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{{Short description|Political party in South Africa}}
{{Infobox South Africa Political Party |
{{redirect|ANC}}
|party_name = African National Congress
{{for|the defunct political party in Trinidad and Tobago|African National Congress (Trinidad and Tobago)}}
|party_logo = ]
{{pp-pc1}}
|party_wikicolourid = ANC
{{EngvarB|date=August 2014}}
|leader = ]
{{Use dmy dates|date=August 2021}}
|members = 264
{{Infobox political party
|foundation = 8 January 1912
| name = African National Congress
|ideology = ],<br>]
| logo = African National Congress logo.svg
|international = ]<ref name=socialistinternational>{{cite journal|url=http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?doc=ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo30/art17.html|title=The ANC and the Socialist International|first=Vulindlela|last=Mapekuka|work=Umrabulo|volume=30|date=November 2007|publisher=African National Congress}}</ref>
| logo_size = 150
|colours = ], ], ]
| colorcode = {{party color|African National Congress}}
|headquarters = ]<br/>54 Sauer Street<br/>Johannesburg
| abbreviation = ANC
|website =
| president = ]
| secretary_general = ]
| governing_body = ]
| spokesperson = ]
| leader1_title = Deputy President
| leader1_name = ]
| leader2_title = Chairperson
| leader2_name = ]
| leader3_title = First Deputy Secretary-General
| leader3_name = ]
| leader4_title = Second Deputy Secretary-General
| leader4_name = ]
| leader5_title = Treasurer-General
| leader5_name = ]
| founders = {{Plainlist|
* ]
* ]
* ]
}}
| founded = {{start date and age|1912|01|08|df=y}}
| legalised = {{start date and age|1990|02|03|df=y}}
| headquarters = ]<br />54 Sauer Street<br />]<br />]
| newspaper = ]
| think_tank =
| student_wing =
| youth_wing = ]
| womens_wing = ]
| wing1_title = Veterans' wing
| wing1 = ]
| wing2_title = Paramilitary wing
| wing2 = ] (until 1993)
| membership_year = 2022
| membership = {{decrease}} 661,489<ref>{{Cite web |last=Harper |first=Paddy |title=Existential crisis-ANC membership drops by more than one third in five years |url= https://mg.co.za/politics/2022-12-18-existential-crisis-anc-membership-drops-by-more-than-one-third-in-five-years/ |access-date=December 18, 2022|website=Mail and Guardian|date=18 December 2022 }}</ref>
| ideology = ]{{refn|<ref>{{cite web | url=https://africaelects.com/south-africa/ | title=South Africa • Africa Elects }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/248962779|title=How Democratic is the African National Congress? &#124; Request PDF|accessdate=16 February 2024}}</ref>}}<br>]{{refn|<ref>{{cite book | url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.18772/22012115737 | jstor=10.18772/22012115737 |doi=10.18772/22012115737 | title=One Hundred Years of the ANC | date=2012 | isbn=978-1-77614-287-3 | editor-last1=Lissoni | editor-last2=Soske | editor-last3=Erlank | editor-last4=Nieftagodien | editor-last5=Badsha | editor-first1=Arianna | editor-first2=JON | editor-first3=Natasha | editor-first4=Noor | editor-first5=Omar }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/484771 | jstor=484771 | title=The African National Congress of South Africa: The Limitations of a Revolutionary Strategy | last1=Fatton | first1=Robert | journal=Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines | date=2 February 1984 | volume=18 | issue=3 | pages=593–608 | doi=10.1080/00083968.1984.10804082 }}</ref>}}
| position = ]<ref>{{cite web |url= https://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/docs/related_studies/SASAS_2014/sasas2014_a3_political_parties_e01_0.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/https://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/docs/related_studies/SASAS_2014/sasas2014_a3_political_parties_e01_0.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live |title= South Africa |work= European Social Survey |access-date=12 March 2019}}</ref>
| national = ]
| international = ]<ref name=socialistinternational>{{cite journal|url=http://www.anc1912.org.za/show.php?id=2841|title=The ANC and the Socialist International|first=Vulindlela|last=Mapekuka|journal=Umrabulo|volume=30|date=November 2007|publisher=African National Congress|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110924034626/http://anc.org.za/show.php?id=2841|archive-date=24 September 2011}}</ref>
| affiliation1_title = African affiliation
| affiliation1 = ]
| colours = {{ubl|{{colourbox|Black}} Black|{{colourbox|Green}} Green|{{colourbox|Gold}} Gold}}
| slogan = ''South Africa's National Liberation Movement''
| anthem = "]"<br />{{small|"Lord Bless Africa"}}]
| seats1_title = ] seats
| seats1 = {{Composition bar|159|400|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
| seats2_title = ] seats
| seats2 = {{Composition bar|43|90|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
| seats3_title = Control of NCOP delegations
| seats3 = {{Composition bar|8|9|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
| seats4_title = ]
| seats4 = {{Composition bar|3|5|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}<small>(South African seats)</small>
| seats5_title = ]
| seats5 = {{Composition bar|255|487|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
| seats6_title = ]
| seats6 = {{Composition bar|43|231|hex={{party colour|African National Congress}}}}
| symbol =
| flag = Flag of the African National Congress.svg
| website = {{Official URL}}
| country = South Africa
| footnotes =
}} }}
The '''African National Congress''' ('''ANC''') has been ]'s governing party, supported by its ] with the ] (COSATU) and the ] (SACP), since the establishment of non-racial democracy in April 1994. It defines itself as a "disciplined force of the left".<ref> from the African National Congress, retrieved 15 May 2008</ref> Members founded the organization as the '''South African Native National Congress''' ('''SANNC''') on 8 January 1912 in ] to increase the rights of the ] South African population. ], its first president, and poet and author ] are among its founding members. The organization became the ANC in 1923 and formed a military wing, the ] (Spear of the Nation) in 1961.


The '''African National Congress''' ('''ANC''') is a political party in ]. It originated as a ] known for its opposition to ] and has governed the country since 1994, when the ] resulted in ] being elected as ]. ], the incumbent national President, has served as President of the ANC since 18 December 2017.<ref name=":1">{{Cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/dec/18/cyril-ramaphosa-chosen-to-lead-south-africas-ruling-anc-party|title=Cyril Ramaphosa chosen to lead South Africa's ruling ANC party|last=Burke|first=Jason|date=2017-12-18|work=]|access-date=19 December 2017|language=en-GB|issn=0261-3077}}</ref>
It has been the ruling party of ] on the national level since 1994. It gained support in the ], and further increased its majority in ], with 69.7% of the votes. In ] its share of the vote reduced slightly, but it remained the dominant party with 65.9% of the votes.
==History==
{{main|History of the African National Congress}}
{{Prose|date=April 2009}}
The founding of the ANC follows decades of oppression of black South Africans by white South Africans and foreigners. It can be said that the ANC had its origins in a pronouncement by Pixley ka Isaka Seme who said in 1911 ''Forget all the past differences among Africans and unite in one national organisation.'' The ANC was founded in the subsequent year on 8 January 1912.


Founded on 8 January 1912 in ] as the '''South African Native National Congress''', the organisation was formed to advocate for the rights of ]. When the ] government came to power ], the ANC's central purpose became to oppose the new government's policy of institutionalised ]. To this end, its methods and means of organisation shifted; its adoption of the techniques of ], and the swelling of its membership, culminated in the ] of ] in 1952–53. The ANC was banned by the South African government between April 1960 – shortly after the ] – and February 1990. During this period, despite periodic attempts to revive its domestic political underground, the ANC was forced into exile by increasing state repression, which saw many of its leaders imprisoned on ]. Headquartered in ], the exiled ANC dedicated much of its attention to a campaign of ] and ] against the apartheid state, carried out under its military wing, ], which was founded in 1961 in partnership with the ] (SACP). The ANC was condemned as a ] organisation by the governments of South Africa, the ], and the ]. However, it positioned itself as a key player in the ], which began in earnest after the ban was repealed in 1990. For much of that time, the ANC leadership, along with many of its most active members, operated from abroad. After the Soweto Uprising of 1976, the ANC remained committed to achieving its objectives through armed struggle, led by its military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe. These circumstances significantly shaped the ANC during its years in exile.<ref name=":1" />
The government of the newly formed Union of South Africa began a systematic oppression of black people in South Africa. The notorious Land Act was promulgated in 1913. The effect of these antiblack laws was to force black people from their farms into the cities and towns to work, and to restrict their movement within South Africa. By 1919, the ANC led a campaign against passes, and in 1920 the ANC supported a militant mineworkers' strike.


In the post-apartheid era, the ANC continues to identify itself foremost as a ], although it is also a registered political party. Partly due to its ] with the ] (SACP) and the ], it had retained a comfortable electoral majority at the national level and in most provinces, and has provided each of South Africa's five presidents since 1994. South Africa is considered a ]. However, the ANC's electoral majority has declined consistently since 2004, and in the ], its share of the national vote dropped below 50% for the first time ever.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Cele |first=S'thembile |date=2021-11-04 |title=ANC Support Falls Below 50% for First Time in South African Vote |language=en |work=Bloomberg |url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-11-04/anc-support-falls-below-50-for-first-time-in-south-african-vote |access-date=2022-07-25}}</ref> Over the last decade, the party has been embroiled in a number of controversies, particularly relating to widespread allegations of ] among its members.
The ANC became dormant in the mid 1920s. During that time, black people were also represented by the ICU and the previously white-only Communist party. By 1927, J.T. Gumende (president of the ANC) proposed cooperation with the Communists in a bid to revitalise the organisation, but he was voted out of power in the 1930s. This lead to the ANC becoming largely ineffectual and inactive, until the mid 1940s when the ANC was remodelled as a mass movement.


