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Anti anti-communism is opposition to anti-communism as applied in the Cold War. The term was first coined in 1984 by Clifford Geertz and was meant to show that it was possible to criticize anti-communism, particularly its excesses like McCarthism, without being a communist. For example, there were both liberal and conservative criticism of Cold War era anti-communism in countries like the United States.

In the post-Cold War era, the term came to include the analysis of scholars and journalists who argue that anti-communist narratives had exaggerated the repression and crimes of Communist states, that the criticism of Communist party rule should not be applied to communism as a whole or to other left-wing politics in order to discredit them and their criticism of capitalism (particularly neoliberal capitalism), and that the victims of Communism narrative (the body count of the deaths caused, directly or indirectly, by Communist governments) popularized by The Black Book of Communism has a double standard in that it could be equally applied to capitalism or to other systems and ideologies to reach the same if not bigger number of victims, and that in general there is a double standard in memory politics between the excesses of capitalism and those of Communist states.

Critics contend that anti anti-communism is an attempt to downplay Soviet espionage and the threat posed by communism, and that it is a form of whataboutism. Supporters respond that they are not downplaying the excesses and crimes of Communist states or rehabilitating real socialism but are trying to contextualize them within a comparative analysis of double standards.

Definition

Clifford Geertz, an American anthropologist at the Institute for Advanced Study, defined anti anti-communism as being applied in "the cold war days" by "those who ... regarded the Menace as the primary fact of contemporary political life" to "hose of us who strenuously opposed obsession, as we saw it ... with the insinuation – wildly incorrect in the vast majority of cases – that, by the law of the double negative, we had some secret affection for the Soviet Union." Stated more simply by Kristen Ghodsee and Scott Sehon, "the anthropologist Clifford Geertz wrote that you could be 'anti anti-communism' without being in favour of communism."

In 1964, socialist historian Theodore Draper used anti anti-communism to refer to Fidel Castro and his consolidation of the Cuban Revolution, which preceded the Cuban–Soviet economic agreement of 1960. In a critique of Stephen F. Cohen, Jonathan Chait used a fully hyphenated form of the term in 2014, calling Cohen "an old-school leftist who has carried on the mental habits of decades of anti-anti-communism seamlessly into a new career of anti-anti-Putinism", referring to the use of whataboutism or what Chait calls "defense-by-implication" as a rhetorical strategy by RT commentators.

Overview

Cold War era

Several academics and journalists argue that anti-communist narratives have exaggerated the extent of political repression and censorship in Communist states or have drawn comparisons with what they see as atrocities that were perpetrated by capitalist states, particularly during the Cold War. Among them are Mark Aarons, Vincent Bevins, Noam Chomsky, Jodi Dean, Kristen Ghodsee, Jason Hickel, Seumas Milne, and Michael Parenti. Albert Szymanski drew a comparison between the treatment of Soviet dissidents after Joseph Stalin's death and the treatment of dissidents in the United States during the period of McCarthyism, arguing that "on the whole, it appears that the level of repression in the Soviet Union in the 1955 to 1980 period was at approximately the same level as in the United States during the McCarthy years (1947–1956)." John Lukacs was described as one of "anti-anticommunists among conservatives and their fellow travelers".

John Earl Haynes, who studied the Venona decryptions extensively, argued that Joseph McCarthy's attempts to "make anticommunism a partisan weapon" actually "threatened anti-Communist consensus", thereby ultimately harming anti-communist efforts more than helping them. Harry S. Truman called McCarthy "the greatest asset the Kremlin has". Liberal anti-communists like Edward Shils and Daniel Patrick Moynihan had a contempt for McCarthyism. Shils criticized an excessive policy of secrecy during the Cold War, leading to the misdirection of McCarthyism, which was addressed during the Moynihan Commission (1994–1997). As Moynihan put it, "the reaction against McCarthy took the form of a modish anti-anti-Communism that considered impolite any discussion of the very real threat Communism posed to Western values and security." After revelations of Soviet spy networks from the declassified Venona project, Moynihan wondered: "Might less secrecy have prevented the liberal overreaction to McCarthyism as well as McCarthyism itself?" In 1998, Geoffrey Wheatcroft criticized certain aspects of anti-anti-communism. He suggested that "one mark of the true anti-anti-communist is an evasive use of language", such as downplaying historical Soviet espionage.

