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Within sociology, Rape culture is a concept of disputed origin and meaning used to describe a culture in which rape and sexual violence are common and in which prevalent attitudes, norms, practices, and media normalize, excuse, tolerate, or even condone rape.

Examples of behaviors commonly associated with rape culture include victim blaming, sexual objectification, and trivializing rape. Rape culture has been used to model behaviour within social groups, including prison systems where prison rape is common and conflict areas where war rape is used as psychological warfare. Entire countries have also been alleged to be rape cultures.

Although the concept of rape culture is a generally accepted theory in feminist academia, there is disagreement over what defines a rape culture and to what degree a given society meets the criteria to be considered a rape culture.

Rape culture has been observed to correlate with other social factors and behaviours. Research identifies correlation between rape myths, victim blaming and trivialisation of rape with increased incidence of racism, homophobia, ageism, classism, religious intolerance and other forms of discrimination.

Origins and usage

During the early 1970s, feminists began to engage in consciousness-raising efforts to educate the public about the reality of rape. Until then, rape was rarely discussed or acknowledged: "Until the 1970s, most Americans assumed that rape, incest, and wife-beating rarely happened." The idea of rape culture was one result of these efforts. According to the Encyclopedia of Rape, "The term 'rape culture' originated in the 1970s during the 2nd wave feminist movement and is often used by feminists to describe contemporary American culture as a whole." The concept appeared in multiple forms of media during the mid 1970s.

The term was used 1974 in Rape: The First Sourcebook for Women, edited by Noreen Connell and Cassandra Wilson for the New York Radical Feminists. It was one of the first books to include first-person accounts of rape, which were one reason for rape entering the public view. In the book, the group stated that "our ultimate goal is to eliminate rape and that goal cannot be achieved without a revolutionary transformation of our society."

Dr Joyce E. Williams traces the origin and first usage of rape culture to the 1975 documentary film Rape Culture, produced and directed by Margaret Lazarus and Renner Wunderlich for Cambridge Documentary Films. Prof Williams says that the film "..takes credit for first defining the concept.".. No earlier defining source has been located.

The film discussed rape of both men and women in the context of a larger cultural normalization of rape. In 2000, Lazarus stated that she believed the movie was the first use of the term. The film featured the work of the DC Rape Crisis Centre in co-operation with Prisoners Against Rape Inc. It included interviews with rapists and victims as well prominent anti-rape activists like feminist philosopher and theologian Mary Daly and author and artist Emily Culpepper. The film also explored the mass media, how film-makers, song writers, writers and magazines perpetuated attitudes towards rape.

In a 1992 paper in the Journal of Social Issues entitled "A Feminist Redefinition of Rape and Sexual Assault: Historical Foundations and Change," Patricia Donat and John D'Emilio suggested that the term originated as "rape-supportive culture" in Susan Brownmiller's 1975 book Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape. Brownmiller, a member of the New York Radical Feminists, showed how both academia and the general public ignored the existence of rape. The book is considered a "landmark" work on feminism and sexual violence and one of the pillars of modern rape studies.

Slutwalk

Although it had been in academic usage since its inception, the term "rape culture" was scarcely used in popular culture and the media until 2011. The Slutwalk and Besharmi Morcha movements are credited with popularizing the term via certain mass media reports about the protesters in the English speaking, Western media. The rallies aim to raise awareness of rape culture – which they define as a culture where "sexual violence is both made to be invisible and inevitable"—and to end slut-shaming and victim blaming.

Feminist theory

According to the rape culture theory, acts of sexism are commonly employed to validate and rationalize normative misogynistic practices. For instance, sexist jokes may be told to foster disrespect for women and an accompanying disregard for their well-being. An example would be a female rape victim being blamed for her being raped because of how she dressed or acted. In rape culture, sexualized violence towards women is regarded as a continuum in a society that regards women's bodies as sexually available by default.