Following the ], the ANC lost its majority in parliament for the first time in South Africa's democratic history. It still remains the largest party however, with under 41% of the vote.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.npr.org/2024/06/01/nx-s1-4987616/south-africa-election-results|title=In a historic election, South Africa's ANC loses majority for the first time|publisher=NPR|date=1 June 2024|accessdate=1 June 2024}}</ref> The party also lost its majority in Kwa-Zulu Natal, Gauteng and Northern Cape. Despite these setbacks, the ANC retained power at the national level through a ] referred to as the ], including parties which together have 72% of the seats in ].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c8007w4vqveo|title=ANC and DA agree on South Africa unity government|first1=Farouk|last1=Chothia|first2=Danai Kesta|last2=Kupemba|first3=Barbra|last3=Plett-Usher|publisher=BBC News|date=14 June 2024|accessdate=14 June 2024}}</ref>
*The ANC responded militarily to the attacks on the rights of black people.
*The beginning of greater cooperation between African people, Coloured and Indian people.
*1944 – Youth League (], ], ]). Their ideas were based on African nationalism and they utilised this idea to involve masses into military struggles.
**they gathered support among the new population
**program of action calling for strikes, boycotts and defiance
**the organisation was adopted by the ANC in 1949 and this lead to a later Defiance Campaign in the 1950s


== History ==
'''The Defiance Campaign – was a mass movement of resistance to apartheid'''
{{Main|History of the African National Congress}}


=== Origins ===
*It encouraged further campaigns against apartheid laws
A successor of the ]'s Imbumba Yamanyama organisation, the ANC was founded as the South African Native National Congress in ] on 8 January 1912, and was renamed the African National Congress in 1923. ], ], ], and ] founded the organisation, who, like much of the ANC's early membership, were from the ], educated, and religious professional classes of black South African society.<ref name="Lodge-1983">{{Cite book |last=Lodge |first=Tom |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AY5tmwEACAAJ |title=Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945 |date=1983 |publisher=Ravan Press |isbn=978-0-86975-152-7 |pages=1–32 |language=en |chapter=Black protest before 1950 |access-date=27 December 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211231044524/https://books.google.com/books?id=AY5tmwEACAAJ |archive-date=31 December 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="Butler-2012">{{Cite book |last=Butler |first=Anthony |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WHziM0wtGgkC |title=The Idea of the ANC |date=2012 |publisher=Jacana Media |isbn=978-1-4314-0578-7 |language=en |access-date=27 December 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211231044500/https://books.google.com/books?id=WHziM0wtGgkC |archive-date=31 December 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref> Although they would not take part, Xhosa chiefs would show huge support for the organisation; as a result, ] donated 50 cows to during its founding.{{cn|date=December 2023}} Around 1920, in a partial shift away from its early focus on the "politics of petitioning",<ref name="Suttner-2012">{{Cite journal |last=Suttner |first=Raymond |date=2012 |title=The African National Congress centenary: a long and difficult journey |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/23255615 |url-status=live |journal=International Affairs |volume=88 |issue=4 |pages=719–738 |doi=10.1111/j.1468-2346.2012.01098.x |issn=0020-5850 |jstor=23255615 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227212113/https://www.jstor.org/stable/23255615 |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=27 December 2021}}</ref> the ANC developed a programme of ] directed primarily at the expansion and entrenchment of ].<ref name="Butler-2012" /><ref name="Clark-2016">{{Cite book |last1=Clark |first1=Nancy L. |title=South Africa: The Rise and Fall of Apartheid |last2=Worger |first2=William H. |date=2016 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-138-12444-8 |edition=3rd |location=Abingdon, Oxon |language=English |oclc=883649263}}</ref> When ] took over as ANC president in 1927, he advocated for a strategy of mass mobilisation and cooperation with the ], but was voted out of office in 1930 and replaced with the traditionalist Seme, whose leadership saw the ANC's influence wane.<ref name="Lodge-1983" /><ref name="Suttner-2012" />
*The government tried to stop them by banning party leaders and enacting new laws to stop them however it was too late as the movement had acquired too much power.
*Formation of new organisations such as SACPO and the COD
*Congress of the people – this was a congress of all the people of South Africa. They demanded a New South Africa and these ideas were expressed in the Freedom Charter (26 June 1955)
*The government claimed that this was a communist's document consequently leaders of the ANC and Congress were arrested.
*1955 Women’s strike
*Blacks and Whites brought together in the fight for justice and democracy, consequently Africanists broke away from the ANC.
*The Sharpeville Massacre – this leads to the end of the peaceful strike and peaceful protests


In the 1940s, ] revived some of Gumede's programmes, assisted by a surge in trade union activity and by the formation in 1944 of the left-wing ] under a new generation of activists, among them ], ], and ].<ref name="Lodge-1983" /><ref name="Butler-2012" /> After the ] was elected into government in 1948 on a platform of ], entailing the further institutionalisation of ], this new generation pushed for a Programme of Action which explicitly advocated ] and led the ANC, for the first time, to the sustained use of mass mobilisation techniques like strikes, stay-aways, and boycotts.<ref name="Butler-2012" /><ref>{{Cite web |date=1949-12-17 |title=38th National Conference: Programme Of Action: Statement of Policy Adopted |url=https://www.anc1912.org.za/policy-documents-1949-38th-national-conference-programme-of-action-statement-of-policy-adopted/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227180035/https://www.anc1912.org.za/policy-documents-1949-38th-national-conference-programme-of-action-statement-of-policy-adopted/ |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=2021-12-27 |website=African National Congress |language=en-US}}</ref> This culminated in the 1952–53 ], a campaign of mass ] organised by the ANC, the ], and the ] Franchise Action Council in protest of six apartheid laws.<ref name="Lodge-1983a">{{Cite book |last=Lodge |first=Tom |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AY5tmwEACAAJ |title=Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945 |date=1983 |publisher=Ravan Press |isbn=978-0-86975-152-7 |pages=33–66 |language=en |chapter=The creation of a mass movement: strikes and defiance, 1950-1952 |access-date=27 December 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211231044556/https://books.google.com/books?id=AY5tmwEACAAJ |archive-date=31 December 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref> The ANC's membership swelled.<ref name="Suttner-2012"/> In June 1955, it was one of the groups represented at the multi-racial ] in ], which ratified the ], from then onwards a fundamental document in the ].<ref name="Suttner-2012" /> The Charter was the basis of the enduring ], but was also used as a pretext to prosecute hundreds of activists, among them most of the ANC's leadership, in the ].<ref name="Lodge-1983b">{{Cite book |last=Lodge |first=Tom |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AY5tmwEACAAJ |title=Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945 |date=1983 |publisher=Ravan Press |isbn=978-0-86975-152-7 |pages=67–90 |language=en |chapter=African political organisations, 1953-1960}}</ref> Before the trial was concluded, the ] occurred on 21 March 1960. In the aftermath, the ANC was banned by the South African government. It was not unbanned until February 1990, almost three decades later. ], ], ], ], and ].|left]]
'''ANC goes underground'''


=== Exile in Lusaka ===
*Many acts of sabotage and terrorism
After its banning in April 1960, the ANC was driven underground, a process hastened by a barrage of government ], by an escalation of state repression, and by the imprisonment of senior ANC leaders pursuant to the ] and ].<ref name="Ellis-1991">{{Cite journal |last=Ellis |first=Stephen |date=1991 |title=The ANC in Exile |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/722941 |url-status=live |journal=African Affairs |volume=90 |issue=360 |pages=439–447 |doi=10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098442 |issn=0001-9909 |jstor=722941 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211226235211/https://www.jstor.org/stable/722941 |archive-date=26 December 2021 |access-date=26 December 2021}}</ref> From around 1963, the ANC effectively abandoned much of even its underground presence inside South Africa and operated almost entirely from its external mission, with headquarters first in ], and later in ].<ref name="ANC-1997">{{Cite book |last=African National Congress |url=https://www.justice.gov.za/trc/hrvtrans/submit/anc2.htm#Appendix%201 |title=Further submissions and responses by the African National Congress to questions raised by the Commission for Truth and Reconciliation |publisher=Department of Justice |year=1997 |location=Pretoria |chapter=Appendix: ANC structures and personnel |access-date=26 December 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211214114223/https://www.justice.gov.za/trc/hrvtrans/submit/anc2.htm#Appendix%201 |archive-date=14 December 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref> For the entirety of its time in exile, the ANC was led by Tambo – first ''de facto'', with president ] under house arrest in ]; then in an acting capacity, after Luthuli's death in 1967; and, finally, officially, after a leadership vote in 1985.<ref name="Ellis-2013">{{Cite book |last=Ellis |first=Stephen |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YdlMAgAAQBAJ |title=External Mission: The ANC in Exile, 1960–1990 |date=2013 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-933061-4 |language=en |access-date=27 December 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211231044551/https://books.google.com/books?id=YdlMAgAAQBAJ |archive-date=31 December 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref> Also notable about this period was the extremely close relationship between the ANC and the reconstituted ] (SACP), which was also in exile.<ref name="Ellis-2013" />
*Military training for ANC members outside the country
*1969 – consultative conference at Morogoro > 4 aspects of all around struggle
**Mass political struggle
**Armed struggle
**Building ANC underground structures within the country
**Campaign for international support and assistance
*Non-African membership of the ANC
*As a result of banning the liberation movement the apartheid system grew stronger again until 1970s


===uMkhonto we Sizwe===
*Students and Workers changed the face of South Africa
{{main|uMkhonto we Sizwe}}
**1973 strike of workers in Durban
In 1961, partly in response to the Sharpeville massacre, leaders of the SACP and the ANC formed a military body, ] (MK, ''Spear of the Nation''), as a vehicle for armed struggle against the apartheid state. Initially, MK was not an official ANC body, nor had it been directly established by the ANC National Executive: it was considered an autonomous organisation, until such time as the ANC formally recognised it as its armed wing in October 1962.<ref name="Stevens-2019">{{Cite journal |last=Stevens |first=Simon |date=2019-11-01 |title=The Turn to Sabotage by The Congress Movement in South Africa |journal=Past & Present |issue=245 |pages=221–255 |doi=10.1093/pastj/gtz030 |issn=0031-2746 |doi-access=free |hdl=1814/75043 |hdl-access=free }}</ref><ref name="Ellis-1991"/>
**1976 student anger exploded, ANC supported student struggles for national liberation


