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v t e

Arab citizens of Israel is a phrase used to describe Arabs or Arabic-speaking people that are not Jewish, who are citizens of the State of Israel.

Most Arab citizens of Israel identify themselves as Palestinian and hold many ties, including family ties, to Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Jordan. Among the Bedouin and Druze, there has been relatively greater emphasis on their identity as Israelis though there is evidence indicating that this is changing.

Some Bedouin Arabs hold family ties with Bedouin in Egypt, Sudan and Saudi Arabia. Some Druze in Israel holds family ties with Druze in Lebanon and Syria. The relations of these minority Arab groups with the State of Israel have been relatively warm. The leadership of the Druze community, in particular, formally allied itself with pre-Israeli militias like the Haganah as early as 1939 .

Special cases are the Arabs of East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, under Israeli control since the Six Days War of 1967. The residents of East Jerusalem became permanent residents of Israel shortly after the war, when Israel began administering the area. Only few of them accepted Israeli citizenship, and most of them keep close ties with the West Bank, however they are allowed to vote for municipal services. The mostly Druze residents of the Golan Heights are considered permanent residents under the Golan Heights Law of 1981. Although a few of them accepted full Israeli citizenship, many of them keep ties with Syria.

Notes on Terminology

"Arabs of Israel", "Arab population of Israel", or "Arab inhabitants" are terms used by Israeli authorities and Israeli Hebrew-speaking media to refer to non-Jewish Arabs that are citizens and/or residents of the State of Israel.

The Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, for example, therefore includes Arab permanent residents of Israel who do not hold Israeli citizenship in its census figures. As a result, the number of Arabs in Israel is calculated as 1,404,500 people or 19.8% of the Israeli population (2006). These figures include about 250,000 Arabs in East Jerusalem, and about 19,000 Druze in the Golan Heights.

Terms used to refer to Arab citizens of Israel in the Arab media or Arabic cultural lexicon are "the Arabs of '48", "the Palestinians of '48" or "the Arabs within" (عرب الداخل). These terms do not include the East Jerusalem Arab population or the Druze in the Golan Heights since these territories were occupied by Israel in 1967.

Other terms used to describe Arab citizens of Israel include “Arab Israelis", and "Palestinian Arabs in Israel".

All the terminology does not account for distinctions between different Arabic-speaking sub-groups in Israel. For example, these terms are commonly used to refer to the Druze population as well, even though some of them do not regard themselves as Arabs.

Additionally, Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews, who left or were expelled from Arab countries, mostly after 1948, or who are the descendants of those immigrants and refugees, are not usually identified as Arabs, though many of them and their ancestors were traditionally Arabic-speaking. Still, there are some Mizrahi and Sephardi Jews that do self-identify as Arab Jews.

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1948 Arab-Israeli War

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v t e

See also:Palestinian Exodus

In the aftermath of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, former British-Mandate Palestine was de facto divided into three parts: the State of Israel, Jordanian-held West Bank, and Egyptian-held Gaza Strip. Of the estimated 950,000 Arabs that lived in the territory that became Israel before the war, some 156,000 remained. Arab citizens of Israel are largely composed of these people and their descendants. Others include some from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank who procured Israeli citizenship under family-unification provisions that were recently made significantly more stringent.

The relationship of Arab citizens to the State of Israel is often fraught with tension. This tension can be regarded in the context of relations between indigenous/minority populations and state authorities elsewhere in the world , though their indigeneity has been challenged by some pro-Israel advocates. This tension was famously described by an Arab public figure as, "My state is at war with my nation".

The Palestine Liberation Organization, and other Palestinian academics and people, have repeatedly claimed that more than 400 Palestinian villages "were completely razed to the ground, their homes and buildings bulldozed or blown up, and wiped off the face of the map." In his 2006 book, "The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine", New Historian Ilan Pappe uses recently alleged declassified Israeli sources, including the Haganah's Plan Dalet, to support and extend this claim, stating that "In a matter of seven months, 531 villages were destroyed and 11 urban neighborhoods emptied. The alleged mass expulsion was supposedly accompanied by massacres, rape and imprisonment of men ... in labor camps for periods over a year." Pappe's book has criticised by scholars, like Efraim Karsh who claims that, "Even by the skewed standards of this field of studies, Pappé's latest book ranks in a class of its own. Not only does it add no new facts or ideas to the anti-Israel literature, but the sloppiness of its research astounds... More serious is the book's consistent resort to factual misrepresentation, distortion, and outright falsehood. Readers are told of events that never happened".

While the specific details of historical events may be a matter of ongoing dispute, there is no denying that the 1948 war had an enormous impact on Palestinian life. The significant reduction in numbers, the tearing apart of families who found themselves on either side of the newly created borders, and the loss of lands and homes, even for some of those who managed to remain, is referred to by all Palestinians, including those who are now citizens of Israel, as “al-Nakba,” i.e., the Disaster.

To this day, Palestinians around the world commemorate Al-Nakba via marches and rallies on Nakba Day, 15 May. Arab citizens of Israel generally hold a march on Israel's Independence Day, as well, to underscore their view of Israel's establishment as their catastrophe. This takes place on 5 Iyar according to the Jewish calendar, which means it falls on different dates every year under the Gregorian calendar. However, Druze soldiers were present at Israel's first Independence Day Parade in 1949, and there have since been parades for Druze and Circassians, as well as special events for Bedouins on Independence Day.

Palestinians who had left their homes during the period of armed conflict, but remained in what had become Israeli territory, were considered to be "present absentees". In some cases, they were refused permission to return to their original homes, which were expropriated and turned over to state ownership, as was the property of other Palestinian refugees. Notable cases of "present absentees" include the residents of Saffuriyya and the Galilee villages of Kafr Bir'im and Iqrit. The legal efforts by residents of Kafr Bir'im and Iqrit to be allowed to return to their homes have continued into the 21st Century.

Martial Law (1949-1966)

While Palestinian Arabs who remained inside what became Israel were granted citizenship, this population was subject to a number of controlling measures that amounted to martial law. This required that they apply for permission from the military governor to travel more than a given distance from their registered residence. It also included the use of curfew, administrative detentions, expulsions, and other activities. Martial law was lifted from the Arab population living in predominantly-Jewish cities some years later, but remained in place in Arab areas until 1966.

A variety of legal measures in effect during this period facilitated the transfer of land abandoned by Arabs to state ownership. These included the Absentee Property Law of 1950 which allowed the state to take control of land belonging to land owners who emigrated to other countries, and the Land Acquisition Law of 1953 which authorised the Ministry of Finance to transfer expropriated land to the state. Other common legal expedients included the use of emergency regulations to declare land belonging to Arab citizens a closed military zone, followed by the use of Ottoman legislation on abandoned land to take control of the land.

Ethnic and religious groupings

In 2004, the official number of Arab residents in Israel - including East Jerusalem permanent residents many of whom are not citizens - stands at around 1,350,000, about 19.5% of Israel’s population. Muslims, including Bedouins, make up 82% of the entire Israeli Arab population, with around 9% Druze, and 9% Christians, according to the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, May 2003.

