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Salvador Isabelino del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús Allende Gossens (July 26, 1908 – September 11, 1973) was President of Chile from November 1970 until his removal from power and death on September 11, 1973.

Allende's career in Chilean government spanned nearly forty years. As a Socialist Party politician, he became a senator, deputy, cabinet minister and, following the 1970 presidential election, President of Chile. After Allende had won a plurality in the popular vote, the United States tried unsuccessfully to prevent his taking office. This is known as Track One of Project FUBELT. He had also stood for the presidency on three previous occasions, in 1952, 1958 and 1964.

As President, Allende carried out a democratic socialist program, but his term was marked by civil unrest, strikes and lockouts, opposition from the United States and complaints from the Chilean Supreme Court. Less than a month after his condemnation by the opposition-controlled Chamber of Deputies of Chile's Resolution of August 22, 1973, a military coup d'état took place on September 11, 1973 and installed Augusto Pinochet, with dictatorial power. President Allende died during the coup.

Early life

Allende was born in 1908 in Valparaíso. He was the son of Salvador Allende Castro and Laura Gossens Uribe.

Allende attended high school at the Liceo Eduardo de la Barra in Valparaíso and medical school at the University of Chile, graduating with a medical degree in 1933. His thesis was entitled Mental hygiene and crime, advocating eugenics such as decribing homosexuals as repugnant, advocating chemical castration for people with mental illnesses, and condemning the Jews as usurers, swindlers and slanderers.

He also co-founded the Socialist Party of Chile in Valparaíso and became its leader. He married Hortensia Bussi, with whom he had three daughters.

In 1938, Allende became a minister of Health in the Popular Front government of Chile led by Pedro Aguirre Cerda, relinquishing the parliamentary seat for Valparaíso he had won in 1937. Around that time, he wrote La Realidad Médico Social de Chile (The social and medical reality of Chile). Following Aguirre's death in 1941, he returned to parliament. In line with his eugenics ideas, he introduced a bill to sterilize the mentally ill, but Congress rejected it.

In 1945, Allende became senator for the Valdivia, Llanquihue, Chiloé, Aisén and Magallanes provinces; then for Tarapacá and Antofagasta in 1953; for Aconcagua and Valparaíso in 1961; and once more for Chiloé, Aisén and Magallanes in 1969. He had been president of the Chilean Senate from 1966.

His three unsuccessful bids for the presidency (in the 1952, 1958 and 1964 elections) prompted Allende to joke that his epitaph would be "Here lies the next President of Chile." In 1952, as candidate for the Frente de Acción Popular (Popular Action Front, FRAP), he obtained only 5.4% of the vote, partly due to a division within socialist ranks over support for Carlos Ibáñez and the prohibition of communism. In 1958, again as the FRAP candidate, Allende obtained 28.5% of the vote. This time, his defeat was attributed to votes lost to the populist Antonio Zamorano. In 1964, once more as the FRAP candidate, he lost again, polling 38.6% of the votes against 55.6% for Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei. As it became clear that the election would be a race between Allende and Frei, the political right – which initially had backed Radical Julio Durán – settled for Frei as "the lesser evil".

Allende's socialist ideology and friendship with Cuban president Fidel Castro made him deeply unpopular within the administrations of successive U.S. presidents, from John F. Kennedy to Richard Nixon; they believed there was a danger of Chile becoming a communist state and joining the Soviet Union's sphere of influence; according to the Mitrokhin Archives, Allende had been codenamed "LEADER" as a KGB contact, and had been supplying the KGB with information since the 1950s. Senator Allende publicly condemned the Soviet invasion of Hungary (1956) and of Czechoslovakia (1968), and as President of Chile was the first Government in continental America to recognize the People's Republic of China (1971).

Various U.S. corporations (including ITT, Anaconda and Kennecott) owned property and mineral rights in Chile. The Nixon administration feared that these companies might be nationalized by a socialist government, and was openly hostile to Allende. During Nixon's presidency, U.S. officials attempted to prevent Allende's election by financing political parties aligned with opposition candidate Jorge Alessandri and supporting strikes in the mining and transportation sectors.