In the first half of the 1960s, MK was preoccupied with a campaign of ] attacks, especially bombings of unoccupied government installations.<ref name="Stevens-2019" /> As the ANC reduced its presence inside South Africa, however, MK cadres were increasingly confined to training camps in Tanzania and neighbouring countries – with such exceptions as the ], a momentous military failure.<ref name="Houston-2004">{{Cite book |last1=Houston |first1=Gregory |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273455254 |title=The Road to Democracy in South Africa |last2=Ralinala |first2=Rendani Moses |publisher=Zebra Press |year=2004 |volume=1 |pages=435–492 |chapter=The Wankie and Sipolilo Campaigns |access-date=27 December 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211231044547/https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273455254_The_Wankie_and_Sipolilo_Campaigns |archive-date=31 December 2021 |url-status=live}}</ref> In 1969, Tambo was compelled to call the landmark ] to address the grievances of the rank-and-file, articulated by ] in a memorandum which depicted MK's leadership as corrupt and complacent.<ref name="Macmillan-2009">{{Cite journal |last=Macmillan |first=Hugh |date=2009-09-01 |title=After Morogoro: the continuing crisis in the African National Congress (of South Africa) in Zambia, 1969–1971 |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/02533950903076386 |url-status=live |journal=Social Dynamics |volume=35 |issue=2 |pages=295–311 |doi=10.1080/02533950903076386 |issn=0253-3952 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211231044529/https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02533950903076386 |archive-date=31 December 2021 |access-date=26 December 2021 |s2cid=143455223}}</ref> Although MK's malaise persisted into the 1970s, conditions for armed struggle soon improved considerably, especially after the ] of 1976 in South Africa saw thousands of students – inspired by ] ideas – cross the borders to seek military training.<ref name="Ellis-1994">{{Cite journal |last=Ellis |first=Stephen |date=1994 |title=Mbokodo: Security in ANC Camps, 1961–1990 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/723845 |url-status=live |journal=African Affairs |volume=93 |issue=371 |pages=279–298 |doi=10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098712 |issn=0001-9909 |jstor=723845 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227162526/https://www.jstor.org/stable/723845 |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=27 December 2021|hdl=1887/9075 |hdl-access=free }}</ref> MK ] activity inside South Africa increased steadily over this period, with one estimate recording an increase from 23 incidents in 1977 to 136 incidents in 1985.<ref name="Lodge-1987">{{Cite journal |last=Lodge |first=Tom |date=1987 |title=State of Exile: The African National Congress of South Africa, 1976–86 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/3991845 |url-status=live |journal=Third World Quarterly |volume=9 |issue=1 |pages=1,282–310 |doi=10.1080/01436598708419960 |issn=0143-6597 |jstor=3991845 |pmid=12268882 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227113732/https://www.jstor.org/stable/3991845 |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=27 December 2021}}</ref> In the latter half of the 1980s, a number of South African civilians were killed in these attacks, a reversal of the ANC's earlier reluctance to incur civilian casualties.<ref name="Williams-2000">{{Cite journal |last=Williams |first=Rocky |date=2000 |title=The other armies: A brief historical overview of Umkhonto We Sizwe (MK), 1961–1994 |url=http://samilitaryhistory.org/vol115rw.html |url-status=live |journal=Military History Journal |volume=11 |issue=5 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181004182018/http://samilitaryhistory.org/vol115rw.html |archive-date=4 October 2018 |access-date=27 December 2021}}</ref><ref name="Lodge-1987" /> Fatal attacks included the 1983 ], the 1985 ], the 1986 ], and the 1987 ]. Partly in retaliation, the ] increasingly crossed the border to target ANC members and ANC bases, as in the 1981 ], 1983 ], and 1985 ].<ref name="Ellis-2013" />], ANC president in exile from 1967 to 1991.]]
'''New heights of liberation struggles came in, in the 1980s.'''
During this period, MK activities led the governments of ] and ] to condemn the ANC as a terrorist organisation.<ref name="Waxman-2018">{{Cite magazine |last=Waxman |first=Olivia B. |date=2018-07-18 |title=The U.S. Government Had Nelson Mandela on Terrorist Watch Lists Until 2008. Here's Why |url=https://time.com/5338569/nelson-mandela-terror-list/ |url-status=live |magazine=Time |language=en |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227113735/https://time.com/5338569/nelson-mandela-terror-list/ |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=2021-12-27}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=McSmith |first=Andy |date=2013-12-10 |title=Margaret Thatcher branded ANC 'terrorist' while urging Nelson Mandela's release |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/margaret-thatcher-branded-anc-terrorist-while-urging-nelson-mandela-s-release-8994191.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227113733/https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/margaret-thatcher-branded-anc-terrorist-while-urging-nelson-mandela-s-release-8994191.html |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=2021-12-27 |website=The Independent |language=en}}</ref> In fact, neither the ANC nor Mandela were removed from the U.S. terror watch list until 2008.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Windrem |first=Robert |date=2013-12-07 |title=US government considered Nelson Mandela a terrorist until 2008 |url=http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/us-government-considered-nelson-mandela-terrorist-until-2008-flna2D11708787 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227113737/https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/us-government-considered-nelson-mandela-terrorist-until-2008-flna2D11708787 |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=2021-12-27 |website=NBC News |language=en}}</ref> The animosity of Western regimes was partly explained by the ] context, and by the considerable amount of support – both financial and technical – that the ANC received from the ].<ref name="Shubin-1996">{{Cite journal |last=Shubin |first=Vladimir |date=1996 |title=The Soviet Union/Russian Federation's Relations with South Africa, with Special Reference to the Period since 1980 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/723723 |url-status=live |journal=African Affairs |volume=95 |issue=378 |pages=5–30 |doi=10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007713 |issn=0001-9909 |jstor=723723 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227162524/https://www.jstor.org/stable/723723 |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=27 December 2021}}</ref><ref name="Ellis-2013" />
*People taking over the situation in communities, workplaces and at schools etc.
*Strong demand for political power
*1976 reforms were introduced to apartheid for the first time
*The government enacted new reforms and repressions and thoughts this would win the hearts and minds of Blacks but it led to even greater resistance
*Women Workers Students and Youths organisations make a major step forward from 1985 when the state of emergency was called.<ref>http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?doc=/ancdocs/about/umzabalazo.html </ref>


=== Negotiations to end apartheid ===
===Umkhonto we Sizwe===
{{Main|Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa}}
] ("Spear of the Nation"), abbreviated to MK, was the military wing of the ANC. Partly in response to the Sharpeville Massacre of 1960, individual members of the ANC found it necessary to resort to violence. Though most of ANC's leadership disagreed, many members within the organisation decided that non-violent campaigns were not working. Many members of the ANC were not comfortable with the MK arrangement, but individuals, such as Nelson Mandela, felt guerrilla warfare had to be considered. In cooperation with the ], MK was founded in 1961.<ref>http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governence-projects/organisations/MK/formation.htm</ref>
From the mid-1980s, as international and internal opposition to apartheid mounted, elements of the ANC began to test the prospects for a ] with the South African government, although the prudence of abandoning armed struggle was an extremely controversial topic within the organisation.<ref name="Ellis-2013"/> Following preliminary contact between the ANC and representatives of the state, business, and civil society,<ref name="Lodge-1987" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Brits |first=J. P. |date=2008 |title=Thabo Mbeki and the Afrikaners, 1986–2004 |url=http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&pid=S0018-229X2008000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en |url-status=live |journal=Historia |volume=53 |issue=2 |pages=33–69 |issn=0018-229X |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211227161356/http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&pid=S0018-229X2008000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en |archive-date=27 December 2021 |access-date=27 December 2021}}</ref> President ] announced in February 1990 that the government would unban the ANC and other banned political organisations, and that Mandela would be released from prison.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Ottaway |first1=David |date=1990-02-03 |title=S. Africa Lifts Ban on ANC, Other Groups |newspaper=The Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/s_africa/stories/anc020390.htm |access-date=1 July 2016}}</ref> Some ANC leaders returned to South Africa from exile for so-called "talks about talks", which led in 1990 and 1991 to a series of bilateral accords with the government establishing a mutual commitment to negotiations. Importantly, the ] of August 1990 included a commitment by the ANC to unilaterally suspend its armed struggle.<ref name="Simpson-2009">{{Cite journal |last=Simpson |first=Thula |date=2009 |title=Toyi-Toyi-ing to Freedom: The Endgame in the ANCs Armed Struggle, 1989–1990 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/40283245 |journal=Journal of Southern African Studies |volume=35 |issue=2 |pages=507–521 |doi=10.1080/03057070902920015 |jstor=40283245 |hdl=2263/14707 |s2cid=145785746 |issn=0305-7070|hdl-access=free }}</ref> This made possible the multi-party ] and later the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum, in which the ANC was regarded as the main representative of the interests of the anti-apartheid movement.


However, ongoing ], which the ANC attributed to a state-sponsored ], led to recurrent tensions. Most dramatically, after the ] of June 1992, the ANC announced that it was withdrawing from negotiations indefinitely.<ref name="Keller-1992">{{Cite news |last=Keller |first=Bill |date=1992-06-24 |title=Mandela, Stunned by Massacre, Pulls Out of Talks on Black Rule |language=en-US |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1992/06/24/world/mandela-stunned-by-massacre-pulls-out-of-talks-on-black-rule.html |access-date=2022-07-23 |issn=0362-4331}}</ref> It faced further casualties in the ], the ], and in other clashes with state forces and supporters of the ] (IFP).<ref name="Van Baalen-2014">{{Cite journal |last=Van Baalen |first=Sebastian |date=2014 |title=The Microdynamics of Conflict Escalation : The Case of ANC-IFP Fighting in South Africa in 1990 |url=http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324310 |url-status=live |journal=Pax et Bellum Journal |volume=1 |issue=1 |pages=14–20 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211231044542/http://uu.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1109559&dswid=4294 |archive-date=31 December 2021 |access-date=28 December 2021}}</ref> However, once negotiations resumed, they resulted in November 1993 in an ], which governed South Africa's ] on 27 April 1994. In the elections, the ANC won an overwhelming 62.65% majority of the vote.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2008-06-28 |title=Elections '94 |url=http://www.elections.org.za/Elections94.asp |access-date=2022-07-23 |website=Independent Electoral Commission|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080628132254/http://www.elections.org.za/Elections94.asp |archive-date=28 June 2008 }}</ref> Mandela was elected ] and formed a coalition ], which, under the provisions of the interim Constitution, also included the National Party and IFP.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Drogin |first=Bob |date=1994-05-07 |title=Ex-Guerrillas, Exiles Named to Mandela Cabinet |url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-05-07-mn-54878-story.html |access-date=2022-07-23 |website=Los Angeles Times |language=en-US}}</ref> The ANC has controlled the ] since then.
==Ideology==
The ANC deems itself as a force of national liberation in the post-apartheid era; it officially defines its umbrella agenda as the ''National Democratic Revolution''. The ANC is a member of the ].<ref name=socialistinternational/> It also sets forth the redressing of socioeconomic differences stemming from colonial- and apartheid-era policies which discriminated against non-whites, such as land, housing and job distributions, as a central focus of ANC policy.


=== Breakaways ===
The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) is described as a process through which the National Democratic Society (NDS) is achieved; a society in which people are intellectually, socially, economically and politically empowered. The drivers of the NDR are also called the motive forces and are defined as the elements within society that gain from the success of the NDR. Using contour plots or ] the centre represents the elements in society that gain the most out of the success of the NDR. Moving away from the centre results in the reduction of the gains that those elements derive. It is generally believed that the force that occupies the centre of those concentric circles in countries with low unemployment is the working class while in countries with higher levels of unemployment it is the unemployed. Some of the many theoreticians that have written about the NDR include ], ] and ].<ref>{{cite web|first=Joe|last=Slovo|url=http://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/slovo/1988/national-democratic-revolution.htm |title=The South African Working Class and the National Democratic Revolution}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|first=Joel|last=Netshitenzhe|url=http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo25/tasks.html|title=Understanding the tasks of the moment|work=Umrabulo|volume=25}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Marwala|first=T|url=http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?doc=ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo29/art12.html/|title=The anatomy of capital and the national democratic revolution|work=Umrabulo|volume=29}}</ref>
In the post-apartheid era, several significant breakaway groups have been formed by former ANC members. The first is the ], founded by ] in 2008 in the aftermath of the ], when the ANC declined to re-elect ] as its president and instead compelled his resignation from the national presidency. The second breakaway is the ], founded in 2013 after youth leader ] was expelled from the ANC. Before these, the most important split in the ANC's history occurred in 1959, when ] led a splinter faction of ] to the new ].


] rose to prominence in December 2023, when former president ] announced that, while planning to remain a lifelong member of the ANC, he would not be campaigning for the ANC in the ], and would instead be voting for MK.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.polity.org.za/article/the-battle-for-the-soul-of-umkhonto-wesizwe-2023-12-18|title="The battle for the soul of uMkhonto weSizwe"}}</ref> In July 2024, Jacob Zuma was expelled from the ANC, because of campaigning for a rival party (]) in the 29 May general election.<ref>{{cite news |title=South Africa's ex-President Jacob Zuma expelled from ANC |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cjr4kllkpwxo |work=www.bbc.com}}</ref>
===Tripartite Alliance===


== Current structure and composition ==
The ANC holds a historic alliance with the ] (SACP) and ] (COSATU), known as the ''Tripartite Alliance''. The SACP and COSATU have not contested any election in South Africa, but field candidates through the ANC, hold senior positions in the ANC, and influence party policy and dialogue. During Mbeki's presidency, the government took a more pro-capitalist stance, often running counter to the demands of the SACP and COSATU.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ever-fasternews.com/index.php?php_action=read_article&article_id=397|title=ANC 'At Fork in the Road'|first=Paul Trewhela|date=05/08/2007}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|url=http://www.disa.ukzn.ac.za/index.php?option=com_displaytei&id=21131&title=How%20the%20tripartite%20alliance%20works&creator=|title=How the Tripartite Alliance works|work=Mayibuye|volume=2|number=3|date =1991}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=COSATU and the Tripartite Alliance since 1994|first=Dale|last=McKinley|work=Rethinking the Labour Movement in the 'New' South Africa (T. Bramble and F. Barchiesi (eds))|year=2003}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://southafrica.indymedia.org/news/2006/10/11418.php|title=The ideological differences within the Tripartite Alliance: What now for the left?|first=Percy|last=Ngonyama|date=16 October 2006}}</ref>
] was elected ANC president at the ].]]