Muslim Arabs

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Muslim Arabs, excluding Bedouins, comprise about 70% of Israel's Arab population. They are not required to serve in the Israeli military, and very few (around 120 a year) volunteer.

Muslim Israelis have the highest birthrate of any group: 4.0 children per woman, as opposed to 2.7 for Jewish Israelis, a natural reproduction rate of 3% compared to 1.5%. Around 25% of the children born in Israel today are Muslim. The Muslim population is mostly young: 42% of Muslims are children under the age of 15, compared with 26% of the Jewish population. The median age of Muslim Israelis is 18, while the median age of Jewish Israelis is 30. The percentage of people over 65 is less than 3% for Muslims, compared with 12% for the Jewish population.

According to forecasts, the Muslim population will grow to over 2,000,000 people, or 24-26% of the population within the next 15 years. They will also comprise 85% of the Israeli Arab population in 2020 (3% up from 2005). (See the section on Demographics below for more on this issue.)

Bedouin

The term "Bedouin" or "Badawi" in Arabic defines a range of nomadic desert-dwelling ethnic groups spanning from the western Sahara desert to the Middle East. Through the latter half of the 19th century, the traditionally pastoral nomadic Bedouin in Palestine, began transitioning to a semi-nomadic pastoral agricultural community, with an emphasis on agricultural production and the privatization of tribal lands. Prior to the establishment of Israel in 1948, there were an estimated 65,000-90,000 Bedouin living in the Negev. The 11,000 who remained were relocated by the Israeli government in the 1950s and 1960s to an area called the "siyag" (closure) made up of relatively infertile land in the northeastern Negev comprising 10% of the Negev desert. Negev Bedouins, like the rest of the Arab population in Israel, lived under military rule up to 1966. Seven government developed cities and towns were established in the "siyag" area where roughly half of Israel's Bedouin population live today. The largest Bedouin locality in Israel is the city of Rahat. The Israeli government encourages Bedouin to settle as permanent residents in these towns, but some 76,000 continue to live in tens of "unrecognized villages," some of which predate the existence of Israel. These villages do not appear on any Israeli maps, and are denied basic services like water, electricity and schools. It is forbidden to build permanent structures, though many do risking fines and home demolition.

Each year, between 5%-10% of the Bedouin population of draft age volunteer for the Israeli army, (unlike Jewish, Druze, and Circassian Israelis they are not required by law to do so). The legendary Israeli soldier, Amos Yarkoni, first commander of the Shaked Reconnaissance Battalion in the Givati Brigade, was a Bedouin (born Abd el-Majid Hidr).

A number of technically Palestinian Bedouin residents of the Gaza Strip were evacuated along with the Jews during Israel's unilateral disengagement plan of 2005. Their peaceful relations with the Israelis allowed them to enjoy freedom of movement within Israeli areas. The village of Kfar Yam specifically referred to their community as "neighbours." The community requested that the Israeli military pull them out as well, claiming that without their presence their lives would be in danger.

Druze

The Druze are members of a sect residing in many countries, although predominantly in mountainous regions in Israel, Lebanon and Syria. Israeli Druze mainly live in northern Israel, notably in Daliyat Al-Karmel near Haifa. There are also Druze localities in the Golan Heights, which were captured in 1967 from Syria and annexed to Israel in 1981.

The Druze population are Arabic speakers, but often consider themselves to form a distinct group, and may decline to define themselves as Arabs. Israeli law usually acknowledges this approach. The Druze are defined as a distinct ethnic group in the Israeli Ministry of the Interior's census registration. While the Israeli education system is basically divided into Hebrew and Arabic speaking schools, the Druze have autonomy within the Arabic speaking branch. Other than religious differences of Druze from their Arab counterparts, there are also political differences. The Druze showed very little interest in Arab nationalism that was on the rise in the 20th century, and did not take part in the early Arab-Jewish skirmishes of the era either. By 1948, most Druze sided with the Jews in Palestine, and actively fought on their side. The Druze did not flee the new Jewish state, and no Druze was displaced from the war. Unlike most other Arab Israelis, right-wing Israeli political parties have appealed to many Druze. Ayoob Kara, for example, represented the conservative Likud in the Knesset, and other parties such as Shas and Israel Beytenu have likewise attracted Druze voters. Currently, a Druze MK, Majallie Whbee of the centrist Kadima, as Deputy Speaker of the Knesset, is second in line to the presidency.

Some Druze identify themselves as Israelis and are required to serve in the IDF per an agreement made between their local religious leaders and the Israeli government in the 1960s. In recent years, a small minority of the Druze community have denounced this mandatory enrollment, and refused to serve. Generally, the Druze community lives harmoniously with Israeli Jews. In Israel, about 85% of Druze men serve in the army. The Druze in Israel, like all Druze, follow a unique Druze religion which stemmed from Islam, although unlike Syrian Druze for instance, Israeli Druze generally resent being referred to as Muslim.

Christian Arabs

Christian Arabs comprise about 9% of the Arab population in Israel, and reside mostly in the north. Nazareth has the largest Christian Arab population.

Some Christian Arabs, like their Muslim and Druze counterparts, are active in Israeli politics and civil life. The only non-Jewish Arab judge to receive a permanent appointment to preside over Israel's Supreme Court is a Christian Arab, Salim Jubran.

Abuna Elias Chacour is a Palestinian and an Israeli citizen, currently the Archbishop of Galilee, of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church. With his family he was forced from their home in Kafr Bir'im in Galilee in 1948. The villagers of Kafr Bir'im are still fighting for the right to return.

IDF figures indicate that growing numbers of young Christian Arabs are enlisting in the army. In 2002 and 2003, the Christians were 0.1 percent of all the conscripts; a year later, their numbers had doubled. Altogether, in 2003, the percentage of Christians had grown by 16 percent over the year 2000. Most of them come from the large towns and serve in the Border Police. The IDF does not publish figures about the number of conscripts, and it is thought that there are merely a few dozen Christians who serve.

Spatial distribution

Arab citizens of Israel form a majority of the population (52%) in Israel's Northern District. Since 1948, Israeli state agencies have built many towns and villages, almost all of which have a predominantly-Jewish population. In 122 localities, Arab residents comprise almost the entire population. Seven towns were established by the government for the Bedouin population of the Negev. Arab sources allege that permission to develop Arab towns is repeatedly denied, an example being a 2005 Knesset decision to refuse a proposal made by Member of the Knesset Dr. Jamal Zahalka for the construction of a new Arab town. About 50% of the Arab population lives in 114 different localities throughout Israel.

46% of the country’s Muslims (460,000 people) live in predominantly-Arab communities in the north. The largest Muslim city is Umm El Fahm, with a population of 43,000. Nazareth is the largest Arab city, with a population of 65,000, roughly 40,000 of whom are Muslim. Jerusalem, a "mixed" city, has the largest overall Arab population. Jerusalem housed 209,000 Arabs in 2000 and they make up some 30% of the city’s residents, and some 20% of the country’s entire Arab population.

Approximately 8% of Arabs live in six other "mixed" cities that have a Jewish majority: Tel Aviv-Yafo, Lod, Ramla, Akko/Acre, Haifa, Nazaret Illit. The remaining 5% of the national Arab population, approximately 4% live in Bedouin communities in the Negev, and 1% live in areas that are almost completely Jewish.