The root cause of rape culture is generally agreed to be the "domination and objectification of women". However, academic theory holds that rape culture does not necessarily have a single cause, and causes may be localized based on other social aspects of culture. For example, in South Africa the overriding "war culture" which emphasized masculinity and violence led to a culture in which rape was normalized. A University of California Davis public document alleged that the enforcement of the following of social rules by women and the conditioning of gender roles were major causes. In a study of date rape, gender-based miscommunications were held to be a major factor supporting a campus rape culture. The general unwillingness of police and district attorneys to prosecute rapes where force was not involved or where the victim had some sort of relationship with the aggressor is also cited as a motivation for date rape and campus rape. Rape culture is also closely related to slut-shaming and victim blaming, where rape victims are considered at fault for being raped, and it is argued that this connection is due to the presence of a culture that shames all female sexuality. That some rapes are not reported to the police due to fear that they would not be believed is often cited as a symptom of a rape culture, that they thought the police would not believe them is cited as a reason by 6% of women who did not report rape. Pornography has also been commonly targeted as a contributor to rape culture because it is said to contribute to larger patterns of oppression. One of the ways that it is said to do this is by reducing the female body to a commodity.

Although much of its early use as a theory to explain the occurrence of rape and domestic violence was focused on the rape of women, rape culture has been described as detrimental to men as well as women. Some writers and speakers, such as Jackson Katz, Michael Kimmel, and Don McPherson, have said that it is intrinsically linked to gender roles that limit male self-expression and cause psychological harm to men.

Rape culture and incidents by nation

India

India's rape laws are seen as archaic, dating from 1860. They refer to the "outraging" or "insulting" of a woman's modesty. In 1996 research into violence against Indian women showed that every 54 minutes a woman was raped, every 26 minutes a woman was molested. Every five minutes a woman was subjected to Eve teasing and every 43 minutes a woman was kidnapped and every 103 minutes a woman was killed in a dowry death.

In pre-independence India, rape was politicised with repeated reference to the failures by the British Colonial government and excuses made to not address rape. Post independence the same issue of government failure has been polarised along political divides.

Cultural differences hide the nature and extent of rape. The two most common forms or rape in India have been describe as Droit du seigneur or authority rape: rape of tenants rape of female employees or the female spouses of male employees. Rape of female subordinates in the workplace as well as caste related and tribal rape. Rape by police, army and the security forces is also seen a specific category. Rape and sexual violence against minors, against wives and within the family is poorly recognised. India's complex social structure is seen to prevent people of lower caste, or from rural India from having access to legal support and the Justice system. The Dalit or untouchable caste have been identified as particularly vulnerable. Bias by police, medical professionals and the Judiciary concerning caste is identified as a factor. Police have been willing to accept bribes from defendants in rape cases, thwarting the legal process.

In the 1992 Bhanwari Devi, Bhateri rape case, the police dismissed the case citing that Devi was too old and unattractive. Devi, a 40 year old health worker employed by Rajastan state government, was a member of the Kumhar or "potter" caste. She was gang raped whilst acting to prevent child marriage. On November 15, 1995 a judge dismissed the case for ""conjectural" reasons". He was of the opinion that only teenagers committed rape and the accused were all middle aged, that an upper caste man would not defile himself by raping a Kumhar woman. The judge was of the opinion that the accusations of rape were "Prima Fascia" impossible. The case did lead to action by a number of groups which led to a Public Interests Petition which resulted in a Supreme Court judgement (1997) that women employees were to be protected from all forms of sexual harassment by their employers. The 1995 regional court decision was appealed, with a single hearing at the Rajasthan High Court opening in 2007. The judge refused to transfer the case to the fast-track court system.

In 1999, Palagummi Sainath writing in The Hindu newspaper "A dalit goes to court" revealed how dalit women were told they had to pay to both enter a police station and to file a report of rape. Police were challenged over this issue by Amnesty International, but whilst claiming the issue was being addressed legally were unable to explain any mechanism or records that showed any such action.

In 2002 Law Professor Upendra Baxi stated that the political and government systems of India were Rape Culture. Baxi produces a detailed critique of how the governance and politics of India disenfranchise women, prevent them from being able to report sexual violence along with other crime, and concludes that this sets the stage for such violence to be a "perfect crime". It does not require evidence to be suppressed, only that the victim have no recourse before the law.

Baxi stated;

"Rape culture signifies ways of doing party politics and managing governance in which brutal collective sexual assaults on women remain enclosed in contrived orders of impunity."

He stated that he was obliged to speak out under the Indian Constitution which obliged citizens "to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women;" Baxi further said;

"The ‘strong’ state makes itself possible by lawless and unconstitutional exertions and endeavours. It fosters practices of national integration that remain deeply and pervasively human rights violative; it emerges for the minorities as an ‘institutionalized riot system’; it remains a - ‘state in search of a nation’ and embodies a resilient rape culture.".