===2008 schism=== === Leadership ===
{{See also|National Conference of the African National Congress|National Executive Committee of the African National Congress}}Under the ANC constitution, every member of the ANC belongs to a local branch, and branch members select the organisation's policies and leaders.<ref name="ANC-2017a">{{Cite web |date=2017 |title=African National Congress Constitution, as amended and adopted by the 54th National Conference |url=https://www.anc1912.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/ANC-Constitution-2017.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/https://www.anc1912.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/ANC-Constitution-2017.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live |website=African National Congress}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Darracq |first=V. |date=2008-08-18 |title=The African National Congress (ANC) organization at the grassroots |url=https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/afraf/adn059 |journal=African Affairs |language=en |volume=107 |issue=429 |pages=589–609 |doi=10.1093/afraf/adn059 |issn=0001-9909}}</ref> They do so primarily by electing delegates to the ], which is currently convened every five years. Between conferences, the organisation is led by its 86-member ], which is elected at each conference. The most senior members of the National Executive Committee are the so-called Top Six officials, the ANC president primary among them. A symmetrical process occurs at the subnational levels: each of the nine ] and regional executive committees are elected at provincial and regional elective conferences respectively, also attended by branch delegates; and branch officials are elected at branch general meetings.<ref name="ANC-2017a" />
Following Zuma's accession to the ANC leadership in 2007 and Mbeki's resignation as president in 2008, the Mbeki faction of former ministers led by ] split away from the ANC to form the ].


==ANC flag== === Leagues ===
The ANC has three leagues: the ], the ] and the ]. Under the ANC constitution, the leagues are autonomous bodies with the scope to devise their own constitutions and policies; for the purpose of national conferences, they are treated somewhat like provinces, with voting delegates and the power to nominate leadership candidates.<ref name="ANC-2017a" />
]
The ANC flag is composed of three stripes - black, green and yellow.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/misc/ancflag.html|title=The Flag of the African National Congress|publisher=African National Congress|accessdate=2009-01-21}}</ref> The black represents the color of the people, the green the fertility of the land and the yellow represents the ] with which the country is rich. This flag was also the ] of the ]. The official party flag also has the emblem of the party incorporated onto the flag.


=== Tripartite Alliance ===
==Party list==
{{main|Tripartite Alliance}}
Politicians in the party win a place in parliament by being on the ''Party List'', which is drawn up before the elections and enumerates, in order, the party's preferred MPs. The number of seats allocated is proportional to the popular national vote, and this determines the cut-off point.


The ANC is recognised as the leader of a three-way alliance, known as the ], with the SACP and ] (COSATU). The alliance was formalised in mid-1990, after the ANC was unbanned, but has deeper historical roots: the SACP had worked closely with the ANC in exile, and COSATU had aligned itself with the Freedom Charter and Congress Alliance in 1987.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Twala |first1=Chitja |last2=Kompi |first2=Buti |date=2012-06-01 |title=The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Tripartite Alliance: a marriage of (in)convenience? |url=https://journals.co.za/doi/10.10520/EJC133152 |url-status=live |journal=Journal for Contemporary History |volume=37 |issue=1 |pages=171–190 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211231044535/https://journals.co.za/doi/10.10520/EJC133152 |archive-date=31 December 2021 |access-date=28 December 2021 |hdl=10520/EJC133152}}</ref> The membership and leadership of the three organisations has traditionally overlapped significantly.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Buhlungu |first1=Sakhela |last2=Ellis |first2=Stephen |date=2013-01-01 |title=The trade union movement and the Tripartite Alliance: a tangled history |url=https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004214606/B9789004214606-s013.xml |url-status=live |journal=Cosatu's Contested Legacy |language=EN |pages=259–282 |doi=10.1163/9789004214606_013 |isbn=9789004214606 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211228162802/https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004214606/B9789004214606-s013.xml |archive-date=28 December 2021 |access-date=28 December 2021}}</ref> The alliance constitutes a ''de facto'' electoral coalition: the SACP and COSATU do not contest in government elections, but field candidates through the ANC, hold senior positions in the ANC, and influence party policy. However, the SACP, in particular, has frequently threatened to field its own candidates,<ref>{{Cite web |last=Bandile |first=Dineo |date=2017-07-15 |title=SACP resolves to contest state power independently of the ANC |url=https://mg.co.za/article/2017-07-15-sacp-resolves-to-contest-state-power/ |access-date=2022-07-25 |website=The Mail & Guardian |language=en-ZA}}</ref> and in 2017 it did so for the first time, running against the ANC in ]s in the ].<ref>{{Cite web |last=Mailovich |first=Claudi |date=2017-11-29 |title=SACP breaks alliance ranks in local election |url=https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/politics/2017-11-29-sacp-breaks-alliance-ranks-in-local-election/ |access-date=2022-07-25 |website=Business Day |language=en-ZA}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=2017-12-21 |title=SACP governs its first municipality |url=https://www.news24.com/News24/sacp-governs-its-first-municipality-20171221 |access-date=2022-07-25 |website=News24 |language=en-US}}</ref>]
The ANC has also gained members through the controversial ] process.


=== Electoral candidates ===
Although most South African parties announced their candidate list for provincial premierships in the 2009 election, the ANC did not. It is not required for parties to do so.<ref>http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/page71619?oid=120071&sn=Detail</ref>
Under South Africa's closed-] electoral system, parties have immense power in selecting candidates for legislative bodies. The ANC's internal ] process is overseen by so-called list committees and tends to involve a degree of broad democratic participation, especially at the local level, where ANC branches vote to nominate candidates for the local government elections.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Mac Giollabhui |first=Shane |date=2018-08-18 |title=Battleground: candidate selection and violence in Africa's dominant political parties |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13510347.2018.1451841 |journal=Democratization |language=en |volume=25 |issue=6 |pages=978–995 |doi=10.1080/13510347.2018.1451841 |s2cid=218523954 |issn=1351-0347}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Giollabhuí |first=Shane Mac |date=2013 |title=How things fall apart: Candidate selection and the cohesion of dominant parties in South Africa and Namibia |url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068811407599 |journal=Party Politics |language=en |volume=19 |issue=4 |pages=577–600 |doi=10.1177/1354068811407599 |s2cid=145444345 |issn=1354-0688}}</ref> Between 2003 and 2008, the ANC also gained a significant number of members through the controversial ] process, which occurred especially at the local level.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Booysen |first=Susan |date=2006 |title=The Will of the Parties Versus the Will of the People?: Defections, Elections and Alliances in South Africa |url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068806068598 |journal=Party Politics |language=en |volume=12 |issue=6 |pages=727–746 |doi=10.1177/1354068806068598 |s2cid=145011059 |issn=1354-0688}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=McLaughlin |first=Eric |date=2012 |title=Electoral regimes and party-switching: Floor-crossing in South Africa's local legislatures |url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068810389610 |journal=Party Politics |language=en |volume=18 |issue=4 |pages=563–579 |doi=10.1177/1354068810389610 |s2cid=143948206 |issn=1354-0688}}</ref>


The leaders of the ] in each sphere of government – the ], the provincial ], and the mayors – are ] after each election. In practice, the selection of ANC candidates for these positions is highly centralised, with the ANC caucus voting together to elect a pre-decided candidate. Although the ANC does not always announce whom its caucuses intend to elect,<ref>{{Cite web |last=Myburgh |first=James |date=2009-03-06 |title=The ANC's secret premier candidates |url=https://www.politicsweb.co.za/news-and-analysis/the-ancs-secret-premier-candidates |access-date=2022-07-25 |website=PoliticsWeb |language=en}}</ref> the ] has thus far always elected the ANC president as the national president.
== Election results ==
{| border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="5"
|----- bgcolor="#cccccc"
! '''Election'''
! '''Votes'''
! '''%'''
! '''Seats'''
|-
| ]
| align="right" | 11,650,748
| align="right" | 65.90
| align="right" | 264
|-
| ]
| align="right" | 10,880,915
| align="right" | 69.69
| align="right" | 279
|-
| ]
| align="right" | 10,601,330
| align="right" | 66.35
| align="right" | 266
|-
| ]
| align="right" | 12,237,655
| align="right" | 62.65
| align="right" | 252
|}


=== Cadre deployment ===
==Role of the ANC in Resolving the Conflict==
The ANC has adhered to a formal policy of ] since 1985.<ref>{{Cite journal |date=1999 |title=Cadre Policy and Deployment Strategy |url=https://www.anc1912.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Umrabulo-Issue-No.6-1st-Quarter-1999.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/https://www.anc1912.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Umrabulo-Issue-No.6-1st-Quarter-1999.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live |journal=Umrabulo |volume=6}}</ref> In the post-apartheid era, the policy includes but is not exhausted by selection of candidates for elections and government positions: it also entails that the central organisation "deploys" ANC members to various other strategic positions in the party, state, and economy.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Twala |first=Chitja |date=2014 |title=The African National Congress (ANC) and the Cadre Deployment Policy in the Postapartheid South Africa: A Product of Democratic Centralisation or a Recipe for a Constitutional Crisis? |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09718923.2014.11893352 |journal=Journal of Social Sciences |language=en |volume=41 |issue=2 |pages=159–165 |doi=10.1080/09718923.2014.11893352 |s2cid=73526447 |issn=0971-8923}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Swanepoel |first=Cornelis F. |date=2021-12-14 |title=The slippery slope to State capture: cadre deployment as an enabler of corruption and a contributor to blurred party-State lines |journal=Law, Democracy and Development |volume=25 |pages=1–23 |doi=10.17159/2077-4907/2021/ldd.v25.15|s2cid=245698431 |doi-access=free }}</ref>
The ANC represented the main opposition to the government during apartheid and therefore they played a major role in resolving the conflict through participating in the peacemaking and peace-building processes. Initially intelligence agents of the ] met in secret with ANC leaders, including Nelson Mandela to judge whether conflict resolution was possible.<ref>http://student.britannica.com/comptons/article-226016/apartheid</ref> Discussions and negotiations took place leading to the eventual unbanning of the ANC and other opposing political parties by then President ] on 2 February 1990. These initial meetings were the first crucial steps towards resolution.


