborately equipped inhumations are found in the open steppe. Traditionally, the latter are attributed to "Turkic" nomads whilst the cremation burials were a typically Slavic rite. However, a straightforward ethnic attribution has been questioned - as the pottery and metalwork (see below) found in the 'nomadic' inhumations shows clear analogies to that found in 'Slavic' settlements in the forest-zone. Thus Curta has argued that the inhumation burials represented a marker of social distinction of chiefs and 'big men' from the forest-zone settlements.

Another set of cultural elements often attributed to the Antes are numerous hoards of silver and gold ornaments dated to the 7th century, and are variously called "Antian antiquites" or the Martynovka culture. Scholars have debated to whom the Martynovka elemenets belonged to since the late 19th century; as A Spitsyn attributed them to the Slavic Antes, whilst J Harmatta rather attributed them to Turkic groups, specifically the Cutrigurs. The situation was clarified when Curta's analysis revealed that early in the 7th century, such metalwork appears in hoards deposited in the forest-steppe, whilst later assemblages appear as internment gifts in 'nomadic burials'. Thus, again, rather than simplistic ethnic explanations, Curta's analysis suggests that the pattern of ornament consumption varied with time and was related to social status and gender: i.e. earlier in the 6th century, elites displayed status by burying hoards of silver in the forest-steppe, whilst later there was more aggressive posturing and status display in the form of richly furnished male warior graves, no doubt related to the competition for supremacy of the north Black Sea region between Avars, Bulgars, Khazars and western Gokturks. The metalwork betrays a variety of influences - especially the world of the steppe nomad which in turn showed Caucasian, Byzantine and Sassanian inspiration. Yet other elements showed affinities with the 'Balto-Slavic' world of the forests of Eastern Europe.

Overall, the equation of the Penkovka culture and Martynovka hoards with the Antes is problematic, as such cultural features exist into the 8th century, long after the Antes were defeated by the Avars in 602 AD and ceased to exist as an independent tribal polity. Such diffuse styles cannot be directly linked to any single people, but rather reflect a myriad of peoples who existed in the Black Sea region from 450 - 750 AD, including Antes, Cutrigurs and Bulgars.

See also

Notes

  1. The very purpose of Jordanes' narrative, especially with regard to the alleged Scandinavian origin of the Goths, was to show that there is no placed for the Goths in Roman territory. Together with his enumeration of other barbarian tribes in Scythia and aroun Dacia, Jordanes was stating that Scythia is overpopulated with barbarians, and the Goths should belong to the frozen wastelands of the North. Jordanes only feigned his own Gothic roots, and his work is designed to celebrate the destruction of the Gothic kingdom by the Byzantines. (Goffart, 2006)
  2. The term Spori is a hapax, but might have been inspired by the tribe "Spali" (curta, 1999. FN 36)
  3. Eg Jordanes states Scythia extends as far as the "Tyras" and "Danaster", although they are two names for the same river (Dniester). Procopius thought the Caucasus mountains extended as far as Illyricum. (Curta, 199, p 327-8)
  4. The term "Prague culture", sometimes in the compound name form "Prague -Korchack", is used to refer to the entirety of postulated Early Slavic cultures from the Elbe to the Dniester, as opposed to the eastern Penkovka culture (Dniester to Dnieper). However, it is also used to refer specifically to the westernmost Slavic material grouping (around Bohemia, Moravia and western Slovakia), whilst other regions have their own distinct names - Mogilla (southern Poland), and Korchack (central Ukraine, southern Belarus). The Prague and Mogilla groups are seen as the archaeological reflection of incipient 'western Slavs' in the 6th century. See Barford, 2001, chapters 2, 3, 4'!
  5. Like other "cultures", the I-P culture has been criticized as a heuristic category invented by Romanian archaeologists to 'prove' the existence of civilized "Daco-Romans' before the arrival of barbarian Slavs.Curta. The Making of the Slavs. Pg 231