Legal and political status

Israel's Declaration of Independence called for equal treatment under the law of all its citizens, regardless of their beliefs or national origin within the framework of a Jewish and democratic state. Arab citizens have had political representation since the state's first parliamentary assembly; currently, thirteen members of the Israeli Parliament are Arab citizens, most representing majority Arab political parties.

Israel does not a have written constitution but the rights of citizens are guaranteed by a set of Basic Laws . Although this set of laws does not explicitly include the term "right to equality", the Israeli Supreme Court has consistently interpreted "Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty" and "Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation (1994)" as guaranteeing equal rights for all Israeli citizens.

Arab citizens of Israel are full citizens under the law and enjoy the same civil rights as other citizens. The Minorities at Risk (MAR) group notes that despite this, Arabs citizens in Israel "suffer political discrimination based on decades of social exclusion." They characterize Israel's system of governance to be an "ethnic democracy" and further note that "the nationalism inherent in Israel’s foundation as a 'Jewish state' is at odds with its political basis of democratic governance vis-à-vis the Arab minority." On the other hand, the group also states that despite such factors, "Israeli Arabs are relatively much better off economically than neighboring Arabs."

Additionally, some pro-Palestinian sources allege that not all rights in Israel are based on citizenship, or "ezrahut" in Hebrew, and claim that some rights are defined by nationality, or "le'om", and are reserved for Jews only. . The Israeli government denies these charges, and pro-Israeli advocacy groups have addressed the allegations regarding "le'om" rights. .

According to the 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the Occupied Territories, the Israeli government "did little to reduce institutional, legal, and societal discrimination against the country's Arab citizens."

By the end of 2002, Arabs comprised 6.1% of the civil service workers in Israel; that is, of a total of 56,362 civil servants in Israel, only 3,440 were Arab.

Unlike Jewish citizens, Arab citizens (with the exception of the Druze and Circassians) are currently exempt from being drafted into the Israeli army, but they may serve voluntarily.

Arabic is one of Israel's official languages. There are currently twelve Israeli Arabs sitting as members of the 17th Knesset out of a total of 120 seats.

Amendment #9 to the 'Basic Law: The Knesset and the Law of Political Parties' passed on July 31 1985, changed section 7(a) to state that a political party "may not participate in the elections if there is in its goals or actions a denial of the existence of the State of Israel as the state of the Jewish people, a denial of the democratic nature of the state, or incitement to racism." (The only party currently banned under this law is the right-wing Jewish Kach party.)

An Israeli Central Elections Committee ruling which allowed the Progressive List for Peace to run for the Knesset in 1988 was challenged based on this amendment, but the committee's decision was upheld by the Israeli Supreme Court, which ruled that the PLP's platform calling for Israel to become "a state of all its citizens" does not violate the ideology of Israel as the State of the Jewish people, and thus section 7(a) does not apply.

In January 2004, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon declared that every state-run company must have at least one Arab-Israeli on its board of directors. Salah Tarif, an Arab-Israeli, was a member of Sharon's cabinet until being convicted of corruption.

On December 2005, member of Israeli Knesset Azmi Bishara told an audience in Lebanon that "(Israeli Arabs) are like all Arabs, only with Israeli citizenship forced upon them...Return Palestine to us and take your democracy with you. We Arabs are not interested in it." . Bishara, at the time a member of the Knesset, and his party were banned by the Israeli Central Elections Committee in December 2002, for refusing to recognize Israel as a "Jewish democratic state" and promoting armed struggle against it. The Supreme Court overruled the decision in January 2003.

Inequality in funding between Jewish and Arab towns, and widespread discrimination present significant hurdles for Arab citizens of Israel .

History of Political Developments

The Communist Party of Israel played a major role in mobilising the Arab Palestinian community throughout these years and in demanding full equality for Arab citizens. Its newspapers and journals provided an important outlet for Arab Palestinian political and cultural expression.

In 1965, the first attempt was made to stand an independent Arab list for Knesset elections, with the radical group al-Ard forming the United Arab List. The list was, however, banned by the Israeli Central Elections Committee.

In 1966, martial law was lifted completely, and the government set about dismantling most of the discriminatory laws, while Arab citizens were, theoretically if not always in practice, granted the same rights as Jewish citizens. The defeat of the Arab forces in the Six Day War the following year was a turning point in the political development of the Arab Palestinian community in Israel, as it appeared to prove the durability of the state of Israel.

The 1970s saw a number of major developments in the political history of the Arab Palestinian community in Israel. In 1974, a committee of Arab mayors and municipal council chairmen was established which was able to play an important role in representing the community and bringing its pressure to bear on the Israeli government. This was followed in 1975 by the formation of the Committee for the Defense of the Land, which sought to prevent continuing land expropriations.

That same year, a political breakthrough took place with the election of Arab Palestinian poet Tawfiq Zayad, a Communist Party member, as mayor of Nazareth, accompanied by a strong communist presence in the town council.

In 1976, six Arab citizens of Israel were killed by Israeli security forces at a protest against land expropriations and house demolitions. The date of the protest, March 30, has since been commemorated annually as Land Day.

The United Arab List was established in 1996.

Recent Political Developments

The political face of the Arab Palestinian community in Israel has continued to change, with a more active participation of Arab citizens in the Labour Party in the 1992 elections, with large-scale alienation from that party after the Qana massacre of 1996 and the harsh response of the Israeli government to the al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000.

Meanwhile, nationalist parties such as Balad have continued to gain support, as has the Islamic Movement, divided between a conciliatory and a radical faction. Hadash, the left-wing coalition based around the Communist Party, still gains strong support from among the Arab Palestinian community, while Likud and Kadima have made considerable inroads in the Druze community.

Abnaa el-Balad is a political movement that grew out of organizing by Arab university youth, beginning in 1969, that has experienced harassment by the Israeli authorities. It is not affiliated with the Arab Knesset party Balad. While participating in municpal elections, Abnaa al-Balad firmly reject any participation in the Israeli Knesset. Political demands include " the return of all Palestinian refugees to their homes and lands, end the Israeli occupation and Zionist apartheid and the establishment a democratic secular state in Palestine as the ultimate solution to the Arab-Zionist conflict." Conversely, Ta'ayush is "a grassroots movement of Arabs and Jews working to break down the walls of racism and segregation by constructing a true Arab-Jewish partnership" .

To combat what they call "violent elements in Arab society" Israeli Arab leaders urge police action against weapons in Arab sector, this was after "over 20 Arab municipality heads have been attacked in recent months as part of an attempt to change their positions or in response to decisions they made."