Chomsky observed double standards in his criticism of The Black Book of Communism. In outlining economist Amartya Sen's research on hunger that while India's democratic institutions prevented famines, its excess of mortality over Communist China, potentially attributable to the latter's more equal distribution of medical and other resources, was nonetheless close to four million per year for non-famine years. Chomsky argued that if the same methodology of The Black Book of Communism was applied to India, then "the democratic capitalist 'experiment' has caused more deaths than in the entire history of ... Communism everywhere since 1917: over 100 million deaths by 1979, and tens of millions more since, in India alone." At an April 2017 conference at the University of Bern called "Anti-Communist persecutions in the 20th Century", American historian Ronald Grigor Suny suggested that the panel write "The Black Book of Anti-Communism", referencing the controversial The Black Book of Communism.

Post-Cold War era

In her 2012 book The Communist Horizon, Dean argued that there is a double standard among all sides of the political spectrum, including conservatives, liberals, and social democrats, in how communism and capitalism are perceived nearly two decades after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Dean stated that the worst excesses of capitalism are often minimized, while communism is often equated only with the Soviet Union, and experiments in Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia are often ignored, with an emphasis placed on the Stalin era and its violent excesses including gulags, purges, droughts and famines, and almost no consideration for the industrialization and modernization of the Soviet economy, the successes of Soviet science (such as the Soviet space program), or the rise in the standard of living for the once predominantly agrarian society. The dissolution of the Soviet Union is therefore seen as the proof that communism cannot work, allowing for all left-wing criticism of the excesses of neoliberal capitalism to be silenced, for the alternatives would supposedly inevitably result in economic inefficiency and violent authoritarianism.

Other academics and journalists, such as Ghodsee and Milne, asserted that in the post-Cold War era any narratives including Communist states' achievements are often ignored, while those that focus exclusively on the crimes of Stalin and other Communist party leaders are amplified. Both allege this is done in part to silence any criticism of global capitalism. In Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism, Parenti holds that Communist regimes, as flawed as they were, nevertheless played a crucial role in "tempering the worst impulses of Western capitalism and imperialism", and criticized left-wing anti-communists in particular for failing to understand that in the post-Cold War era Western business interests are "no longer restrained by a competing system" and are now "rolling back the many gains that working people in the West have won over the years". Parenti adds that "some of them still don't get it." In their anti anti-communism article for Aeon, Ghodsee and Sehon conclude: "Responsible and rational citizens need to be critical of simplistic historical narratives that rely on the pitchfork effect to demonise anyone on the Left. We should all embrace Geertz's idea of an anti-anti-communism in hopes that critical engagement with the lessons of the 20th century might help us to find a new path that navigates between, or rises above, the many crimes of both communism and capitalism." In The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World, Bevins argues that anti-communist mass killings backed by the United States during the Cold War have been far more impactful on shaping the contemporary world than Communist mass killings have.