Election

Allende won the 1970 Chilean presidential election as leader of the Unidad Popular ("Popular Unity") coalition. On September 4, 1970, he obtained a narrow plurality of 36.2 percent to 34.9 percent over Jorge Alessandri, a former president, with 27.8 percent going to a third candidate (Radomiro Tomic) of the Christian Democratic Party (PDC), whose electoral platform was quite close to Allende's. According to the Chilean Constitution of the time, if no presidential candidate obtained a majority of the popular vote, the Congress would choose the winner from among the two candidates with the highest number of votes. The tradition was for the Congress to vote for the candidate with the highest popular vote, regardless of margin. Indeed, former president Jorge Alessandri had been elected in 1958 with only 31.6 percent of the popular vote, defeating Allende.

The United States played a role in the result of the election. ITT gave at least $350,000 to Jorge Alessandri. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) funded Alessandri's campaign through the International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation and other channels similar to their actions in the 1964 elections. The CIA claim that Allende's campaign also received $350,000 from Cuba.

Allende assumed the presidency on November 3, 1970. Twelve days before, General René Schneider, Commander in Chief of the Chilean Army, was shot resisting a kidnap attempt by a group led by Roberto Viaux; hospitalized, he died of his wounds three days later. Viaux's kidnapping plan had been supported by the CIA, although it seems Kissinger ordered the plans turned off. Schneider was a known defender of the "constitutionalist" doctrine that the army's role is exclusively professional, its mission being to protect the country's sovereignty and not to interfere in politics.

René Schneider's murder was widely disapproved and, for the time, ended military opposition to Allende, whom the parliament finally chose on October 24. On October 26, President Eduardo Frei named General Carlos Prats as commander in chief of the army in replacement of René Schneider.

Presidency

Upon assuming power, Allende began to carry out his platform of implementing socialist programs in Chile, called La vía chilena al socialismo ("the Chilean Path to Socialism"). This included nationalization of large-scale industries (notably copper mining and banking), and government administration of the health care system, educational system, a program of free milk for children, and a greatly expanded plan of land seizure and redistribution (already begun under his predecessor Eduardo Frei Montalva, who had nationalized between one-fifth and one-quarter of all properties liable to takeover ). The Allende government's intention was to seize all holdings of more than eighty basic irrigated hectares . Allende also intended to improve the socio-economic welfare of Chile's poorest citizens; a key element was to provide employment, either in the new nationalised enterprises or on public works projects.

Chilean presidents were allowed a maximum of six years, which may explain Allende's haste to restructure the economy. Not only did he have a significant restructuring program organized, it had to be a success if a Socialist successor to Allende was going to be elected.

The Allende government announced it would default on debts owed to international creditors and foreign governments. Allende also froze all prices while raising salaries. His implementation of these policies led to strong opposition by landowners, some middle-class sectors, the rightist National Party, the Roman Catholic Church (which in 1973 was displeased with the direction of educational policy), and eventually the Christian Democrats.

Allende also undertook Project Cybersyn, a system of networked telex machines and computers. Cybersyn was developed by British cybernetics expert Stafford Beer. The network transmitted data from factories to the government in Santiago, allowing for economic planning in real-time.

In the first year of Allende's term, the short-term economic results of Minister of the Economy Pedro Vuskovic's expansive monetary policy were unambiguously favorable: 12% industrial growth and an 8.6% increase in GDP, accompanied by major declines in inflation (down from 34.9% to 22.1%) and unemployment (down to 3.8%). However, these results were not sustained, and in 1972, the Chilean escudo had runaway inflation of 140%. The average Real GDP contracted between 1971 and 1973 at an annual rate of 5.6% ("negative growth"); and the government's fiscal deficit soared while foreign reserves declined . The combination of inflation and government-mandated price-fixing, together with the "disappearance" of basic commodities from supermarket shelves, led to the rise of black markets in rice, beans, sugar, and flour.

In 1971, following the re-establishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba, despite a previously established Organization of American States convention that no nation in the Western Hemisphere would do so (the only exceptions being Mexico and Canada, which had refused to adopt that convention), Cuban president Fidel Castro took a month-long visit to Chile. The visit, in which Castro participated actively in the internal politics of the country, holding massive rallies and giving public advice to Allende, was seen by those on the political right as proof to support their view that "The Chilean Path to Socialism" was an effort to put Chile on the same path as Cuba.

October 1972 saw the first of what were to be a wave of confrontational strikes. One by one, owners of trucks were joined by small businessmen, some (mostly professional) unions and some student groups. Other than the inevitable damage to the economy, the chief effect of the 24-day strike was to induce Allende to bring the head of the army, general Carlos Prats, into the government as Interior Minister. .