==Ideology and policies==
The next official step towards rebuilding South Africa was the Groote Schuur Minute where the government and the ANC agreed on a common commitment towards the resolution of the existing climate of violence and intimidation from whatever quarter, as well as a commitment to stability and to a peaceful process of negotiations. The ANC negotiated the release of political prisoners and the indemnity from prosecution for returning exiles and moreover channels of communication were established between the Government and the ANC.
] saw the ANC expand and informally absorb other anti-apartheid groups.]]
The ANC prides itself on being a ],<ref name="Duarte-2018">{{Cite web |last=Duarte |first=Jessie |author-link=Jessie Duarte |date=2018-10-30 |title=ANC policy remains the broad church for all South Africans |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2018-10-31-anc-policy-remains-the-broad-church-for-all-south-africans/ |access-date=2022-07-26 |website=Daily Maverick |language=en}}</ref> and, like many ], resembles a ], accommodating a range of ideological tendencies.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Southall |first=Roger |date=2005 |title=The 'Dominant Party Debate' in South Africa |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/40175055 |journal=Africa Spectrum |volume=40 |issue=1 |pages=61–82 |jstor=40175055 |issn=0002-0397}}</ref><ref name="Butler-2005">{{Cite journal |last=Butler |first=Anthony |date=2005 |title=How Democratic Is the African National Congress? |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/25065043 |journal=Journal of Southern African Studies |volume=31 |issue=4 |pages=719–736 |doi=10.1080/03057070500370472 |jstor=25065043 |s2cid=144481513 |issn=0305-7070}}</ref><ref name="Darracq-2008">{{Cite journal |last=Darracq |first=Vincent |date=2008 |title=Being a 'Movement of the People' and a Governing Party: Study of the African National Congress Mass Character |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/40283147 |journal=Journal of Southern African Studies |volume=34 |issue=2 |pages=429–449 |doi=10.1080/03057070802038090 |jstor=40283147 |s2cid=143326762 |issn=0305-7070}}</ref> As Mandela told the '']'' in 1990:<blockquote>The ANC has never been a political party. It was formed as a parliament of the African people. Right from the start, up to now, the ANC is a coalition, if you want, of people of various political affiliations. Some will support ], others ]. Some are ], others are ]. We are united solely by our determination to oppose ]. That is the only thing that unites us. There is no question of ideology as far as the odyssey of the ANC is concerned, because any question approaching ideology would split the organization from top to bottom. Because we have no connection whatsoever except at this one, of our determination to dismantle apartheid.<ref>{{Cite news |date=1990-06-27 |title='We'll never fold our arms in the face of the evil of... apartheid' |language=en-US |newspaper=Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1990/06/27/well-never-fold-our-arms-in-the-face-of-the-evil-of-apartheid/0cb37035-5254-4d79-8bb7-e1b2beaf7bd6/ |access-date=2022-07-26 |issn=0190-8286}}</ref> </blockquote>The post-apartheid ANC continues to identify itself foremost as a ], pursuing "the complete liberation of the country from all forms of discrimination and national oppression".<ref name="ANC-2017a" /> It also continues to claim the Freedom Charter of 1955 as "the basic policy document of the ANC".<ref>{{Cite web |title=Who We Are |url=https://www.anc1912.org.za/our-history/ |access-date=2022-07-25 |website=African National Congress}}</ref><ref name="ANC-2017a" /> However, as NEC member ] noted in 2007, the various broad principles of the Freedom Charter have been given different interpretations, and emphasised to differing extents, by different groups within the organisation.<ref name="Darracq-2008" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Suttner |first=Raymond |author-link=Raymond Suttner |date=2015 |title=The Freedom Charter @ 60: Rethinking its democratic qualities |journal=Historia |volume=60 |issue=2 |pages=1–23 |doi=10.17159/2309-8392/2015/V60N2A1 |doi-broken-date=1 November 2024 |doi-access= |s2cid= 148443043}}</ref> Nonetheless, some basic commonalities are visible in the policy and ideological preferences of the organisation's mainstream.


=== Non-racialism ===
Later the Pretoria Minute represented another step towards resolution where agreements at Groote Schuur were reconsolidated and steps towards setting up an interim government and drafting a new constitution were established as well as the symbolic suspension of the military wing of the ANC - the Umkhonto we Sizwe. This represented a stop to direct violence within South Africa. Another agreement that came out of the Pretoria minute was that both parties would try and raise awareness that a New Order was underway and that the violence must stop. However violence still continued in Kwazulu-Natal, which violated the trust between Mandela and De Klerk. Moreover internal disputes in the ANC prolonged the war as consensus on peace was not reached.<ref name=concise>{{cite book|title=A concise history of South Africa|first=Robert|last=Ross|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1999}}</ref>
{{Main|Non-racialism}}
The ANC is committed to the ideal of ] and to opposing "any form of racial, tribalistic or ethnic exclusivism or chauvinism".<ref name="ANC-2017a" /><ref name="Butler-2005" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ndebele |first=Nhlanhla |date=2002-11-01 |title=The African National Congress and the policy of non-racialism: A study of the membership issue |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/0258934022000027763 |journal=Politikon |volume=29 |issue=2 |pages=133–146 |doi=10.1080/0258934022000027763 |s2cid=154036222 |issn=0258-9346}}</ref>


=== National Democratic Revolution ===
The next significant steps towards resolution were the Repeal of the Population Registration Act – this meant no one could claim, or be deprived of rights on the basis of racial classification, the repeal of the Group Areas and the Native Land Acts and a catch-all Abolishment of Racially Based Measures Act was passed.<ref name=concise/>
The 1969 ] committed the ANC to a "national democratic revolution – destroying the existing social and economic relationship – will bring with it a correction of the historical injustices perpetrated against the indigenous majority and thus lay the basis for a new – and deeper ] – approach".<ref>{{Cite web |date=1969-04-26 |title=Report on the Strategy and Tactics of the African National Congress |url=https://renewal.anc1912.org.za/assets/Documents/Morogoro%20Conference%201969%20Strategy%20&%20Tactics%20Report.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/https://renewal.anc1912.org.za/assets/Documents/Morogoro%20Conference%201969%20Strategy%20&%20Tactics%20Report.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live |access-date=2022-07-25 |website=African National Congress}}</ref> For the movement's intellectuals, the concept of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) was a means of reconciling the anti-apartheid and ] project with a second goal, that of establishing domestic and international socialism – the ANC is a member of the ],<ref name="socialistinternational" /> and its close partner the SACP traditionally conceives itself as a ].<ref name="Butler-2005" /> Specifically, and as implied by the 1969 document, NDR doctrine entails that the transformation of the domestic political system (national struggle, in ]'s phrase) is a precondition for a socialist revolution (class struggle).<ref name="Butler-2005" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Slovo |first=Joe |date=1988 |title=The South African Working Class and the National Democratic Revolution |url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/The%20South%20African%20Working%20Class%20and%20the%20National%20Democratic%20Revolution.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/The%20South%20African%20Working%20Class%20and%20the%20National%20Democratic%20Revolution.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live |journal=Umsebenzi Discussion Pamphlet |publisher=South African Communist Party}}</ref> The concept remained important to ANC intellectuals and strategists after the end of apartheid.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Netshitenzhe |first=Joel |title=Understanding the tasks of the moment |url=http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo25/tasks.html |url-status=dead |journal=Umrabulo |volume=25 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080622025249/http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo25/tasks.html |archive-date=22 June 2008}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Marwala |first=T |title=The anatomy of capital and the national democratic revolution |url=http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?id=2844 |url-status=dead |journal=Umrabulo |volume=29 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111018065656/http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?id=2844 |archive-date=18 October 2011}}</ref> Indeed, the pursuit of the NDR is one of the primary objectives of the ANC as set out in its constitution.<ref name="ANC-2017a" /> As with the Freedom Charter, the ambiguity of the NDR has allowed it to bear varying interpretations. For example, whereas SACP theorists tend to emphasise the anti-capitalist character of the NDR, some ANC policymakers have construed it as implying the empowerment of the black majority even within a ] scheme.<ref name="Butler-2005" />


=== Economic interventionism ===
In December 1991 the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) was held with the aim of establishing a interim government. However a few months later in June 1992 the Boipatong massacre occurred and all negotiations crumbled as the ANC pulled out. After this negotiations proceeded between two agents, ] of the ANC, and ] of the National Party. In over 40 meetings the two men discussed and negotiated over many issues including the nature of the future political system, the fates of over 40,000 current government employees and how the country was going to be divided. Cyril Ramaphosa dominated the negotiations as he was far more apt at negotiation having worked as Union leader in the mines than Roelf Meyer, who had been unchallenged for the past three decades. The result of these negotiations was an interim constitution that meant the transition from apartheid to democracy was a constitutional continuation and that the rule of law and state sovereignty remained intact during the transition, which was vital for stability within the country. A date was set for the first democratic elections on the 27th April 1994.<ref name=concise/> The ANC won 62.5% of the votes and has been in power ever since.<ref>www.africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheidfaq/f/HowEnded.htm</ref>
{{Quote box
| quote = We must develop the capacity of government for strategic intervention in social and economic development. We must increase the capacity of the public sector to deliver improved and extended public services to all the people of South Africa.
| author = – 1994 ]
| align = right
| width = 18%
}}
Since 1994, consecutive ANC governments have held a strong preference for a significant degree of ]. The ANC's first comprehensive articulation of its post-apartheid economic policy framework was set out in the ] (RDP) document of 1994, which became its electoral manifesto and also, under the same name, the flagship policy of ]. The RDP aimed both to redress ] created by ] and apartheid, and to promote ] and ]; state intervention was judged a necessary step towards both goals.<ref name="ANC-1994">{{Cite web |date=1994 |title=The Reconstruction and Development Programme: A Policy Framework |url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/the_reconstruction_and_development_programm_1994.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/the_reconstruction_and_development_programm_1994.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live |website=African National Congress}}</ref> Specifically, the state was to intervene in the economy through three primary channels: ]; a degree of ], through industrial and trade policy; and state investments in infrastructure and the provision of basic services, including health and education.<ref name="ANC-1994" /><ref name="Seekings-2015">{{Cite journal |last=Seekings |first=Jeremy |date=2015 |title=The 'Developmental' and 'Welfare' State in South Africa: Lessons for the Southern African Region |url=http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za/sites/default/files/image_tool/images/256/files/WP%20358.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za/sites/default/files/image_tool/images/256/files/WP%20358.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live |journal=Centre for Social Science Research Working Paper |issue=358}}</ref> Although the RDP was abandoned in 1996, these three channels of state economic intervention have remained mainstays of subsequent ANC policy frameworks.