Baxi spoke out after the 2002 Gujarat violence. The police, regional government and state government failed to act. Independent reports highlighted how the police, local government and agencies were complicit in the violence. Some reported police taking part in “combing operations” (house-to-house searches for Muslims) while shouting, “Kill them before they are born!”. Reports of sexual violence in many forms were widespread from verbal abuse and innuendo, exposing genitals as an act of threat through to rape, gang-rape, genital mutilation and rape murder.

Prof Paul R. Brass wrote of the events highlighting the levels of sexual violence, rape and gang rape against women and children and of reports of women being killed, unborn children cut out of the uterus and the foetus symbolically killed. Relief Organisations, NGO's and international observers were hampered in their work to investigate events and assist the victims in seeking justice.

in 2005, K. R. Narayanan, the tenth president of India has stated that he believed that there was a conspiracy between members of the Indian national and Gujurat regional government which empowered the 2002 Gujurat events in.

Baxi was also critical of government which allows rape and gang rape to occur, be filmed and for the films to be traded in what he refers to as "Grey Markets". Baxi also highlighted the conduct of business which benefited from trading in such films.

India has its own cultural language to describe the sexual harassment of women and sexual aggression - "Eve teasing". The term Eve teasing is seen to trivialise the and empower the public sexual harassment of women. It manifests as "touching, rubbing, groping, staring, pinching, slapping, display of private parts and even pornographic material.". It has been a growing and known issue across India since the 1960s. It has been linked to the emancipation of women and independence in the work place. The shift from past cultural values of women being chaperoned by a male relative to independence has allowed "Eve teasing" to grow to levels that provoke national concern Eve teasing is still reported as high as 90% with only 1 in 10,000 cases being reported to police. Eve teasing has been linked to the Bollywood film industry.

The Mathura rape case, 1974 -1981, is seen as a landmark in the field of gender justice in India. Mathura reported she was raped by two police officers inside Desai Ganj Police Station. The officers were tried at the local court and found innocent. Appeal to the Bombay High Court overturned the judgement and the two officers were convicted. This led to an appeal to the Indian Supreme Court. There the case was overturned (1979). The Supreme Court judged that as Mathura had not raised the alarm, had no injuries and was also reported to have had an ongoing sexual relationship with her Boyfriend, her reports were not credible and the officers were found innocent. Mathura's lack of alarm raising, lack of injury and perceived Loose Morals were accepted as evidence of consent. These findings promoted four young law professors, Upendra Baxi, Lotika Sarkar, Raghunath Kelkar and Vasudha Dhagamwar to issue an open letter to the Chief Justice of India questioning their judgement and condemning what they believed to be an “extraordinary decision sacrificing human rights in the Indian law and the Constitution”. They called for the case to be reheard before a larger bench so as to not “snuff out all aspirations for the protection of human rights of millions of Mathurars in the Indian countryside”.

The letter questioned whether the supreme court had assessed the differences between consent and coercion. It also questioned the stance of the Supreme Court concerning Human Rights, The Indian Constitution and the imbalance between authorities, such as the police, and the ordinary people of India emphasising the social contexts: “the young victim’s low socio-economic status, lack of knowledge of legal rights and lack of access to legal services, and the fear complex which haunts the poor and the exploited in Indian police stations”. The letter raised fundamental questions concerning the people of India, “must illiterate, labouring, politically, mute Mathuras of India be condemned to their pre-constitutional Indian fate?". The letter also made it clear that the authors were highly critical when they wrote “Nothing short of protection of human rights and coonstitutionalism is at stake”. Media coverage at the time with the letter being published by the media caused much debate. Eventually the Supreme Court agreed to review the case and in 1981 upheld its own decision. The case and open letter had caused much debate that prompted some reform of Indian rape laws, with the acceptance of "custodial rape": the criminalisation of any from of sexual act between a police officer and a person in detention. Women's rights activists coined the slogan "Raped Twice, First By The Police then By the Courts", as they campaigned for legal change.