In addition to the earlier-discussed provision of employment, Allende also raised wages on a number of occasions throughout 1970 and 1971; these wages hikes were negated by in-tandem inflation of Chile's fiat currency. Although price rises had also been high under Frei (27% a year between 1967 and 1970), a basic basket of consumer goods rose by 120% from 190 to 421 escudos in one month alone, August 1972. In the period 1970-72, while Allende was in government, exports fell 24% and imports rose 26%, with imports of food rising an estimated 149% . Although nominal wages were rising, there was not a commensurate increase in the standard of living.

Export income fell due to a decline in the price of copper on international markets; copper being the single most important export (more than half of Chile's export receipts were from this sole commodity ). Adverse fluctuation in the international price of copper negatively affected the economy throughout 1971-2: The price of copper fell from a peak of $66 per ton in 1970 to only $48-9 in 1971 and 1972 .

Throughout his presidency, Allende remained at odds with the Chilean Congress, which was dominated by the Christian Democratic Party. The Christian Democrats (who had campaigned on a socialist platform in the 1970 elections, but drifted away from those positions during Allende's presidency, eventually forming a coalition with the National Party), continued to accuse Allende of leading Chile toward a Cuban-style dictatorship, and sought to overturn many of his more radical policies. Allende and his opponents in Congress repeatedly accused each other of undermining the Chilean Constitution and acting undemocratically.

Allende's increasingly bold socialist policies (partly in response to pressure from some of the more radical members within his coalition), combined with his close contacts with Cuba, heightened fears in Washington. The Nixon administration began exerting economic pressure on Chile via multilateral organizations, and continued to back Allende's opponents in the Chilean Congress. Almost immediately after his election, Nixon directed CIA and U.S. State Department officials to "put pressure" on Allende's government.

The coup

There were rumors of a possible coup since at least 1972; in 1973, partly due to Allende's anti-market and anti-private property policies and partly as a result of the rapidly declining price of copper (Chile's main export), the economy took a major downturn. By September, hyperinflation (508% for the entire year) and shortages had plunged the country into near chaos .

Despite declining economic indicators, Allende's Popular Unity coalition actually increased its vote to 43% in the parliamentary elections early in 1973. However, by this point, what had started as an informal alliance with the Christian Democrats was anything but; the Christian Democrats now joined with the right-wing National Party to oppose Allende's government, the two parties calling themselves the Confederación Democrática (CODE). The conflict between the executive and legislature paralyzed initiatives from either side.

On June 29, 1973, a tank regiment under the command of Colonel Roberto Souper surrounded the presidential palace (La Moneda) in an unsuccessful coup attempt known as the Tanquetazo. On August 9, General Carlos Prats was made Minister of Defense, but this decision proved so unpopular with the military that, on August 22, he was forced to resign not only this position but his role as Commander-in-Chief of the Army; he was replaced in the latter role by General Augusto Pinochet.

For some months now, the government had been afraid to call upon the national police known as the Carabineros, for fear of their lack of loyalty. In August 1973, a constitutional crisis was clearly in the offing: the Supreme Court publicly complained about the government's inability to enforce the law of the land and, on August 22, the Chamber of Deputies (with the Christian Democrats now firmly uniting with the National Party) accused Allende's government of unconstitutional acts and called on the military ministers to assure the constitutional order. Among other things, Allende was accused of disregarding the courts, attempting to restrict freedom of speech, and supporting unauthorized seizures of farms and private industry for the purpose of establishing state control of the economy.

In early September 1973, Allende floated the idea of resolving the crisis with a plebiscite. His speech outlining such a solution was scheduled for September 12, but he was never able to deliver it. On September 11, 1973, the Chilean military staged the Chilean coup of 1973 against Allende.

Death

Just prior to the capture of the La Moneda (the Presidential Palace), with gunfire and explosions clearly audible in the background, Allende made what would become a famous farewell speech to Chileans on live radio, speaking of himself in the past tense, of his love for Chile and of his deep faith in its future. He stated that his commitment to Chile did not allow him to take an easy way out and be used as a propaganda tool by those he called "traitors" (accepting an offer of safe passage), clearly implying he intended to fight to the end.

Shortly afterwards, Allende was dead. An official announcement declared that he had committed suicide with a machine gun, purportedly the AK-47 assault rifle given to him as a gift by Fidel Castro, which bore a golden plate engraved "To my good friend Salvador from Fidel, who by different means tries to achieve the same goals."