==== Neoliberal turn ====
==Criticism==
{{See also|Thabo Mbeki#Economic policy}}
===Terrorism and violence===
In 1996, Mandela's government replaced the RDP with the ] (GEAR) programme, which was maintained under President ], Mandela's successor. GEAR has been characterised as a ] policy,<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Adelzadeh |first1=Asghar |date=1996 |title=From the RDP to GEAR: The Gradual embracing of Neo-liberalism in economic policy |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237782399 |journal=Occasional Paper Series No. 3 |location=Johannesburg |publisher=National Institute for Economic Policy |access-date=15 September 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Narsiah |first1=Sagie |date=2002 |title=Neoliberalism and privatisation in South Africa |url=https://link.springer.com/article/10.1023/A:1026022903276 |journal=GeoJournal |volume=57 |issue=1–2 |pages=3–13 |doi=10.1023/A:1026022903276 |bibcode=2002GeoJo..57....3N |access-date=15 September 2021 |s2cid=144352281}}</ref> and it was disowned by both COSATU and the SACP.<ref>{{cite web |last=Ngonyama |first=Percy |date=16 October 2006 |title=The ideological differences within the Tripartite Alliance: What now for the left? |url=http://southafrica.indymedia.org/news/2006/10/11418.php |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080624003332/http://southafrica.indymedia.org/news/2006/10/11418.php |archive-date=24 June 2008 |website=Independent Media Centre}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Southall |first1=Roger J. |last2=Wood |first2=Geoffrey |date=1999 |title=COSATU, the ANC and the Election: Whither the Alliance? |url=https://www.africabib.org/rec.php?RID=189667516 |journal=Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa |language=en |issue=38 |pages=68–81}}</ref> While some analysts viewed Mbeki's economic policy as undertaking the uncomfortable macroeconomic adjustments necessary for long-term growth,<ref name="Butler-2005" /> others – notably ] – viewed it as a reflection of the ANC's failure to implement genuinely radical transformation after 1994.<ref>{{cite book |last=Bond |first=Patrick |title=The Elite Transition: From Apartheid to Neoliberalism in South Africa |date=2000 |publisher=Pluto Press |location=London |page=53}}</ref> Debate about ANC commitment to ] on a socialist scale has continued: in 2013, the country's largest trade union, the ], withdrew its support for the ANC on the basis that "the working class cannot any longer see the ANC or the SACP as its class allies in any meaningful sense".<ref name="NUMSA">{{cite news |last=Polgreen |first=Lydia |date=20 December 2013 |title=South Africa's Biggest Trade Union Pulls Its Support for A.N.C. |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/21/world/africa/south-africas-biggest-union-pulls-support-for-anc.html |url-access=limited |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220101/https://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/21/world/africa/south-africas-biggest-union-pulls-support-for-anc.html |archive-date=2022-01-01}}{{cbignore}}</ref> It is evident, however, that the ANC never embraced ], and continued to favour a ]: even as the debate over GEAR raged, the ANC declared itself (in 2004) a ] party,<ref>The Mail & Guardian A-Z of South African Politics by Barbara Ludman, Paul Stober, and Ferial Haffagee</ref> and it was at that time presiding over phenomenal expansions of its ] programme and the ].<ref>{{Citation |last=Seekings |first=Jeremy |title=One Hundred Years of Social Protection: The Changing Social Question in Brazil, India, China, and South Africa |date=2021 |work= |pages=263–300 |editor-last=Leisering |editor-first=Lutz |chapter=(Re)formulating the Social Question in Post-apartheid South Africa: Zola Skweyiya, Dignity, Development and the Welfare State |series=Global Dynamics of Social Policy |place=Cham |publisher=Springer International Publishing |language=en |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-54959-6_8 |isbn=978-3-030-54959-6 |s2cid=230608172 |doi-access=free }}.</ref><ref name="Bundy-2016">{{Cite journal |last=Bundy |first=Colin |author-link=Colin Bundy |date=2016-09-06 |title=The ANC and Social Security: The Good, the Bad and the Unacknowledged |url=http://www.povertyandinequality.uct.ac.za/sites/default/files/image_tool/images/95/2016/Seminars/ANC%20and%20Social%20Security.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/http://www.povertyandinequality.uct.ac.za/sites/default/files/image_tool/images/95/2016/Seminars/ANC%20and%20Social%20Security.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live |journal=Poverty & Inequality Initiative |publisher=University of Cape Town}}</ref>
During its days in exile, the ANC was often criticised by western governments who shared the South African government's characterization of the group as a terrorist organization. Several high-profile anti-Apartheid activists such as Archbishop ] criticized the ANC for its willingness to resort to violence, arguing that tactics of non-violent resistance, such as civil disobedience were more productive. The ANC's willingness to ally with ]s was also the subject of both foreign and domestic criticism. A ] report of the late 1980s described the ANC as ''"a major terrorist organization"''.


===Party and State conflict=== ==== Developmental state ====
As its name suggests, the RDP emphasised state-led development – that is, a ] – which the ANC has typically been cautious, at least in its rhetoric, to distinguish from the neighbouring concept of a ].<ref name="ANC-2007">{{Cite web |date=2007-12-20 |title=52nd National Conference: Resolutions |url=https://www.anc1912.org.za/resolutions-2/ |access-date=2022-07-26 |website=African National Congress |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name="Bundy-2016" /><ref name="Seekings-2015" /> In the mid-2000s, during Mbeki's second term, the notion of a developmental state was revived in South African political discourse when the national economy worsened;<ref name="Seekings-2015" /> and the ] whole-heartedly endorsed developmentalism in its policy resolutions, calling for a state "at the centre of a mixed economy... which leads and guides that economy and which intervenes in the interest of the people as a whole".<ref name="ANC-2007" /> The proposed developmental state was also central to the ANC's campaign in the ],<ref name="Seekings-2015" /> and it remains a central pillar of the policy of the current government, which seeks to build a "capable and developmental" state.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Ramaphosa |first=Cyril |author-link=Cyril Ramaphosa |date=2022-02-14 |title=To grow our economy we need both a developmental state AND vibrant private sector |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/columnists/cyrilramaphosa/cyril-ramaphosa-to-grow-our-economy-we-need-both-a-developmental-state-and-vibrant-private-sector-20220214 |access-date=2022-07-26 |website=News24 |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Khambule |first=Isaac |date=2021 |title=Capturing South Africa's developmental state: State-society relations and responses to state capture |url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/pad.1912 |journal=Public Administration and Development |language=en |volume=41 |issue=4 |pages=169–179 |doi=10.1002/pad.1912 |s2cid=236273471 |issn=0271-2075}}</ref> In this regard, ANC politicians often cite China as an aspirational example.<ref name="Duarte-2018" /><ref>{{Cite web |date=2015-08-23 |title=My Chinese dream: ANC brass put ideas to work |url=https://mg.co.za/article/2015-08-23-my-chinese-dream-anc-brass-put-ideas-to-work/ |access-date=2022-07-26 |website=The Mail & Guardian |language=en-ZA}}</ref> A discussion document ahead of the ANC's 2015 National General Council proposed that:<blockquote> economic development]] trajectory remains a leading example of the triumph of humanity over adversity. The exemplary role of the collective leadership of the ] in this regard should be a guiding lodestar of our own struggle.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2015 |title=International Relations: A Better Africa In A Better And Just World |url=http://www.anc.org.za/docs/umrabulo/2015/ngc_disc_docsy.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150827210636/http://www.anc.org.za/docs/umrabulo/2015/ngc_disc_docsy.pdf |archive-date=27 August 2015 |access-date=27 August 2015 |website=Umrabulo |page=161}}</ref> </blockquote>
The ANC has been heavily criticized for awarding large state contracts, involving tens of billions of Rands, to its party funding vehicle, ]. At times, the decision to award the contract was made by the same state employees who sit on the ANC fundraising committee. Chancellor House is named after Mandela's former work premises.


==== Radical economic transformation ====
The ANC was also criticized for the setting up of a formal scheme whereby businessmen and members of the public could buy 'face time' with various government ministers, with the costs ranging R3 000 to R7 000 for an individual and R12 500 to R60 000 for businesses. The scheme is run from the ANC headquarters, Luthuli House (Formerly Shell House), with all money going to the party.
Towards the end of ]'s presidency, an ANC faction aligned to Zuma pioneered a new policy platform referred to as radical economic transformation (RET). Zuma announced the new focus on RET during his February 2017 ] address,<ref>{{Cite web |last=Merten |first=Marianne |date=2017-06-29 |title=ANC policy, radical economic transformation and ideological proxy battles for control |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2017-06-29-analysis-anc-policy-radical-economic-transformation-and-ideological-proxy-battles-for-control/ |access-date=2022-01-12 |website=Daily Maverick |language=en}}</ref> and later that year, explaining that it had been adopted as ANC policy and therefore as government policy, defined it as entailing "fundamental change in the structures, systems, institutions and patterns of ownership and control of the economy, in favour of all South Africans, especially the poor".<ref name="Paton-2017">{{Cite web |last=Paton |first=Carol |date=2017-12-07 |title=Foreign investors in energy sector will have to partner with locals, Zuma says |url=https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2017-12-07-foreign-investors-in-energy-sector-will-have-to-partner-with-locals-zuma-says/ |access-date=2022-01-12 |website=Business Day |language=en-ZA}}</ref> Arguments for RET were closely associated with the rhetorical concept of ].<ref name="Rudin-2017">{{Cite web |last=Rudin |first=Jeff |date=2017-04-25 |title=Zuma's plan for radical economic transformation is just BEE on steroids |url=https://mg.co.za/article/2017-04-25-zumas-plan-for-radical-economic-transformation-is-just-bee-on-steriods/ |access-date=2022-01-12 |website=] |language=en-ZA}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Desai |first=Ashwin |date=2018-10-02 |title=The Zuma moment: between tender-based capitalists and radical economic transformation |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2018.1522424 |journal=Journal of Contemporary African Studies |volume=36 |issue=4 |pages=499–513 |doi=10.1080/02589001.2018.1522424 |issn=0258-9001 |s2cid=158520517}}</ref> At the ] in 2017, the ANC endorsed a number of policy principles advocated by RET supporters, including their proposal to pursue ] without compensation as a matter of national policy.<ref name="Cilliers-2019">{{Cite web |date=2019-06-06 |title=Zuma 'reminds' ANC what they 'resolved' about the Reserve Bank at Nasrec |url=https://www.citizen.co.za/news/south-africa/politics/2140317/zuma-reminds-anc-what-they-resolved-about-the-reserve-bank-at-nasrec/ |access-date=2021-12-07 |website=The Citizen |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Merten |first=Marianne |date=2021-05-31 |title=Expropriation without compensation: ANC & EFF toenadering on state land custodianship — it's all about the politics |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2021-05-31-expropriation-without-compensation-anc-eff-toenadering-on-state-land-custodianship-its-all-about-the-politics/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210531131823/https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2021-05-31-expropriation-without-compensation-anc-eff-toenadering-on-state-land-custodianship-its-all-about-the-politics/ |archive-date=2021-05-31 |access-date=2021-12-07 |website=Daily Maverick |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Madia |first=Tshidi |date=2019-06-30 |title=ANC resolutions on Sarb, land and other matters will be my legacy – Ace Magashule on party policies |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/anc-resolutions-on-sarb-land-and-other-matters-will-be-my-legacy-ace-magashule-on-party-policies-20190630 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211207232523/https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/anc-resolutions-on-sarb-land-and-other-matters-will-be-my-legacy-ace-magashule-on-party-policies-20190630 |archive-date=2021-12-07 |access-date=2021-12-07 |website=News24 |language=en-US}}</ref>


=== Foreign policy and relations ===
===Controversy over corrupt members===
{{See also|Russian invasion of Ukraine|Israel and apartheid|Black-Palestinian solidarity}}
{{main|South African Arms Deal}}


The ANC has long had close ties with China and the ] (CCP), with the CCP having supported ANC's struggle of apartheid since 1961.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-12-25 |title=How the political seeds of China's growing Africa ties were planted long ago |url=https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3204290/how-political-seeds-chinas-growing-africa-ties-were-planted-long-ago |access-date=2023-03-15 |website=South China Morning Post |language=en}}</ref> In 2008, the two parties signed a memorandum of understanding to train ANC members in China.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Sun |first=Yun |date=5 July 2016 |title=Political party training: China's ideological push in Africa? |url=https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2016/07/05/political-party-training-chinas-ideological-push-in-africa/ |access-date=2023-03-15 |website=Brookings |language=en-US}}</ref>
Another accusation frequently levelled at the ANC is that they protect their high-ranking members in the face of controversy, and as such are seen as supporting criminal behaviour. The most prominent corruption case involving the ANC relates to a series of bribes paid to companies involved in the ongoing R55-billion ], which resulted in a long term jail sentence to former Deputy President ]'s legal adviser ]. Zuma, now the State president elect, currently faces 783 charges relating to alleged fraud, bribery and corruption in the Arms Deal.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.pretorianews.co.za/?fSectionId=&fArticleId=vn20081009055615571C284334|date=9 October 2008|title=Opposition hails challenge to ANC rule}}</ref> The ANC has also been criticised for its subsequent abolishment of the ], the multidisciplinary agency that investigated and prosecuted organised crime and corruption, and was heavily involved in the investigation into Zuma and Shaik.