In 2004 the rape and murder of Thangjam Manorama brought wide attention to the issues of institutionalised rape. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958, allowed members of the army and militias to act with virtual impunity. Following the rape and murder of Thangjam Manorama a group of women brought international attention to bear by protesting naked outside the barracks of the Assam Riffles on July 15, 2004. Memchaoubi Devi, president of the women's rights group Porei Lemarol Meira Phaibi Apunba Manipur, stated "It is better to protest naked than allow the soldiers to kill and rape our women." The women also challenged security personnel to come out of the army barracks and outrage their modesty, a reference to the Indian laws on rape concerning "Assault or criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty" - Section 354 in The Indian Penal Code, written in 1860. The authorities were also concerned with potential breaches of section 509, "insult the modesty of a woman".

Sri Ram Sena attacked a number of women in the Amnesi pub, Mangalore, on 25 January 2009 - 2009 Mangalore pub attack, which was recorded by news agencies. Reaction to the growing independence of women and attempts by some to impose older cultural values led to the The Pink Chaddi Campaign (or Pink Underwear Campaign) of 2009. Sri Ram Sena, a right wing right-wing Hindu extremist group, threatened to marry off and take other action on any young couples found together on Valentine's Day. Women responded by having Pink Chaddi/Underwear posted from all over India to the organisation and its members.

In 2011 Rosalyn D’Mello and others launched "Please Mend The Gap" as a movement to force the authorities to enforce the law and protect women in public spaces. The movement was also to educate men about women's safety. They used flashmobs and socials networking.

In response to the advent of Slutwalk in 2011, Indian Women organised 'Besharmi Morcha'('Shameless Protest'), the first event was in Bhopal on 17 July 2011. Low attendance was linked to rules at local hostels for single working women which prevented them from leaving the hostels on Sunday. There was criticism of the idea of Besharmi Morcha in advance, as it was seen by many as a Westernised idea, apaing "white, educated, middle-class females in the West" and that the match did not address the realities of the lives of the majority of Indian Woman. The word slut does not translate into Indian languages. An Indian journalist commented "‘slut.’ It’s hard to reclaim a word that isn’t used."

'Besharmi Morcha' Delhi tool place on July 31, 2011. Unlike other Slutwalk linked events, the Indian women protested whilst dressed modestly, in jeans and T Shirt rathern than the Sari or Shalwar kameez. A number of men attended with what was believed to be the expectation of seeing provocatively dressed women, as had occurred in other countries. Actress Nafisa Ali said of india, “The laws are there to protect women but they are not manifested on ground. It becomes imperative on every Indian to show more respect towards the women,”. There was criticism of some of the none Indian women who took part as they acted in culturally inappropriate ways, causing sensationalism by their dress.

In November 2011,Andhra Pradesh Director-General of Police V Dinesh Reddy caused controversy when he linked rape to women's dress during a live TV broadcast press conference. In 2010 reported rapes were at 1228 and by 2011 they had risen to 2191. Reddy expressed the view that the Shalwar kameez was a fashionable and more provocative form of dress compared to more traditional dress such as the Sari. He later clarified his statement indicating that the police had no control over how people dressed, even if such dress was perceived as causing or contributing to rape.

Reddy's comments were condemned by Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram, who expressed the view that the police were not responsible for policing what a person wears.

South Africa

As far back as the 1970s, activist Steve Biko wrote about the issues of rape, politics, and apartheid in South Africa. Rape was common in the black townships. Biko also highlighted how the issues of powerlessness and impotence and an induced inferiority complex were known issues or "Black Consciousness".

In 1982, Stellenbosch University sociologist Cherryl Walker highlighted how black women's issues were made invisible by the larger issue of apartheid. Even the management of known rape issues through rape crisis centres were still for the future due to lack of funding and government support.

Under apartheid, there were multiple levels of oppression against both men and women. Some were legally based, while others were caused by the suppression of cultural values and practices. There were concerns as to how these would manifest with the end of Apartheid and the arrival of the new South Africa constitution as of 1993.