Foreign involvement in Chile during Allende's administration

US involvement

The possibility of Allende winning Chile's 1970 election was deemed a disaster by a US government desirous of protecting US business interests and preventing any further spread of communism during the Cold War; and U.S. President Richard Nixon ordered the CIA to develop plans to impede Allende's election, known as "Track I" and "Track II"; Track I sought to prevent Allende from assuming power via parliamentary trickery, while Track II tried encouraging the Chilean military to remove Allende prior to his assuming the presidency. After the 1970 election, the Track I operation attempted to incite Chile's outgoing president, Eduardo Frei Montalva, to persuade his party (PDC) to vote in Congress for Alessandri. Under the plan, Alessandri would resign his office immediately after assuming it and call new elections. Eduardo Frei would then be constitutionally able to run again (since the Chilean Constitution did not allow a president to hold two consecutive terms, but allowed multiple non-consecutive ones), and presumably easily defeat Allende. The Congress instead chose Allende as President, on the condition that he would sign a "Statute of Constitutional Guarantees" affirming that he would respect and obey the Chilean Constitution, and that his socialist reforms would not undermine any element of it (his decision not to abide by it would directly lead to the Resolution of August 22, 1973).

Track II was abortive, as parallel initiatives already underway within the Chilean military rendered it moot.

It has been claimed that the United States played a role in Chilean politics prior to the coup, but its degree of involvement in the coup itself is debated. The CIA was notified by its Chilean contacts of the impending coup two days in advance, but contends it "played no direct role in" the coup.

President Allende's economic policy had involved nationalizations of many key companies, notably U.S.-owned copper mines. This had been a significant reason behind the United States opposition to Allende's reformist socialist government, in addition to his establishing diplomatic relations and cooperation agreements with Cuba and the Soviet Union. Much of the internal opposition to Allende's policies came from business sector, and recently-released U.S. government documents confirm that the U.S. funded the truck drivers' strike, that had exacerbated the already chaotic economic situation prior to the coup.

After Pinochet assumed power, U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger told U.S. President Richard Nixon that the U.S. "didn't do it" (referring to the coup itself). Recently declassified documents show that the United States government and the CIA had sought the overthrow of Allende in 1970 immediately before he took office ("Project FUBELT"), but claims of their direct involvement in the 1973 coup are not proven by publicly available documentary evidence. Many potentially relevant documents still remain classified.

Legacy and debate

More than thirty years after his death, Allende remains a controversial figure. Since his life ended before his presidential term was over, there has been much speculation as to what Chile would have been like had he been able to remain in power. However, one of his enduring administration legacies is the nationalization of the copper mining industry, a step Pinochet's administration did not revoke.

Supporters' View

His supporters argue that he did not win an outright majority because Christian Democrat Radomiro Tomic, running on a leftist platform similar to Allende's, split the Left vote. Tomic and Allende together gathered 64% of the vote, a clear majority. Meanwhile, Allende's opponents maintain that Allende went much farther to the left than voters could have expected, and point out that the Christian Democratic Party later forged an alliance with the Right and was initially supportive of military intervention to remove Allende from office, although began to disassociate itself because of the manifestly undemocratic and violently repressive nature of the Pinochet Dictatorship.

Allende is seen as a hero to many on the political Left. Some view him as a martyr who died for the cause of socialism. His face has even been stylized and reproduced as a symbol of Marxism, similar to the famous images of Che Guevara. Some hold the United States, specifically Henry Kissinger and the CIA, responsible for his death, and view him as a victim of American imperialism. But for Allende's supporters, the most relevant and revolutionary of his legacies lies in his incorruptible democratic conviction, which nourished the idea that Socialism can be reached through a democratic, pacific path. It is argued that, under the light of history, this may raise him to a visionary, and the weight that his democratic ideas have in nowadays, leftist Latin American politics can be felt in Venezuela and, most recently, Bolivia.

Opponents' View

Others view Allende much less favorably. He is criticized for his government's mass nationalization of private industry, alleged friendliness with more militant groups such as the Movement of the Revolutionary Left, and the supply shortages and hyperinflation that occurred during the latter years of his presidency; all these had combined to cause a strong polarization in the country and the committed opposition of the Christian Democratic Party at the time of the coup. He is also accused of having had an autocratic style, attempting to circumvent the Congress and the courts, and having a hostile attitude toward critical media.