Some Arab Members of the Knesset (MKs), past and present, are under police investigation for their visits to countries designated as "enemy countries" by Israeli law. This law was amended following MK Mohammad Barakeh's trip to Syria in 2001, such that MKs must explicitly request permission to visit these countries from the Minister of the Interior. In August 2006, Balad MKs Azmi Bishara, Jamal Zahalka and Wasil Taha visited Syria without requesting nor receiving such permission, and a criminal investigation of their actions was launched. Former Arab Member of Knesset Muhammed Miari was questioned 18 September 2006 by police on suspicion of having entered an "enemy country" without official permission. He was questioned "under caution" for 2.5 hours in the Petah Tikva station about his recent visit to Syria. Another former Arab Member of Knesset, Muhammed Kanaan, has also been summoned for police questioning regarding the same trip. The Arab Association of Human Rights has described these investigations as "a pure political decision not a legal decision ... part of the political policy by the State towards the Arab minority and their representatives."

According to a study commissioned by the Arab Association of Human Rights entitled "Silencing Dissent," over the past three years, eight of nine of these Arab Knesset members have been beaten by Israeli forces during demonstrations. Most recently according to the report, legislation has been passed, including three election laws , and two Knesset related laws aimed to "significantly curb the minority right to choose a public representative and for those representatives to develop independent political platforms and carry out their duties" Silencing Dissent Report

In February 2007, the New York Times reported that "A group of prominent Israeli Arabs has called on Israel to stop defining itself as a Jewish state and become a 'consensual democracy for both Arabs and Jews,' prompting consternation and debate across the country." The call comes in a report, The Future Vision of the Palestinian Arabs in Israel, published by the Committee of Arab Mayors in Israel.(Full text of the report in English: ) The article further notes that, in a poll of Arab citizens of Israel conducted for the Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation , "57 percent said they wanted a change in the character and definition of the state, whether to become a “state for all its citizens,” a binational state, or a consensual democracy."

Examples of political, judicial and military representatives

Knesset: Arab Israelis have been elected to every Knesset, and currently hold 12 of its 120 seats. Two Arabs have served as full government ministers: Salah Tarif, a Druze, served as a Minister Without Portfolio for ten months in 2001; and Raleb Majadele was appointed as minister without portfolio on 28 January 2007. The appointment of Majadele was criticised by Yisrael Beiteinu MK Esterina Tartman who said that the appointment was "a lethal blow to Zionism," and that it damages "Israel's character as a Jewish state." Tartman's comments drew condemnation across the mainstream Israeli political spectrum. Yisrael Beiteinu party leader Avigdor Liberman explained that they had no problem with the appointment of an Arab but "The problem here is the timing and the fact that a minister in the State of Israel (Amir Peretz who chose the appointment) is using the tools he has wrongfully in order to promote himself politically". Meanwhile Arab lawmakers called the appointment an attempt to "whitewash Israel's discriminatory policies against its Arab minority".

Nawaf Massalha, an Arab Muslim, has served in various junior ministerial roles, including Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1999. The first female Arab MP was Hussniya Jabara, a Muslim Arab from central Israel, who was elected in 1999.

Supreme Court: Abdel Rahman Zuabi, a secular Muslim from northern Israel, was the first Arab on the Israeli Supreme Court, serving a 9-month term in 1999. In 2004, Salim Jubran, a Christian Arab from Haifa descended from Lebanese Maronites, became the first Arab to hold a permanent appointment on the Court. Jubran's expertise lies in the field of criminal law.

Foreign Service: Ali Yahya, an Arab Muslim, became the first Israeli Arab ambassador in 1995 when he was appointed ambassador to Finland. He served until 1999, and in 2006 was appointed ambassador to Greece. Other Arab ambassadors include Walid Mansour, a Druze, appointed ambassador to Vietnam in 1999, and Reda Mansour, also a Druze, a former ambassador to Ecuador. Mohammed Masarwa, an Arab Muslim, was Consul-General in Atlanta. In 2006, Ismail Khaldi was appointed Israeli consul in San Francisco, becoming the first Bedouin consul of the State of Israel.

Israel Defence Force: Arab Generals in the IDF include Major General Hussain Fares, commander of Israel's border police, and Major General Yosef Mishlav, head of the Israeli Home Front Command and current Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories. Both are members of the Druze community.

Demographic Threat

Israeli politicians have used the term "demographic threat" (also "demographic bomb") to describe the potential threat the growing Arab population poses to the maintenance of a Jewish majority in Israel. The term was famously used by Benjamin Netanyahu in 2003 when he noted that if the percentage of Arab citizens rises above its current level of about 20 percent, Israel will not be able to remain both Jewish and democratic. Netanyahu's comments were criticized as racist by Arab Knesset members and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. Even earlier allusions to the "demographic threat" can be found in an internal Israeli government document authored in 1976, and known as The Koenig Memorandum.

The increasing population of Arabs within Israel, and the majority status they hold in two major geographic regions - the Galilee and the Triangle - has become a growing point of open political contention in recent years. Dr. Wahid Abd Al-Magid, the editor of Al-Ahram's "Arab Strategic Report" predicts that "...The Arabs of 1948 (i.e. Israeli Arabs) may become a majority in Israel in 2035, and they will certainly be the majority in 2048."

Some Israeli politicians advocate land-swap proposals in order to assure a continued Jewish majority within Israel. A specific proposal is that Israel transfer sovereignty of part of the Arab-populated Wadi Ara area (west of the Green Line) to a future Palestinian state, in return for formal sovereignty over the major Jewish settlement "blocks" that lie inside the West Bank east of the Green Line.)

Critics of the Wadi Ara land swap plan have argued that this measure will not be enough since "The number of Arab Israelis would drop by 116,000-148,000, or a total of 8.2-10.5 percent of the Arab population of Israel, and just 2.1 percent of the population in general."

Avigdor Liberman of Yisrael Beytenu, the 4th largest faction in the 17th Knesset) is one of the foremost advocates the transfer of large Arab towns located just inside Israel near the border with the West Bank (e.g. Tayibe, Umm al-Fahm, Baqa al-Gharbiyye), to the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority in exchange for Israeli settlements located inside the West Bank. As the London Times notes: "Lieberman plans to strengthen Israel’s status as a Jewish state by transferring 500,000 of its minority Arab population to the West Bank, by the simple expedient of redrawing the West Bank to include several Arab Israeli towns in northern Israel. Another 500,000 would be stripped of their right to vote if they failed to pledge loyalty to Zionism."

In October of 2006, Yisrael Beytenu formally joined in the ruling government's parliamentary coalition, headed by Kadima and also made up of the Labour Party and the Pensioner's Party. After the Israeli Cabinet confirmed Avigdor Lieberman's appointment to the position of Minister for Strategic Threats, Labour Party representative and Science, Sport and Culture Minister Ophir Pines-Paz, resigned his post. In his resignation letter to Ehud Olmert, Pines-Paz wrote, "I couldn't sit in a government with a minister who preaches racism"

A January 2006 study by the American-Israel Demographic Research Group rejects the "demographic time bomb" threat based on statistical data collected since 1995 that shows that Jewish Israeli births have increased rapidly while Arab Israeli births have begun to drop. The study noted shortcomings in earlier demographic predictions (for example, in the 1960s, predictions suggested that Arabs would be the majority in 1990). The study also demonstrated that Christian Arab and Druze birth rates were actually below those of Jewish birth rates in Israel. The study used data from a Gallup poll to demonstrate that the desired family size for Arab and Jewish Israelis were the same. The study's population forecast for 2025 predicted that Arabs would comprise only 25.0% of the Israeli population.