President Cyril Ramaphosa and the ANC have not condemned the ], and have faced criticism from opposition parties,<ref>{{Cite web |title=Ukraine: Someone needs to speak for SA |url=https://www.da.org.za/2022/05/ukraine-someone-needs-to-speak-for-sa |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=Democratic Alliance |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Tonder |first=Anthony van |date=2022-03-23 |title=SA Government's Position on Russia's Invasion of Ukraine Does Not Reflect the Views of ALL South Africans |url=https://www.actionsa.org.za/sa-governments-position-on-russias-invasion-of-ukraine-does-not-reflect-the-views-of-all-south-africans/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=ActionSA |language=en-ZA}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Makhafola |first=Getrude |date=2022-03-15 |title='Yes, I studied in Russia' – MPs heckle during debate on Russia war in Ukraine |url=https://www.citizen.co.za/news/south-africa/parliament/yes-i-studied-in-russia-mps-heckle-during-debate-on-russia-war-in-ukraine/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=The Citizen |language=en}}</ref> public commentators,<ref>{{Cite web |last=Feldman |first=Howard |title=Howard Feldman {{!}} Ukraine crisis: The ANC is standing on the wrong side of history |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/opinions/columnists/howardfeldman/howard-feldman-the-anc-is-standing-on-the-wrong-side-of-history-20220302 |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=News24 |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last1=Polakow-Suransky |first2=Eusebius|last2= McKaiser|first1= Sasha |title=South Africa's Self-Defeating Silence on Ukraine |url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/03/18/south-africa-ukraine-russia-putin-ramaphosa-war-diplomacy-negotiation/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=Foreign Policy |date=18 March 2022 |language=en-US}}</ref> academics,<ref>{{Cite web |last=Nathan |first=Laurie |title=Russia's war in Ukraine: how South Africa blew its chance as a credible mediator |url=http://theconversation.com/russias-war-in-ukraine-how-south-africa-blew-its-chance-as-a-credible-mediator-181101 |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=The Conversation |date=13 April 2022 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Hamill |first=James |date=2022-03-16 |title=South Africa Has Clearly Chosen a Side on the War in Ukraine |url=https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/south-africa-has-chosen-a-side-on-ukraine-invasion-by-russia/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=World Politics Review |language=en-US}}</ref> civil society organisations,<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Mills |first1=Ray Hartley and Greg |date=2022-03-06 |title=WAR IN EUROPE OP-ED: Cries of pain and anguish — why the ANC is on the wrong side of history over Ukraine |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-03-06-cries-of-pain-and-anguish-why-the-anc-is-on-the-wrong-side-of-history-over-ukraine/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=Daily Maverick |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Fritz |first=Nicole |title=ANC mirrors Poland's Law & Justice party in flirting with tyranny |url=https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/opinion/columnists/2022-03-02-nicole-fritz-anc-mirrors-polands-law-justice-party-in-flirting-with-tyranny/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=BusinessLIVE |language=en-ZA}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last1=Jurgens |first1=Richard |date=2022-07-04 |title=Russia in Ukraine: South Africa's unprincipled stance |url=https://gga.org/russia-in-ukraine-south-africas-unprincipled-stance/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=Good Governance Africa |language=en-US}}</ref> and former ANC members<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Jurgens |first1=Richard |date=2022-07-05 |title=Foreign Relations Op-Ed: ANC government's position on Ukraine invasion unprincipled, inconsistent with SA values |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-07-05-anc-governments-position-on-ukraine-invasion-unprincipled-inconsistent-with-sa-values/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=Daily Maverick |language=en}}</ref> due to this. The ANC youth wing has meanwhile condemned sanctions against Russia and denounced NATO's eastward expansion as "fascistic".<ref>{{cite news |date=7 March 2022 |title=German Embassy slaps down Russian claim its troops are fighting Nazism |language=en |work=The Independent |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/german-embassy-russia-ukraine-nazism-b2029643.html |access-date=17 April 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Fabricius |first1=Peter |date=6 March 2022 |title=INTERVIEW WITH US DEPUTY SECRETARY OF STATE: United States slaps down Ramaphosa's criticism of Biden's pre-war Russia diplomacy |language=en |work=Daily Maverick |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-03-06-united-states-slaps-down-ramaphosas-criticism-of-bidens-pre-war-russia-diplomacy/ |access-date=17 April 2022}}</ref> Officials representing the ANC Youth League acted as international observers for Russia's ] to annex Ukrainian territory conquered during the war.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Fabricius |first1=Peter |date=2022-09-25 |title=WAR IN EUROPE: ANC Youth League lends credibility to sham Moscow referendums in Ukraine |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-09-25-anc-youth-league-lends-credibility-to-sham-moscow-referendums-in-ukraine/ |access-date=2022-09-28 |website=Daily Maverick |language=en}}</ref> In February 2024 ANC Secretary-General ] attend a "forum on combating Western neocolonialism"<ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=Masuabi |first=Queenin |date=2024-02-13 |title=Fikile Mbalula off to Moscow for forum on combating Western neocolonialism |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2024-02-14-fikile-mbalula-heads-to-moscow-for-forum-on-combating-western-neocolonialism/ |access-date=2024-02-17 |website=Daily Maverick |language=en}}</ref> hosted by Russia, thereby drawing further criticism for the party's perceived support for Russia's invasion.<ref name=":0" /><ref>{{Cite web |last=Capa |first=Siyamtanda |title=Senior ANC delegation jets off to Moscow to join fight against 'new manifestation of colonialism' |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/politics/political-parties/senior-anc-delegation-jets-off-to-moscow-to-join-fight-against-new-manifestation-of-colonialism-20240214 |access-date=2024-02-17 |website=News24 |language=en-US}}</ref>
Other recent corruption issues include the sexual misconduct and criminal charges of ] municipal manager ],<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/News/0,,2-7-1442_1700232,00.html|title=Action against Prince 'a farce'|date=5 May 2005|first=Ronel|last=Bester|publisher=]}}</ref> and the ] scandal, in which millions of Rand in funds from a state-owned company were allegedly funneled into ANC coffers.<ref>{{cite news|title=Special Report: Oilgate|url=http://www.mg.co.za/specialreport.aspx?area=oilgate|publisher=]|accessdate=2007-04-27}}</ref> Links between factions in the ANC, specifically the ANC Youth League leadership, and businessman ] gained media attention following Kebble's murder in September 2005.


The ANC had received large donations from the Putin linked Russian oligarch ], whilst the party's investment arm, ], has a joint investment with Vekselberg in a South African manganese mine.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Gerber |first=Jan |title=Lady R's cargo manifest is 'classified' claims ANC as opposition wants answers |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/lady-rs-cargo-manifest-is-classified-claims-anc-as-opposition-wants-answers-20230523 |access-date=2024-03-17 |website=News24 |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=2023-06-15 |title=South African ties to Russia shadow Ukraine peace mission |url=https://www.france24.com/en/africa/20230615-south-african-ties-to-russia-shadow-ukraine-peace-mission |access-date=2024-03-17 |website=France 24 |language=en}}</ref>
In December 2007 the ANC elected their new ] (NEC), the highest structure in the party. Out of the 80 member committee, 9% are (post-apartheid) convicted criminals. Most of these members have been convicted of fraud, while one member, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, was convicted of the kidnapping of a 14-year old boy (who was also murdered). According to an article in the Mail & Guardian, "by adding those who have been disciplined or moved, and those with dark clouds of unanswered questions hanging over their heads, the figure shifts to 29%."<ref></ref>


==Symbols and media==
The ANC has also been accused of using government and civil society to fight its political battles against opposition parties such as the ]. The result has been a number of complaints and allegations that none of the political parties truly represent the interests of the poor.<ref>{{cite web|url=
]
http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=6&art_id=vn20080220113540685C199776| title=DA councillor's role in Delft is 'criminal'| publisher=Cape Argus|date =2008-02-20}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=

http://www.capeargus.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=3571&fArticleId=vn20080228113641490C401174| title=DA's Delft councillor denies claims| publisher=Cape Argus|date =2008-02-28}}</ref> This has resulted in the "No Land! No House! No Vote!" Campaign which becomes very prominent each time the country holds elections.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://libcom.org/library/the-no-land-no-house-no-vote-campaign-still-2009|title=The 'No Land, No House, No Vote' campaign still on for 2009|date=5 May 2005|publisher=]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=
=== Flag and logo ===
http://antieviction.org.za/2005/12/12/indymedia-presents-no-land-no-house-no-vote/| title=IndyMedia Presents: No Land! No House! No Vote!| publisher=Anti-Eviction Campaign|date =2005-12-12}}</ref>
The logo of the ANC incorporates a spear and shield – symbolising the historical and ongoing struggle, armed and otherwise, against colonialism and racial oppression – and a wheel, which is borrowed from the 1955 Congress of the People campaign and therefore symbolises a united and non-racial movement for freedom and equality.<ref name="ANC-2017">{{cite web |title=The Logo, Colours and Flag of the African National Congress |url=http://www.anc.org.za/content/anc-logo-colours-and-flag |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170324052027/http://www.anc.org.za/content/anc-logo-colours-and-flag |archive-date=24 March 2017 |access-date=8 January 2017 |website=African National Congress |publisher= |quote=}}</ref> The logo uses the same colours as the ANC flag, which comprises three horizontal stripes of equal width in black, green and gold. The black symbolises the native people of South Africa; the green represents the land of South Africa; and the gold represents the country's mineral and other natural wealth.<ref name="ANC-2017" /> The black, green and gold ] also appeared on the flag of the ] ] and appears on the flag of the ANC's rival, the IFP; and all three colours appear in the post-apartheid ].