A common and more severe criticism is that because of his closeness with Fidel Castro and Eastern bloc countries, he was planning to convert Chile into a Cuban-style dictatorship. Such allegations are highly controversial. One, offered by the military junta which deposed Allende, accusing him of formulating the supposed "Plan Z", in which the Popular Unity government was accused to have planned a bloody coup of its own to install Allende as dictator. The junta alleged that the plot was to be no less than a blueprint for assassinations of military leaders and general "mass murder". The CIA later concluded that "Plan Z" was probably disinformation. Nevertheless, according to his opponents, Allende's own refusal to obey and/or enforce more than 7,000 Chilean Supreme Court and other legistlative rulings (as detailed in the Resolution of August 22, 1973) was a sign of dictatorial style in defiance of Chile's democratic government institutions. Torture was used so extensively by the police during the Allende government that in November 1970 the weekly newspaper La Portada in Santiago published an ironic article proposing that torture ought to be more systematic, with a priest present for the final stages.

Accusations of racism

Recent controversy has surrounded Allende's 1933 doctoral dissertation "Mental Hygiene and Delinquency", the subject of a recent book Salvador Allende: Anti-Semitism and Euthanasia by Victor Farías, a Chilean-born teacher at the Latin America Institute of the Free University of Berlin. In his book, Farías claims that Allende held racist, homophobic and anti-semitic views, as well as believing at that time that mental illnesses, criminal behaviour, and alcoholism were hereditary.

Farías allegations have been challenged by the Spanish President Allende Foundation, which published various relevant materials on the Internet in PDF form, including the dissertation itself and a letter of protest sent by the Chilean Congress (and signed among others by Allende) to Adolf Hitler after Kristallnacht. The Foundation claims that in his thesis Allende was merely quoting Italian-Jewish scientist Cesare Lombroso, whereas he himself was critical of these theories. Farías maintains the affirmations that appear in his book. The President Allende Foundation replied publishing the entire original text of Lombroso and in April 2006 filed an anti-libel claim against Farias and his publisher in the Court of Justice of Madrid (Spain).

Farías paraphrases of Lombroso have been much quoted; for example The Daily Telegraph (UK) reported 12 May 2005 that "Allende… wrote: 'The Hebrews are characterised by certain types of crime: fraud, deceit, slander and above all usury. These facts permits the supposition that race plays a role in crime.' Among the Arabs, he wrote, were some industrious tribes but 'most are adventurers, thoughtless and lazy with a tendency to theft'

The Telegraph's quotation about the Jews appears to be a combination of two sentences that are not adjacent in the dissertation. Both are part of Allende's summary of Cesare Lombroso's views on different "tribes", "races" and "nations" being prone to different types of crime; the latter is misquoted. Allende's passage about the Jews reads "The Hebrews are characterized by certain types of crime: fraud, deceit, defamation and, above all, usury. On the other hand, murders and crimes of passion are the exception." After recounting Lombroso's views, Allende writes, "These data lead one to suspect that race influences crime. Nonetheless, we lack precise data to demonstrate this influence in the civilized world." The passage about Arabs is "Among the Arabs there are some honored and hardworking tribes, and others who are adventurers, thoughtless and lazy with a tendency to theft." There is no statement that the latter applies to "most" Arabs.

Farías further claims to have found evidence that Allende had tried to implement his ideas about heredity during his period as Health Minister 1939-1941, and that he received help from German Nazis E. Brücher and Hans Betzhold in drafting of an unsuccessful bill mandating forced sterilisation of alcoholics. The President Allende Foundation has challenged Farias in the Court of Justice of Madrid (Spain)to prove that any bill on this issue has been proposed by Minister Allende to the Chilean Government or Parliament, and to prove as well Farías' allegation that Allende was bribed by the Nazi foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop without providing any evidence of it .

Allende's mother, Laura Gossens Uribe, was of Jewish descent, a fact that was used by his political detractors against him. The neo-Nazi intellectual and former Chilean diplomat Miguel Serrano (who was the mentor to many in the fascist “Patria y Libertad” movement, which was instrumental in overseeing the CIA’s backed programme of destabilization in Chile) often spoke about Allende’s “Jewishness” or his “Judeo-Bolshevik” agenda.

During his term in office, Allende - who was himself an atheist - supported a more ecumenical approach to national festivities and encouraged participation from the small Chilean Jewish community in celebrating Chile’s Independence Day, which had always been sanctified by the Roman Catholic Church.