In 1996, Taboho Maitse (Presently a commissioner of the South African Commission for gender Equality appointed 30 November 2011 ) researched the post-Apartheid cultural change. Women identified how under Apartheid they had no protection from male violence, white or coloured. Apartheid suppressed the non-white majority, and oppressed women the most. Maitse concluded that there was a confusion of how the roles of women had changed under the new constitution. Meiste observed the ongoing clashes of traditional culture with the new constitutional order. Both men and women wished to preserve traditional cultural and tribal identity but this also promoted gender conflict. The new South African Constitution fundamentally changed the rights of women, but they lacked knowledge and support in exercising those rights. Lobolo – a traditional dowry system both emphasised women as possessions and also made them unable to speak out about treatment. Maitse found that Apartheid, nationalism and the liberation struggle had played a clear part in how women were perceived and also perceived themselves. In 1998 Maitse concluded:

In answer to the question why men are violent toward women in South Africa, two primary inter-connected theories emerge. The first is that of sexist ideology and the male preoccupation with all the qualities assigned to the male sex role. The second draws a shocking picture of South African society as a "rape culture", in which violence against women is tacitly accepted.

Maitse has further linked the use of pornography and the emergence of Information and Communication Technologies to the issues. Under the Apartheid regime pornography was illegal, even if available. Under the new constitution pornography is legal and has been embraced as sign of post Apartheid liberation. This mixed with the free market economy and consumerism where mobile phones and other ITC products have also been adopted as signs of wealth, freedom and nationalism, the dissemination of pornography ion all forms has exploded since 1992/4. Ongoing concerns as to the role of ITC in South Africa were expressed by Shereen Essof in 2009.

In 1997 Interpol reported that South Africa had, on a Global analysis the highest per capita rates of murder and rape, the second highest rate of robbery and violent theft and the fourth highest rates of serious assault and sexual offences of the 110 counties reported on.

Interpol reported in 2001 that South Africa had the highest reported statistics of rape from any member country. It was recognised even then that the statistical findings were believed to be low due to lack of infrastructure, and the complexities of how sexual coercion were perceived. The South African government concluded in 2001 that multiple statistical research efforts dealing with rape all correlated with a high incidence.

The subject started to gain Global attention and was covered by the international media. The incidence of child rape had increased and was linked to beliefs that sex with a virgin could cure HIV/Aids – the Virgin cleansing myth. Some reports indicated that up to 50% of rape victims acquired Aids due to the rape.

FEW: The Forum for the Empowerment of Women was founded in 2001/2. Their research through the project "This Rose Has Thorns" helped to quantify the extent and nature of corrective rape came from the work of Zanele Muholi, who worked with women who had been raped and also interviewed rapist who targeted lesbians. Yolanda Mufweba, writing in The Star Newspaper pointed to how lesbianism by white women was seen as a none African issue. The rape of black South African lesbians was to "turn you into a real African woman", and indicating how the subject was racially linked and polarised. Whilst the subject did receive some international attention afterwards, it was not until the 2006 corrective rape and murder of Zoliswa Nkonyana and the 2008 murder of Eudy Simelane, national women's team soccer player and gay rights activist, that international media interest and attention on the issue developed. Further international attention resulted from the Action Aid 2009 report "Hate crimes: The rise of 'corrective' rape in South Africa".

Research carried out by The Gallup Organization in March–April 2009 showed that 97% of South Africans believed rape to be "a major problem".

In April 2012, there was debate in the South African parliament converging the issues of rape. Further evidence from Interpol listed South Africa as having the highest rape statistics globally. The findings indicated that a South African woman was more likely to be raped than learn to read, and that a rape took place every 17 seconds. Members of the legislature were concerned that when visiting centres that dealt with rape victims they found services overwhelmed. Annelize van Wyk was concerned to find forensic samples from child rape cases left and unprocessed months after the samples were taken. A recent police study estimated that only one in 36 rape cases are reported. Approximately 33% of reported rape cases were prosecuted. In child rape cases only 22% reached court. The South African government appointed a further 800 forensic experts to deal with the levels of crime has been put on hold.

United States

As the United States is a major purveyor of entertainment and culture, as well as the primary site of many feminism and anti-rape movements, many prominent examples of alleged rape culture have occurred there. Various commentators have also labeled the United States itself as a rape culture.