Modifications to Citizenship and Entry Law

On July 31, 2003 Israel enacted the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), 5763-2003, a one year amendment to Israel's Citizenship Law denying citizenship and Israeli residence to Palestinians who reside in the West Bank or Gaza Strip and who marry Israelis, though this rule is waived for any Palestinian "who identifies with the State of Israel and its goals, when he or a member of his family has taken concrete action to advance the security, economy or any other matter important to the State." Upon expiry the law was extended for six months in August 2004, and again for 4 months in February 2005. The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination unanimously approved a resolution saying that the Israeli law violated an international human rights treaty against racism.

Although this law affected all Israelis, it disproportionately affected Israeli Arabs, and was considered by many to be highly discriminatory . Critics argue that the law is racist because it is targeted at Arabs, since Israeli Arabs are far more likely to have Palestinian spouses than other Israelis. On May 8, 2005, The Israeli ministerial committee for issues of legislation once again amended the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, to restrict citizenship and residence in Israel only to Palestinian men over the age of 35, and Palestinian women over the age of 25. The new bill was formulated in accordance with Shin Bet statistics showing that involvement in terror attacks declines with age. This newest amendment, in practice, removes restrictions from half of the Palestinian population requesting legal status through marriage in Israel. This law was upheld by a High Court decision in 2006.

Defenders say the law is aimed at preventing terrorist attacks and preserving the "Jewish character" of Israel by restricting Arab immigration.

Economy

Economic Development of the Israeli Arab Community

The predominant feature of the Israeli Arab community's economic development after 1949 was its transformation from a predominantly peasant farming population to, in large degree, a proletarian industrial workforce. It has been suggested that the economic development of the community was marked by distinct stages. The first period, until 1967, was characterised by this process of proletarianisation. From 1967 on, economic development of the population was encouraged and a Palestinian bourgeoisie began to develop on the margin of the Israeli bourgeoisie. From the 1980s on, the community developed its economic and, in particular, industrial potential.

In July 2006, the Israeli Government decided to brand all Arab communities in the country as 'class A' development areas, thus making them eligible for tax benefits. This decision aims to encourage investments in the Arab sector

Current Economic Situation

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One-half of all Arab families in Israel live under the poverty line (49.9% in 2004). This rate is three times that of comparable poverty data for Jewish families and does not include "the enclaves of deep poverty among Bedouins" According to the New York Times (8 February 2007), "a recent report on poverty published last year by Israel’s National Insurance Institute indicated that 53 percent of the impoverished families in Israel are Arabs."

Of the 40 towns in Israel with the highest unemployment rates, 36 are Arab towns. Difficulties in procuring employment have been attributed to a comparatively low level of education vis-a-vis their Jewish counterparts, insufficient employment opportunities in the vicinity of their towns, discrimination by Jewish employers, and competition with foreign workers in fields, such as construction, agriculture, etc.

According to the Central Bank of Israel statistics for 2003, for those Arabs citizens who are employed, salary averages are 29% lower than salary averages for Jewish workers.

A major factor in the situation of some of the Arab towns can be traced to statistical figures showing that Israeli Arab towns are reluctant to collect city taxes from their residents. "The Arab authorities demand equal rights, but they forget that first of all they have to fulfill the same duties that the Jewish authorities do, first and foremost, to collect tax from the residents," complain Jerusalem circles. Without tax collection, the Arab towns are in a state of perpetual crisis, and all plans and programs to better their lot go nowhere. They can't pay their workers and the distance from there to a nationwide strike is short indeed.

Freedom House reported in 2006 that education, housing, and social services of the Arab population is inferior in relation to the Jewish population; the fact that the majority of them do not join the army (making them ineligible for financial benefits, including scholarships and housing loans) may be a factor.

In 1998, Michael Fanous, an Arab city councilman in Ramle, said that conditions for local Arabs have improved in recent years. Fanous noted some upgrades in Arab neighborhood schools and infrastructure, and more money and attention to Christian and Muslim holiday events.

Health

Due largely to improvements in health care, the infant mortality rate for Arabs, dropped from 32 deaths per thousand births in 1970 to 8.6 per thousand in 2000 . In 2003, the infant mortality rate in the Arab sector was 8.4 per thousand, more than twice as high as the rate 3.6 per thousand among the Jewish population.

Life expectancy has increased 27 years since 1948. The most common health-related causes of death are heart disease and cancer. Around half of all Arab men smoke, and roughly 14% were diagnosed with diabetes in 2000.

In the 2002 budget, Israel's health ministry allocated 1.6 m shekels (£200,000) to Arab communities out of its 277 m-shekel (£35m) budget to develop healthcare facilities.

Education

The Israeli government regulates and finances most of the schools operating in the country, including the majority of those run by private organizations. The national school system has two major branches - a Hebrew-speaking branch and an Arabic-speaking branch. The curricula for the two systems are almost identical in mathematics, sciences and English. It is different in humanities (history, litterature etc.). While Hebrew is taught as a second language in Arab schools since the third grade and obligatory for Arabic-speaking school's matriculation exams, only basic knowledge of Arabic is taught in Hebrew-speaking schools, usually from the 7th to the 9th grade. Arabic is not obligatory for Hebrew speaking school's matriculation exams. The schooling language split operate from preschool, up through to the end of the high school. At the university level, they merge into a single system, which operates mostly in Hebrew and in English.

The Follow-Up Committee for Arab Education notes that the Israeli government spends an average of $192 per year on each Arab student compared to $1,100 per Jewish student. The drop-out rate for Arab citizens of Israel is twice as high as that of their Jewish counterparts (12 percent versus 6 percent). The same group also notes that there is a 5,000-classroom shortage in the Arab sector.

In 2001, Human Rights Watch issued a report that stated: "Government-run Arab schools are a world apart from government-run Jewish schools. In virtually every respect, Palestinian Arab children get an education inferior to that of Jewish children, and their relatively poor performance in school reflects this." The report found striking differences in virtually every aspect of the education system.

According to the 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the occupied territories, "Israeli Arabs were underrepresented in the student bodies and faculties of most universities and in higher professional and business ranks. The Bureau of Statistics noted that the median number of school years for the Jewish population is 3 years more than for the Arab population. Well educated Arabs often were unable to find jobs commensurate with their level of education. According to Sikkuy, Arab citizens held approximately 60 to 70 of the country's 5,000 university faculty positions."

Discrimination

While formally equal according to Israeli law, a number of sources assert that Israeli Arabs experience discrimination in many aspects of life. Judge (Ret.) Theodor Or wrote in The Report by the State Commission of Inquiry into the Events of October 2000:

The Arab citizens of Israel live in a reality in which they experience discrimination as Arabs. This inequality has been documented in a large number of professional surveys and studies, has been confirmed in court judgments and government resolutions, and has also found expression in reports by the state comptroller and in other official documents. Although the Jewish majority’s awareness of this discrimination is often quite low, it plays a central role in the sensibilities and attitudes of Arab citizens. This discrimination is widely accepted, both within the Arab sector and outside it, and by official assessments, as a chief cause of agitation.