Allende entrusted two of the most important tasks of his government to Chilean Jews: Jacques Chonchol to direct and implemented agrarian reform, and David Silberman Gurovich, who was in charge of consolidating the nationalization of the most important industry in the country, Codelco-Chuquicamata (the largest open-pit copper mine in the World).

In 1972, Salvador Allende suggested the Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal ask the Chilean Supreme Court to extradite former SS Colonel Walter Rauff to Germany. The letters exchanged between Wiesental and President Allende are published in CLARIN .

Additional information

See also

Notes

1. Pronunciation (IPA): /salƀaðoɽ aʝεnde/
2. Biography of Allende from the official website of the Presidency of Chile. The administration, at the time of access, was headed by socialist Ricardo Lagos, a former Allende supporter.
3. Frank McGehee, "A model operation - Covert action in Chile: 1963-1973", Institute for Global Communications, 8 January 1999. online copy on Hartford Web Publishing site accessed 21 September 2006.
4. The 1970 Election: a "Spoiling" Campaign, Staff Report of the U.S.Senate Select Committee To Study Governmental Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activities (the "Church Committee"), December 18, 1975. Accessed 21 September 2006 on U.S. Department of State FOIA site.
5. ^ Mark Falcoff, Kissinger and Chile, originally in Commentary Magazine, November 10, 2003. Accessed 21 September 2006 on FrontPageMag.com.
6. Template:Es icon La Unidad Popular on icarito.latercera.cl, archived 7 Mar, 2005 on the Internet Archive.
7. Template:Es icon Declaración de la Asamblea Plenaria del Episcopado sobre la Escuela Nacional Unificada, 11 April 1973. Accessed online 21 September 2006 on the site of the Conferencia Episcopal de Chile
8. "Salvador Allende Gossens". Presidencia de la República de Chile. Retrieved 2006-04-08.
9. James Whelan, Out of the Ashes: The Life, Death and Transfiguration of Democracy in Chile (Washington: Regnery Gateway, 1989), 511-512 and 519-520.
10. "Church Report. Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973", December 18, 1975.
11. http://cbsnews.cbs.com/stories/2000/09/11/world/main232452.shtml
12. Hinchey Report, "CIA Activities in Chile", September 18, 2000
13. Allende's Thesis
14. Letter of Protest to Adolf Hitler
16. Cesare Lombroso: "El Delito, sus causas y remedios", 1902
18. Quotes from Allende's Thesis as reported in Newspapers

link title For disclassified papers disclosing CIA intervention in Chile and Kissinger's plan to destabilise the Allende Popular front government including the assasination of Commander in Chief René Schneider.

link title wiki link for the assasinated Commander chief at Americo Vespuccio Avenue in Santiago, Chile. A political crime alleged to be commited by CIA backed fascist youth organisation Patria y libertad. (Patriotism & freedom)

External links and references

• Template:Es Official Government biography
• Spartacus Educational Biography
• History of Chile under Salvador Allende and the Popular Unity by Ewin Martinez
• Template:Es Allende Memorial Site
• Salvador Allende's "Last Words"Spanish text with English translation. The transcript of the last radio broadcast of Chilean President Salvador Allende, made on 11 September 1973, at 9:10 AM. MP3 audio available here.
• Hannah Cleaver Allende branded a fascist and anti-Semite 12 May 2005 in The Telegraph (UK).
• Template:Es Caso Pinochet. While nominally a page about the Pinochet case, this large collection of links includes Allende's dissertation and numerous documents (mostly PDFs) related to the dissertation and to the controversy about it, ranging from the Cesare Lombroso material discussed in Allende's dissertation to a collective telegram of protest over Kristallnacht signed by Allende.
• Template:Es Popular Unity of Salvador Allende
• Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, Mitrokhin archive: How 'weak' Allende was left out in the cold by the KGB describing relations between Allende and the KGB, including KGB payments to Allende. The Times September 19, 2005
• Template:Es Previously unreleased interview with Allende by Saul Landau in 1971, published by La Nacion on September 24th, 2005.
• Alternate source of the Resolution of August 22, 1973 (English, Spanish, French, German, Polish
• "Never Again: An essay about the breakdown of democracy in Chile" by José Piñera (examination of events leading up to, and implications regarding, the Resolution of August 22, 1973. (In English, Italian, Spanish) Mirror site
• Template:Es Map of the Sorroundings of La Moneda Palace

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