In February 2011, seventeen United States veterans filed suit against the Pentagon and defense secretary Robert Gates and former secretary Donald Rumsfeld, alleging that they allowed a culture in the military where rape was unevenly reported and punished. In several of the plaintiffs' cases, the victim was forced to work with the accused rapist after reporting them for sexual assault. Unit commanders often have heavy influence over military rape cases, and less than one in five cases are prosecuted. According to a 2011 Newsweek report, one in five females and one in 15 males in the United States Air Force would report having been sexually assaulted by service members. (See also: Sexual assault in the United States military)

In March 2011, a group of 16 current and former Yale University students filed a Title IX complaint against the school with the US Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights, alleging that the administration did not respond decisively to misogyny on campus, such as Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity members chanting sexist slogans. The fraternity was subsequently suspended for five years. Academic studies have examined fraternity cultures at other universities and discussed their roles in the creation of rape culture.

In March 2011, editorials on Salon.com and The Huffington Post criticised a New York Times article, saying that the article focused on victim-blaming on an eleven-year-old girl rather than the fact that she was raped. The article in question dealt with the November 2010 gang rape of the child in Cleveland, Texas.

Other incidents

In 2010, the webcomic Penny Arcade published a strip which featured a male rape victim in the setting of a video game. After complaints about the content of the strip, a follow-up apology strip was published which many bloggers alleged was offensive to and made light of rape victims. This "dickwolves" controversy generated reactions even in mainstream media, particularly after Wil Wheaton made a statement opposing the actions of Penny Arcade's creators.

In August and September 2011, Facebook faced criticism for refusing to remove pages that allegedly supported rape culture. Those criticizing the site claimed the pages violated Facebook's own content policies, which prohibit hate speech. A prominent petition to Facebook stated "Allowing such groups to congregate serves only to further normalise rape culture and the high instance of sexual violence that exists in society."

Criticisms

Christina Hoff Sommers has disputed the existence of rape culture, arguing that the common "one in four women will be raped in her lifetime" is based on a flawed study, but frequently cited because it leads to campus anti-rape groups receiving public funding. Sommers has also examined and criticized many other rape studies for their methodology, and states "There are many researchers who study rape victimization, but their relatively low figures generate no headlines."

Joyce E. Williams has criticised the monolithic nature of the concept of rape culture, due to the implication that ultimately all women are victimised by all men.

Other writers, such as bell hooks, have criticized the rape culture paradigm on the grounds that it ignores rape's place in an overarching "culture of violence."

References

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2. ^ Sommers, Dr. Christina Hoff. Researching the "Rape Culture" of America. Retrieved 4 March 2010.
3. ^ Rozee, Patricia. "Resisting a Rape Culture". Rape Resistance. Retrieved 11 January 2012.
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7. Aosved, Allison C. (28 November 2006). "Co-occurrence of Rape Myth Acceptance, Sexism, Racism, Homophobia, Ageism, Classism, and Religious Intolerance". Sex Roles. 55 (7–8): 481–492. doi:10.1007/s11199-006-9101-4. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
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9. Review of Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape quoted in Rutherford, Alexandra (June 2011). "Sexual Violence Against Women: Putting Rape Research in Context". Psychology of Women Quarterly. 35 (2): 342–347. doi:10.1177/0361684311404307. Retrieved 15 June 2012.
10. Smith, Merril D. (2004). Encyclopedia of Rape (1st ed.). Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. p. 174. ISBN 0-313-32687-8.
11. New York Radical Feminists; Noreen Connell; Cassandra Wilson (31 October 1974). "3". Rape: the first sourcebook for women. New American Library. p. 105. ISBN 9780452250864. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
12. Helen Benedict (11 October 1998). "Letters to the Editor: Speaking Out". New York Times. Retrieved 15 June 2012.
13. Freada Klein (November/December 1974). "Book Review: Rape: The First Sourcebook for Women (New York Radical Feminists)". Feminist Alliance Against Rape Newsletter. Feminist Alliance Against Rape Newsletter. Retrieved 15 June 2012. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
14. "Rape Culture". Cambridge Documentary Films. Retrieved 8 January 2012.
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Further reading

• Emilie Buchwald, Pamela R. Fletcher and Martha Roth, ed. (1993). Transforming a Rape Culture. ISBN 1-57131-204-8.
• M. R. Burt (1980). "Cultural myths and supports for rape". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 38: 217–230. PMID 7373511.
• M. R. Burt and R. S. Albin (1981). "Rape myths, rape definitions, and probability of conviction". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 11: 212–230.

• Use dmy dates from December 2012
• Feminism and sexuality
• Feminist theory
• Cultural studies
• Misogyny
• Rape
• Violence against women