.

The 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices notes that:

• "According to a 2003 Haifa University study, a tendency existed to impose heavier prison terms to Arab citizens than to Jewish citizens. Human rights advocates claimed that Arab citizens were more likely to be convicted of murder and to have been denied bail."

• "The Orr Commission of Inquiry's report ... stated that the 'Government handling of the Arab sector has been primarily neglectful and discriminatory,' that the Government 'did not show sufficient sensitivity to the needs of the Arab population, and did not take enough action to allocate state resources in an equal manner.' As a result, 'serious distress prevailed in the Arab sector in various areas. Evidence of distress included poverty, unemployment, a shortage of land, serious problems in the education system, and substantially defective infrastructure.'"

• "According to a report by Mossawa, racist violence against Arab citizens has increased, and the Government has not done enough to prevent this problem. The annual report cited 17 acts of violence by Jewish citizens against Arab citizens. ... A Haifa University poll released in June revealed that over 63 percent of Jews believed that the Government should encourage Israeli Arabs to emigrate."

• "Approximately 93 percent of land in the country was public domain, including that owned by the state and some 12.5 percent owned by the Jewish National Fund (JNF). All public land by law may only be leased, not sold. The JNF's statutes prohibit the sale or lease of land to non-Jews. In October, civil rights groups petitioned the High Court of Justice claiming that a bid announcement by the Israel Land Administration (ILA) involving JNF land was discriminatory in that it banned Arabs from bidding."

• "Israeli-Arab advocacy organizations have challenged the Government's policy of demolishing illegal buildings in the Arab sector, and claimed that the Government was more restrictive in issuing building permits in Arab communities than in Jewish communities, thereby not accommodating natural growth. In February, security forces demolished several homes allegedly built without authorization in the Arab village of Beineh."

• "In June, the Supreme Court ruled that omitting Arab towns from specific government social and economic plans is discriminatory. This judgment builds on previous assessments of disadvantages suffered by Arab Israelis."

• "Israeli-Arab organizations have challenged as discriminatory the 1996 "Master Plan for the Northern Areas of Israel," which listed as priority goals increasing the Galilee's Jewish population and blocking the territorial contiguity of Arab towns."

• "Israeli Arabs were not required to perform mandatory military service and, in practice, only a small percentage of Israeli Arabs served in the military. Those who did not serve in the army had less access than other citizens to social and economic benefits for which military service was a prerequisite or an advantage, such as housing, new-household subsidies, and employment, especially government or security-related industrial employment. Regarding the latter, for security reasons, Israeli Arabs generally were restricted from working in companies with defense contracts or in security-related fields. The Ivri Committee on National Service has issued official recommendations to the Government that Israel Arabs not be compelled to perform national or "civic" service, but be afforded an opportunity to perform such service".

Other examples include:

• Human Rights Watch has claimed that cuts in veteran benefits and child allowances based on parents' military service discriminate against Arab children, however "The cuts will also affect the children of Jewish ultra-orthodox parents who do not serve in the military, but they are eligible for extra subsidies, including educational supplements, not available to Palestinian Arab children."

Pro-Israeli advocacy groups claim that Arabs in Israel have even more rights than Israeli Jews since they are not required to serve in military still have all the rights, plus various cases of Israeli courts favoring Arabs' cases over Jews (including land issues).

One of the controversies has been the request of some Arab politicans to change the Israeli flag and National Anthem. The Arab politicians believe that the flag only resembles a Jewish symbol. Opponents of this claim say that many flags in Europe bear crosses such as the flags of Sweden, Finland, Norway, United Kingdom, Scotland, England, Switzerland, Greece and more. Countries like Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey portray Islamic symbols without complaints from the minorites. These claims by the Arab leaders often leads to criticism. One Israel-supporter sarcastically remarked: "Why don't they change the country's name too?"

The leaders of the descendants of the 1948 refugees who are scattered in the Arab states and elsewhere, and of the Arabs who remained and became Israeli citizens, are trying to repeat in a different way the failed attempt of the 1948 generation, with terror from outside and by nurturing a separatist Palestinian narrative from within. The result will be a deepening of the rift and a heightening of the hostility between Jews and Arabs in Israel. The leadership and the liberal Jewish public accept Israeli Arabs as citizens with equal rights, with the exception of certain areas that touch on Israel's essence as a Jewish state (such as the Law of Return and the Law of Citizenship). All would agree that, over the years, the Arab minority has suffered discrimination in certain areas and that this must be remedied. But the leaders of the Arabs in Israel are trying to show that their loyalty is not given to the State of Israel in its present incarnation, but only to a binational Jewish-Arab state on the territory of Israel, or to a Palestinian state on all the territory of the Land of Israel.

See also: anti-Arabism in Israel and Allegations of Israeli apartheid

The National Committee for the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel addressed this accusation in a document produced in December 2006 thusly, "The Israeli legal system includes a number of core laws that produce and reinforce inequality between the Arabs and the Jews in Israel (de jure) ... The official bias is not restricted to symbols such as the Israeli flag, but also to deeper legal issues concerning all Palestinian Arabs ... he official definition of Israel as a Jewish state created a fortified ideological barrier in the face of obtaining full equality for the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel ... We, the Palestinians in Israel, are an integral part of this place ... Israel has tried over the past decades to disengage us from this place, not through physical transfer but through intellectual emotional transfer. Israel has tried to create a new identity on the basis of 'loyalty to the state' ... The State has not determined a position acceptable to us yet in terms of nurturing our Arab culture."

Dr. Dan Schueftan, deputy director of the National Security Studies Center at the University of Haifa, said a document recently released by Israeli- Arab leaders called for "nothing short of the destruction of Jewish national state."

Schueftan said the consensus position of Israeli -Arabs, as reflected in the document "The future vision of Palestinian Arabs in Israel,' was that Israel should be "replaced with a bi-national state, alongside a mechanism to turn it into an Arab state, adding: "Otherwise, we (Israelis) are automatically not legitimate (in their eyes)."

Intercommunal Relations

There is significant tension between Arab citizens and their Jewish counterparts. A 2006 poll commissioned by an Arab advocacy group, the Center for the Struggle against Racism, found that 63% of Jews believe Arabs are a security threat; 68% of Jews would refuse to live in the same building as an Arab; 34% of Jews believe that Arab culture is inferior to Israeli culture; and support for segregation between Jews and Arabs is higher among Jews of Middle Eastern origin than those of European origin. Though the group points to such attitudes as evidence of racism in Israeli society, many Israeli Jews will counter that these attitudes are attributable to the security situation, as there have been some cases where Arabs inside Israel have been arrested for aiding terrorists. Several Arab citizens of Israel have been convicted of espionage for Hezbollah. In 2001, at least 110 Israeli Arabs were detained on suspicion of involvement in "terrorist" activities – a record high, and about three times the number in the previous year. Despite those events, Israeli security sources said they still consider the involvement of Arab citizens of Israel in such attacks to be the exception rather than the rule. The rule is that the vast majority of Israeli Arabs, regardless of their political viewpoints, reject violence as a political option.Over the next few years, Arab citizens of Israel played a role in some attacks, assisting Palestinian suicide bombers reach cities in Israel. On 29 October, 2006, Police arrested five Israeli Arabs in the northern city of Umm al-Fahm suspected of planning to carry out a terrorist attack in Israel. Earlier, the Wadi Ara region was placed on high alert after police received information that a suspected terror cell had infiltrated the Israeli Arab area which borders with the West Bank.