See also

• Anti-capitalism
• Anti-fascism
• Anti-liberalism

References

1. Geertz, Clifford (June 1984). "Distinguished Lecture: Anti Anti-Relativism" (PDF). American Anthropologist. 86 (2): 263–278. doi:10.1525/aa.1984.86.2.02a00030. JSTOR 678960. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via IS MUNI.
2. ^ Ghodsee, Kristen (2015). The Left Side of History: World War II and the Unfulfilled Promise of Communism in Eastern Europe. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. pp. xvi–xvii. ISBN 978-0-8223-5835-0. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Google Books.
3. ^ Ghodsee, Kristen; Sehon, Scott (22 March 2018). Dresser, Sam (ed.). "The merits of taking an anti-anti-communism stance". Aeon. Archived from the original on 23 March 2018. Retrieved 11 February 2020.
4. Draper, Theodore (1964). "Five Years of Castro's Cuba". Commentary. No. January 1964. Archived from the original on 11 December 2021. Retrieved 11 December 2021.
5. Chait, Jonathan (14 March 2014). "The Pathetic Lives of Putin's American Dupes". New York. ISSN 0028-7369. Archived from the original on 14 March 2014. Retrieved 8 September 2020.
6. Aarons, Mark (2007). "Justice Betrayed: Post-1945 Responses to Genocide". In Blumenthal, David A.; McCormack, Timothy L. H. (eds.). The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance?. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. pp. 71, 80–81. ISBN 978-90-04-15691-3. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Google Books.
7. ^ Bevins, Vincent (2020). The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World. PublicAffairs. p. 240. ISBN 978-1-5417-4240-6. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Google Books. ... we do not live in a world directly constructed by Stalin's purges or mass starvation under Pol Pot. Those states are gone. Even Mao's Great Leap Forward was quickly abandoned and rejected by the Chinese Communist Party, though the party is still very much around. We do, however, live in a world built partly by US-backed Cold War violence ... Washington's anticommunist crusade, with Indonesia as the apex of its murderous violence against civilians, deeply shaped the world we live in now ... .
8. ^ Chomsky, Noam (2001). "Counting the Bodies". Spectre. No. 9. Archived from the original on 12 May 2001. Retrieved 18 September 2016.
9. ^ Dean, Jodi (2012). The Communist Horizon. Verso. pp. 6–7. ISBN 978-1-84467-954-6. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Google Books.
10. Sullivan, Dylan; Hickel, Jason (2 December 2022). "How British colonialism killed 100 million Indians in 40 years". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 6 January 2025. While the precise number of deaths is sensitive to the assumptions we make about baseline mortality, it is clear that somewhere in the vicinity of 100 million people died prematurely at the height of British colonialism. This is among the largest policy-induced mortality crises in human history. It is larger than the combined number of deaths that occurred during all famines in the Soviet Union, Maoist China, North Korea, Pol Pot's Cambodia, and Mengistu's Ethiopia.
11. ^ Milne, Seumas (16 February 2006). "Communism may be dead, but clearly not dead enough". The Guardian. ISSN 1756-3224. Archived from the original on 11 August 2014. Retrieved 5 September 2018.
12. ^ Parenti, Michael (1997). Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism. San Francisco: City Lights Books. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-87286-329-3. Retrieved 6 January 2025.
13. Szymanski, Albert (1984). Human Rights in the Soviet Union (PDF). London: Zed Books. p. 291. ISBN 978-0-86232-019-5. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Internet Archive.
14. Frohnen, Bruce; Beer, Jeremy; Jeffrey, Nelson O. (2014). American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia. Open Road Media. p. 1846. ISBN 978-1-4976-5157-9. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Google Books. The full answer to that question is complex. It is true, as has been often stated, that from 1945 to 1991 conservatism, as a political movement, was held together primarily by the glue of anticommunism. But then there are also were [sic] many staunch liberal anticommunists (e.g., Lionel Trilling) and even some staunch radical anticommunists (e.g., George Orwell). Furthermore, there were even anti-anticommunists among conservatives and their fellow travelers (e.g., John Lukacs).
15. Haynes, John Earl (February 2000). "Exchange with Arthur Herman and Venona book talk". JohnEarlHaynes.org. Archived from the original on 4 January 2025. Retrieved 11 July 2007.
16. ^ Wheatcroft, Geoffrey (12 May 1998). "Anti-Anticommunism Again". The Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Archived from the original on 6 April 2021. Retrieved 8 March 2021.
17. ^ Moynihan, Daniel Patrick (1998). Secrecy: The American Experience. Yale University Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-0-300-08079-7. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Internet Archive.
18. Chomsky, Noam (2000). Rogue States: The Rule of Force in World Affairs. Pluto Press. p. 178. ISBN 978-0-7453-1708-3. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Google Books..
19. Gerlach, Christian; Six, Clemens, eds. (2020). The Palgrave Handbook of Anti-Communist Persecutions. London: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 4. ISBN 978-3-030-54965-7. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Google Books.
20. Ehms, Jule (9 March 2014). "The Communist Horizon (review)". Marx & Philosophy Society Review of Books. Archived from the original on 22 March 2016. Retrieved 6 January 2025.
21. Ghodsee, Kristen (2014). "A Tale of 'Two Totalitarianisms': The Crisis of Capitalism and the Historical Memory of Communism" (PDF). History of the Present. 4 (2): 115–142. doi:10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115. JSTOR 10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115. Archived (PDF) from the original on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 6 January 2025 – via Scholars at Harvard.

• Anti-communism
• 1940s in the United States
• 1950s in the United States
• Cold War terminology
• Communism in the United States
• McCarthyism
• Political and cultural purges