References

  1. Szmoniewski (2012, p. passim) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  2. Szmoniewski (2012, p. 62) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  3. Magosci (2010, p. 36)
  4. Pritsak (1983, p. 358) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFPritsak1983 (help)
  5. ^ Szmoniewski (2012, p. 35) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  6. Gimbutas (1971, p. 61,61)
  7. ^ Magosci (2010, pp. 42, 43)
  8. Sedov (1996, p. 281) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSedov1996 (help)
  9. Fine (2006, p. 25)
  10. Struminskij (1979, p. 787) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFStruminskij1979 (help)
  11. Struminskij (1979, pp. 788–96) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFStruminskij1979 (help)
  12. Curta (2009, pp. 12, 13) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFCurta2009 (help)
  13. Curta (2004) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFCurta2004 (help)
  14. Armory (2003, p. 85) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFArmory2003 (help)
  15. Paliga (2012, p. 19) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFPaliga2012 (help)
  16. ^ Magosci (2010, pp. 39, 40)
  17. Curta (1999, pp. 321–26) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFCurta1999 (help)
  18. Goffart (2006, pp. 56–72) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFGoffart2006 (help)
  19. Curta (1999, pp. 330–32) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFCurta1999 (help)
  20. Heather, The Goths 52-55.
    Kulikowski 111.
  21. Curta (1999, p. 326) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFCurta1999 (help)
  22. Barford (2001, p. 55) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFBarford2001 (help)
  23. Magosci (2010, p. 43)
  24. Curta (1999, p. 327) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFCurta1999 (help)
  25. Curta (2001, p. 75)
  26. Curta, 2001. Pg 78
  27. Procopius Wars VII 14.7-10
  28. Curta, 2001. Pg 78
  29. Curta, 2001. Pg 78
  30. Curta, 2001. Pg 78-9
  31. Procopius Wars VII.14.11
  32. Kardaras (2010, p. 74-5) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFKardaras2010 (help)
  33. Curta, 2001. Pg 80-1
  34. Kardaras (2010, p. 74) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFKardaras2010 (help)
  35. Agathias. III 6.9; 7.2; 21.6
  36. Zivkovic (2007, p. 9) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFZivkovic2007 (help)
  37. Theophylact Simocatta VII 15.12-14
  38. Curta, 2001. Pg 105
  39. Kardaras, 2010. Pg 85
  40. Angelova & 202007, p. 481-82) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFAngelova202007 (help)
  41. Baran (1986) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFBaran1986 (help)
  42. Shchukin (1986) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFShchukin1986 (help)
  43. Gimbutas (1971, p. 90)
  44. Sedov (1996, p. 280) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSedov1996 (help)
  45. Szmoniewski (2012, p. 69) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  46. Barford, p. 63) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFBarford (help)
  47. Barford (2001, p. 49) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFBarford2001 (help)
  48. Szmoniewski (2012, pp. 69–71) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  49. Szmoniewski (2012, pp. 69–70) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  50. Fiedler (2008, p. 214) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFFiedler2008 (help)
  51. Barford (2001, p. 63) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFBarford2001 (help)
  52. Teodor (2005) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFTeodor2005 (help)
  53. Gimbutas,1971. Pg 80-85
  54. Szmoniewski (2012, p. 72) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  55. Szmoniewski (2012, pp. 74–76) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  56. ^ Curta (2008) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFCurta2008 (help)
  57. Szmoniewski (2012, pp. 774–78) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2012 (help)
  58. ^ Szmoniewski (2008, pp. 278–9) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFSzmoniewski2008 (help)

References

  • Magosci, Paul Robert (2010). A History of Ukraine (2nd ed.). University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-7820-6.
  • Valentin Sedov (1996). "Tribal Societies in Eastern Europe". In Sigfried J. de Laet (ed.). History of Humanity: From the seventh century B.C. to the seventh century A.D. UNESCO. ISBN 923102812X.
  • Volodymyr Baran (1988), "The Veneti, Sclaveni and Antae in the Light of Archaeology", Ukrainian Review, 45
  • Mark B. Shchukin (1986), "The Balto-Slavic Forest Direction in the Archaeological Study of the Ethnogenesis of the Slavs", Wiadomosci Archeologiczne, 1
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  • Florin Curta (2004), "The Slavic lingua franca (Linguistic notes of an archaeologist turned historian)", East Central Europe/L'Europe du Centre-Est, 31 (1) {{citation}}: line feed character in |journal= at position 33 (help)
  • Florin Curta (1999), "Hiding behind a piece of tapestry: Jordanes and the Slavic Venethi", Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, 47
  • Florin Curta (2008), "The north-western region of the Black Sea during the 6th and early 7th century AD", Ancient West & East, 7
  • Georgios Kardaras (2010), "The Byzantine-Antic treaty (545/46 A. D.) and the defense of Scythia Minor", Byzantinoslavica - Revue internationale des Etudes Byzantines, 68 (1–2): 74–85
  • B. S. Szmoniewski (2010). "The Antes: Eastern "Brothers" of the Sclavenes ?". In Florin Curta (ed.). Neglected Barbarians. Brepols. ISBN 978-2-503-53125-0.
  • Eugene Teodor (2005). "The Shadow of a Frontier: The Walachian Plain during the Justinianic Age". In Florin Curta (ed.). Borders, Barriers, and Ethnogenesis Frontiers in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Brepols. ISBN 978-2-503-51529-8.
  • Bartlomiej Szmoniewski (2008), "Two worlds, one hoard: what do metal finds from the forest-steppe belt speak about ?", in Florin Curta; Roman Kovalev (eds.), The Other Europe in the Middle Ages - Avars, Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans, Brill, ISBN 978 90 04 16389 8
  • Uwe Fiedler (2008), "Bulgars on the Lower Danube. A survey of the archaeological evidence and of the state of current research", in Florin Curta; Roman Kovalev (eds.), The Other Europe in the Middle Ages - Avars, Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans, Brill, ISBN 978 90 04 16389 8
  • P M Barford (2001). The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9780801439773.
  • Fine, John V.A. (2006). When Ethnicity Did Not Matter in the Balkans: A Study of Identity in Pre-Nationalist Croatia, Dalmatia, and Slavonia in the Medieval and Early-Modern Periods. The University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0472025600.
  • Gimbutas, Marija (1971), The Slavs, Thames & Hudson Ltd
  • Heather, Peter. The Goths. Blackwell, 1998.
  • Kulikowski, Michael, Rome's Gothic Wars: From the Third Century to Alaric. Cambridge Univ. Press, 2006.
  • Tibor Živković (2007), Forging unity: The South Slavs between East and West : 550-1150, Serbian Institute of History

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