Arab Citizens Killed by Israeli Security Forces

• October 1956: Kafr Qasim massacre: 48 killed
  
• March 1976: Land Day 6 killed
  
• October 2000 events (Israel): 12 killed

Arab Citizens Killed by Palestinians or other Arabs

Palestinian, Arab, or Islamist attacks on Israel and Israelis have also affected the Arab citizens. Incidents include:

• September 12, 1956: Three Druze guards were killed in an attack on Ein Ofarim, in the Arabah region.
• May 15, 1974: The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine killed 2 Israeli Arabs in the Ma'alot massacre
  
• March 2002: A resident of Tur'an was killed in the attack in a Haifa restaurant
• May 2002: A Jaffa woman was killed in a Hamas suicide bombing in Rishon LeZion
• June 18, 2002: A Barta'a woman was one of 19 killed by Hamas in the Patt junction massacre in Jerusalem
• August 2002: A man from Mghar and woman from the Druze village of Sajur were killed in a suicide bombing at Meron junction
• October 21, 2002: An Isfiya man and a Tayibe woman were among 14 killed by Islamic Jihad in the Bus 841 massacre.
• March 5, 2003: A 13 year old girl from the Druze town of Daliyat al-Karmel was one of 17 killed in the Haifa bus 37 massacre.
• May 2003: A Jisr az-Zarqa man, was killed in an Afula mall suicide bombing.
• March 19, 2004: Fatah al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades gunmen kill George Khoury, a Hebrew University student. Fatah later apologized after learning he was an Arab, and a PA official deemed him a shahid, for which the mother interrupted that her son was an "angel, not a shahid."
• December 12, 2004: Five Arab Israeli soldiers are killed in an explosion and shooting at the border with Egypt for which the Fatah Hawks claimed responsibility.
• October 4, 2003: Four Arab Israelis were among the 21 killed by Hanadi Jaradat in the Maxim restaurant suicide bombing
• July 2006: 19 Israeli Arab civilians were killed due to Hezbollah rocket fire in the course of the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict
  

Arab Citizens Killed by Ideologically-Motivated Jewish Citizens

• August 2005: The Shfar'am attack: 4 Israeli Arabs killed
  

Jewish Citizens Killed by Ideologically-Motivated Arab Citizens

• 1 January 1952: Seven armed Arabs attacked and killed a nineteen year-old girl in her home, in the neighborhood of Beit Yisrael, in Jerusalem.
• 9 September 2001: The first and only suicide bombing carried out by an Arab citizen of Israel against soldiers and civilians disembarking from a train in the Nahariya station killed 3 and wounded 90.

Examples of Integration

The only non-Jew owning a business in the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem's Old City is an Israeli Arab Muslim baker. His food and facility is certified kosher and (like all business in the Jewish Quarter) his shop is closed on the Jewish Sabbath and holidays.

In 1999, an Arab woman was named Miss Israel, a first in the nation's history. "I am totally Israeli, and I do not think about whether I am an Arab or a Jew", 21-year-old Rana Raslan, from Haifa, said at the pageant. "They wanted a beauty queen, not a political queen." News of her victory made headlines across Israel and the world. She is a secular Muslim.

In November 2003, the Israeli Christian Arab Firas Houri won the popular Israeli reality-show, the first of its kind, "Project Y".

In January 2005, The Palestine national football team signed Israeli Arab Azmi Nassar as their new national team coach for a two-year contract. Arab footballers in Israel regularly play in football teams which are dominantly Jewish and vice-versa.

In April 2006, Niral-Najin Krantangi, A 20 year old Muslim Arab woman from Haifa won the Israeli TV reality show "The Super Models".

On August 22 2006, 11 Israeli Arab tourists were killed when their bus overturned in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula. Israel sent Magen David Adom, but the ambulances waited for hours at the border before receiving Egyptian permission to enter and treat the wounded.

On December 21, 2006, the Israel Airports Authority ordered the establishment of a Muslim prayer room at Ben Gurion International Airport to serve the port's Muslim passengers. The room, 20 square meters (215.28 square feet) in size, will be lined up in a southeasterly direction and will include an alcove facing Mecca. Rugs will cover its floor and a 35-centemeter (13.65-inch) high bench will be installed. A small library of Qur'an books will also feature in the facility, which was conceived by officials at the Ministry of the Interior. A toilet outside the room is available so Muslims can perform wudu before prayers. "The initiative to set up is another step in efforts undertaken by the IAA to improve relations with the Arab sector, and came about after requests to the IAA that a prayer room be established. The initiative is part of a number of projects initiated by the Israel Airport Authority to improve relations with the sector," IAA CEO Gabi Ophir said. Team members also assist Arabic speaking passengers at terminals and security check posts. The Citizens' Accord Forum between Jews and Arabs in Israel conceived the plan that aims at encouraging dialogue between Arab passengers and the IAA. He said they planned to put Arabic signs in Ben Gurion, set up an Arabic Web site, and create a unity for Relations with Minorities that provides assistance in Arabic. The IAA recently launched an Arabic-speaking version of its website. The airport also hired more Arabic-speaking security officers to build trust with Arab travelers who complain of being subject to more questioning during security checks.

Culture

Arab citizens of Israel share in the culture of the Palestinian people and wider Arab region of which many of them form a part. Some produce Palestinian cultural products such as Palestinian embroidery . The Palestinian folk dance, known as the debke, continues to be taught to youth in cultural groups, and is often danced at weddings and other parties.

Palestinian and Arabic music are popular listening choices. A new generation of Arab youth in Israel has also begun asserting its Palestinian identity in new musical forms, like Arabic hip hop. Some Arab youth also listen to Hebrew, and more often, English popular music.

Directors like Elia Sleiman, Hany Abu Assad, and Michel Kheilifi have put the issue of the Palestinians of 1948 on the cinematic map. All three were born in Nazareth, but have since emigrated to Paris , Amsterdam , and Brussels , respectively.

As regards media, Arab citizens of Israel tend to watch both the Arab satellite news stations and Israeli cable stations and read both Arabic and Hebrew newspapers, comparing the information against one another.

Well-known Israeli Arabs

Other well-known Israeli Arabs include novelist Emile Habibi, actor Yousef Sweid, actress Hiam Abbass, politicians Azmi Bishara and Ahmad Tibi, Lt. Col. Amos Yarkoni, football players Salim Tuama, Walid Badir, Abbas Suan and Rifaat Turk.

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90. O'Loughlin, Ed. Israel's shunned Arabs watch poll with unease. The Age. March 24, 2006.
91. Dromi, Uri. Israeli Arabs and the vote. International Herald Tribune. March 24, 2006.
92. Halpern, Orly. Umm el-Fahm residents angry and apathetic before elections. The Jerusalem Post. March 26, 2006.
93. Sofer, Ronny. Kadima's new 'enemy' - Lieberman. YNet News. March 23, 2006.
94. Farrell, Stephen and MacKinnon, Ian. Winners and Losers on Israeli political scene. The Times. March 29, 2006.
95. Jpost.com Staff (October 30, 2006). "Labor's Paz-Pines resigns as government minister". The Jerusalem Post, Online, English Edition. {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |url= (help); Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
96. Jim Teeple (October 24, 2006). "New Cabinet Appointment Tilts Israel to Right". Voice of America, Online English Edition. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
97. Mazal Mualem (October 31, 2006). "Pines-Paz: I can't sit in gov't with racist". Ha'aretz Online, English Edition. {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |url= (help); Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
98. Zimmerman, Roberta Seid and Michael L. WiseForecast for Israel and West Bank 2025. Sixth Herzliya Conference, January 23, 2006
99. "UN blasts Israeli marriage law". BBC News. 15 August, 2003. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
100. "Israeli marriage law blocks citizenship for Palestinians". San Francisco Chronicle. August 1, 2003.
101. ^ Ben Lynfield. "Arab spouses face Israeli legal purge". The Scotsman.
102. Féron, pp. 40-41, see also Kodmani, p. 127
103. Professor (Emeritus) Shimon Shamir (September 19, 2005, PDF format at http://www.dayan.org/kapjac/files/shamirEng.pdf). "The Arabs in Israel – Two Years after The Or Commission Report" (PDF). The Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation. p. 17. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); External link in |date= (help)
104. New York Times "Noted Arab Citizens Call on Israel to Shed Jewish Identity"
105. Professor (Emeritus) Shimon Shamir (September 19, 2005, PDF format at http://www.dayan.org/kapjac/files/shamirEng.pdf). "The Arabs in Israel – Two Years after The Or Commission Report" (PDF). The Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation. p. 17. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); External link in |date= (help)
106. Professor (Emeritus) Shimon Shamir (September 19, 2005, PDF format at http://www.dayan.org/kapjac/files/shamirEng.pdf). "The Arabs in Israel – Two Years after The Or Commission Report" (PDF). The Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation. p. 17. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); External link in |date= (help)
107. Professor (Emeritus) Shimon Shamir (September 19, 2005, PDF format at http://www.dayan.org/kapjac/files/shamirEng.pdf). "The Arabs in Israel – Two Years after The Or Commission Report" (PDF). The Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation. p. 17. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); External link in |date= (help)
108. Haartez "The Bottom Line / Arab municipalities do not believe in equality in debts"
109. Freedom House: Country Report
110. "Arab Sector: NIF Grantees Fight Discrimination in Arab Education". New Israel Fund. September 13, 2005.
111. Second Class - Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's Schools, Human Rights Watch.
112. Or Commission Report, page 33, Israel Studies, vol. 11, no. 2, 25-53
113. Israel: Cuts in Child Allowance Discriminate Against Palestinian Arab, Human Rights Watch.
115. This means war By Avraham Tal
116. The National Committee for the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel (December 2006). "The Future Vision of Palestinian Arabs in Israel" (PDF).
117. Academic: Israeli-Arabs want end of Jewish state
118. Ashkenazi, Eli and Khoury, Jack. Poll: 68% of Jews would refuse to live in same building as an Arab. Haaretz. March 22, 2006. Accessed March 30, 2006.
121. ^ Vered Levy-Barzilai. "The other victims". Haaretz.
124. Johnathan Wilson. "Loyalties". {{cite web}}: Text "Washington Post" ignored (help); Text "publisher" ignored (help)
125. Y-net, "and the winner of Project Y: Firas".
126. "Palestinian soccer: a leg up on statehood?". Christian Science Monitor. 2000-03-07. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
127. Template:He icon "אל אל, ניראל". Ynet News. 2006-04-06. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
128. Template:He icon "ניראל לקחה". NRG Maariv. 2006-04-05. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
130. Amal Jamal (December 2006). The Culture of Media Consumption among National Minorities: The Case of Arab Society in Israel. I’lam Media Center for Arab Palestinians in Israel.
131. IMDB

Books Cited

• Rosenthal, Donna. The Israelis. Free Press, 2003. ISBN 0-7432-7035-5
• Féron, Valerie, Palestine(s): Les déchirures, Paris, Editions du Felin, 2001. ISBN 2-86645-391-3
• Kodmani-Darwish, Bassma, La Diaspora Palestinienne, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1997. ISBN 2-13-048486-7
• Mazie, Steven. Israel's Higher Law: Religion and Liberal Democracy in the Jewish State. Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. ISBN 0-7391-1485-9
• Schenk, Bernadette "Druze Identity in the Middle East", in Salibi, Kamal, ed, The Druze: Realities and Perceptions, London, Druze Heritage Foundation, 2005
• Orgad, Liav(PhD), IDC, Hertzlia, "Internationalizing the issue of Israeli Arabs" , Maariv, March 19 2006 page 7.

External links

• Arabs and Muslims in Israel
• THE ARABS IN ISRAEL: A SURGING NEW IDENTITY
• HRA, Arab Association for Human Rights
• Mossawa, The Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens of Israel
• Arab Israelis (Jewish Virtual Library)
• Landmark Survey of Israelis, Israeli-Arabs, & Palestinians
• In honor of Eid ul-Fitr: The Chief of Staff Visits Bedouin Representatives
• SECOND CLASS; Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's Schools (The full text of the Human Rights Watch 2001 report)
• lectures, reports, news, maps, Books, documentaries a site mainly in German, many contributions in English]
• Adalah, the Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel
• The Association of Forty - the association for the recognition of the Arab Unrecognized Villages in Israel
• Israeli Arabs (Israel Country Study, US Dept. of the Army)
• Inside 1948 Palestine (Islamonline.net)
• The Galilee Society: The Arab National Society for Health Research and Services
• Ittijah, Union of Arab-based Community Organisations
• Israel and the occupied territories (U.S. State Department 2004 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices)
• "The demographics point to a binational state" - an haaretz article suggesting "swapping heavily populated areas" as a solution to the Israeli-Arab conflict
• `What are Israeli Arabs? Are they Jewish? their lives are much better in Israel than they could be in Jordan' - Israeli Arab in the eyes of Arabs in Saudi Arabia and Jordan
• Involvement of Israeli Arabs in terrorism
• "Injustice and Folly - On the Proposals to Cede Arab Localities from Israel to Palestine"
• Organisation of Israeli Arab workers and unemployed
• I‘ LAM - Media Center for Arab Palestinians in Israel
• No Shelters, Sirens for Israel's Arab citizens
• The undocumented / Fifth in a series - Bedouin trackers: Israeli enough for the IDF, but not for an ID card
• Arabs And Israelis Share Shelters; Arab animosity toward Islamic fascism
• Israel's Arabs shoot themselves in foot
• 'Israeli by choice' may be sent back to Palestinian Authority
• CBS: One in six Israelis is Muslim
• Letter from an Israeli Druze
• Ha'aretz: Israeli Arab couple petitions High Court after residency denied
• Druze and Jews by Adi Greif, Stanford University

• Arab Israelis