=== Publications ===
Since 1996, the ANC Department of Political Education has published the quarterly ''Umrabulo'' political discussion journal; and '']'', a weekly online newsletter, was launched in 2001 to offset the alleged bias of the press.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Fourie |first=Pieter J. |title=Media Studies Volume 2: Policy, Management and Media Representation |publisher=Juta and Company |year=2008 |isbn=978-0-7021-7675-3 |edition=2nd |location=Cape Town |page=}}</ref> In addition, since 1972, it has been traditional for the ANC president to publish annually a so-called January 8 Statement: a reflective letter sent to members on 8 January, the anniversary of the organisation's founding.<ref>{{Cite web |title=ANC January 8th Statements |url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/anc-january-8th-statements |access-date=2022-07-25 |website=South African History Online}}</ref> In earlier years, the ANC published a range of ], the most important of which was the monthly journal ''Sechaba'' (1967–1990), printed in the ] and banned by the apartheid government.<ref>{{Cite journal |date=1990 |title=Editorial: A Friend to Sechaba |url=https://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/sechaba-volume-24-number-12-december-1990 |journal=Sechaba |volume=24 |issue=12}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |date=1987-12-29 |title=Quoting the A.N.C. |language=en-US |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1987/12/29/us/washington-talk-briefing-quoting-the-anc.html |access-date=2022-07-25 |issn=0362-4331}}</ref> The ANC's ] also gained a wide audience during apartheid.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Uhlig |first=Mark A. |date=1986-10-12 |title=Inside the African National Congress |language=en-US |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1986/10/12/magazine/inside-the-african-national-congress.html |access-date=2022-07-25 |issn=0362-4331}}</ref>

=== Amandla ===
"]", or the ] variant "Matla ke arona", is a common rallying call at ANC meetings, roughly meaning "]".<ref name="ANC-2017" /> It is also common for meetings to sing so-called struggle songs, which were sung during anti-apartheid meetings and in MK camps. In the case of at least two of these songs – '']'' and '']'' – this has caused controversy in recent years.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Langa |first=Retha |date=2018-01-02 |title=A 'Counter-Monument' to the Liberation Struggle: The Deployment of Struggle Songs in Post-Apartheid South Africa |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2018.1439523 |journal=South African Historical Journal |volume=70 |issue=1 |pages=215–233 |doi=10.1080/02582473.2018.1439523 |s2cid=149388558 |issn=0258-2473}}</ref>

== Criticism and controversy ==
The ANC has received criticism from both internal and external sources. Internally Mandela publicly criticized the party, following the conclusion of his presidency, for ignoring instances of corruption and mismanagement, whilst allowing for the growth of a culture of racial and ideological intolerance.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2001-03-03 |title=Mandela accuses ANC of racism and corruption |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/southafrica/1324909/Mandela-accuses-ANC-of-racism-and-corruption.html |access-date=2024-03-23 |website=The Telegraph |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=2001-03-03 |title=Mandela says ANC racist and corrupt |url=https://www.independent.ie/world-news/africa/mandela-says-anc-racist-and-corrupt/26092140.html |access-date=2024-03-23 |website=Irish Independent |language=en}}</ref>

===Corruption controversies===
{{See also|Corruption in South Africa}}{{further|South African Arms Deal}}

The most prominent corruption case involving the ANC relates to a series of bribes paid to companies involved in the ongoing R55 billion ], which ] a long term jail sentence to then Deputy President ]'s legal adviser ]. Zuma, the former South African President, ] fraud, bribery and corruption in the Arms Deal, but the charges were subsequently withdrawn by the ] of South Africa due to their delay in prosecution.<ref>{{cite news |date=9 October 2008 |title=Opposition hails challenge to ANC rule |url=http://www.pretorianews.co.za/?fSectionId=&fArticleId=vn20081009055615571C284334}}</ref> The ANC has also been criticised for its subsequent abolition of the ], the multidisciplinary agency that investigated and prosecuted organised crime and corruption, and was heavily involved in the investigation into Zuma and Shaik. ], in his position as chief whip of the ANC and head of the Parliaments defence committee has recently been named as being involved in bribing the German company ] over the purchase of four corvettes for the SANDF.{{Citation needed|date=September 2022}}

Other corruption issues in the 2000s included the sexual misconduct and criminal charges of ] municipal manager ],<ref>{{cite news |last=Bester |first=Ronel |date=5 May 2005 |title=Action against Prince 'a farce' |work=] |url=http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/News/0,,2-7-1442_1700232,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050507032712/http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/News/0%2C%2C2-7-1442_1700232%2C00.html |archive-date=7 May 2005}}</ref> and the ] scandal, in which millions of Rand in funds from a state-owned company were funnelled into ANC coffers.<ref>{{cite news |title=Special Report: Oilgate |work=Mail & Guardian |url=http://www.mg.co.za/specialreport.aspx?area=oilgate |url-status=dead |access-date=27 April 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070814083114/http://www.mg.co.za/specialreport.aspx?area=oilgate |archive-date=14 August 2007}}</ref>

The ANC has also been accused of using government and civil society to fight its political battles against opposition parties such as the ]. The result has been a number of complaints and allegations that none of the political parties truly represent the interests of the poor.<ref>{{cite web |date=20 February 2008 |title=DA councillor's role in Delft is 'criminal' |url=http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=6&art_id=vn20080220113540685C199776 |work=Cape Argus}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |date=28 February 2008 |title=DA's Delft councillor denies claims |work=Cape Argus |url=http://www.capeargus.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=3571&fArticleId=vn20080228113641490C401174}}</ref> This has resulted in the "]" Campaign which became very prominent during elections.<ref>{{cite news |date=5 May 2005 |title=The 'No Land, No House, No Vote' campaign still on for 2009 |work=] |url=http://libcom.org/library/the-no-land-no-house-no-vote-campaign-still-2009}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |date=12 December 2005 |title=IndyMedia Presents: No Land! No House! No Vote! |url=http://antieviction.org.za/2005/12/12/indymedia-presents-no-land-no-house-no-vote/ |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090425165902/http://antieviction.org.za/2005/12/12/indymedia-presents-no-land-no-house-no-vote/ |archive-date=25 April 2009 |publisher=Anti-Eviction Campaign}}</ref>
In 2018, the '']'' reported on the killings of ANC corruption whistleblowers.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Norimitsu Onishi |last2=Selam Gebrekidan |date=30 September 2018 |title=Hit Men and Power: South Africa's Leaders Are Killing One Another |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/30/world/africa/south-africa-anc-killings.html?stream=world |access-date=2 October 2018 |quote="If you understand the Cosa Nostra, you don't only kill the person, but you also send a strong message," said Thabiso Zulu, another A.N.C. whistle-blower who, fearing for his life, is now in hiding. "We broke the rule of omertà," he added, saying that the party of Nelson Mandela had become like the Mafia.}}</ref>

During an address on 28 October 2021, former president Thabo Mbeki commented on the history of corruption within the ANC. He reflected that Mandela had already warned in 1997 that the ANC was attracting individuals who viewed the party as "a route to power and self-enrichment." He added that the ] "did not know how to deal with this problem."<ref>{{cite web |last1=Maphanga |first1=Canny |last2=Gerber |first2=Jan |date=29 October 2021 |title=ANC has failed to keep people seeking 'self-enrichment' out of party |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/anc-has-failed-to-keep-people-seeking-self-enrichment-out-of-party-20211029 |access-date=30 October 2021 |publisher=News24}}</ref> During a lecture on 10 December, Mbeki reiterated concerns about "careerists" within the party, and stressed the need to "purge itself of such members".<ref>{{cite web |last=Maphanga |first=Canny |date=11 December 2021 |title=Many see their ANC membership as a ticket to power and resources – Thabo Mbeki |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/many-see-their-anc-membership-as-a-ticket-to-power-and-resources-thabo-mbeki-20211211 |access-date=11 December 2021 |publisher=News24}}</ref>

In May 2024, the ] in association with ] showed in documents that R200 million in the ANC's election fund was siphoned off to the church of controversial archbishop ] in Eswatini; the Chief Financial Officer of the ANC, ] along with the Ambassador of Eswatini to Belgium, ], were implicated in the scheme.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Tshwane |first=Tebogo |date=2024-04-30 |title=The ANC, the megachurch and the mystery of the R200-million money flows |url=https://amabhungane.org/the-anc-the-megachurch-and-the-mystery-of-the-r200-million-money-flows/ |access-date=2024-05-29 |website=amaBhungane |language=en-ZA}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Tshwane |first=Tebogo |date=2024-05-08 |title=The ANC, the megachurch, and the mystery money flows – Part Two: 'God's Laundry' |url=https://amabhungane.org/the-anc-the-megachurch-and-the-mystery-money-flows-part-two-gods-laundry/ |access-date=2024-05-29 |website=amaBhungane |language=en-ZA}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=2024-05-26 |title=Millions in suspicious transactions tie South Africa's ruling party to a controversial Swazi archbishop, documents show – ICIJ |url=https://www.icij.org/investigations/swazi-secrets/millions-in-suspicious-transactions-tie-south-africas-ruling-party-to-a-controversial-swazi-archbishop-documents-show/ |access-date=2024-05-29 |language=en-US}}</ref>

===Condemnation over Secrecy Bill===
{{further|Protection of State Information Bill}}

In late 2011 the ANC was heavily criticised over the passage of the ], which opponents claimed would improperly restrict the ].<ref name="du Plessis-2011">{{cite news |last=du Plessis |first=Charl |date=22 November 2011 |title=Secrecy bill opposition reaching fever pitch |work=Times Live |url=http://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2011/11/22/secrecy-bill-opposition-reaching-fever-pitch}}</ref> Opposition to the bill included otherwise ANC-aligned groups such as ]. Notably, ] and other Nobel laureates ], Archbishop ], and ] have expressed disappointment with the bill for not meeting standards of constitutionality and aspirations for freedom of information and expression.<ref>{{cite news |author=AFP |date=22 November 2011 |title=Mandela's office comments on S Africa's secrecy bill |work=Dawn |url=http://www.dawn.com/2011/11/22/mandelas-office-comments-on-s-africas-secrecy-bill.html}}</ref>

===Role in the Marikana killings===
{{further|Marikana massacre}}
The ANC have been criticised for its role in failing to prevent 16 August 2012 massacre of Lonmin miners at Marikana in the Northwest. Some{{who|date=June 2024}} allege that Police Commissioner ] and Police Minister ] gave the go ahead for the police action against the miners on that day.<ref>{{cite news |date=22 October 2012 |title=Who gave permission to kill?: Bizos |work=Business Report |publisher=IOL |url=http://www.iol.co.za/business/companies/who-gave-permission-to-kill-bizos-1.1408535#.UIbgQxLJX_g}}</ref>

Commissioner Phiyega of the ANC came under further criticism as being insensitive and uncaring when she was caught smiling and laughing during the ]'s video playback of the massacre.<ref>{{cite news |date=24 October 2012 |title=Marikana families horrified at Phiyegas behaviour |publisher=M&G |url=http://mg.co.za/article/2012-10-24-marikana-families-horrified-at-phiyegas-behaviour}}</ref>

In 2014, Archbishop ] announced that he could no longer bring himself to vote for the ANC, as it was no longer the party that he and Nelson Mandela fought for. He stated that the party had lost its way, and was in danger of becoming a corrupt entity in power.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Smith |first1=David |date=25 April 2014 |title=Desmond Tutu: why I won't vote ANC |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/25/desmond-tutu-mandela-wont-vote-anc |access-date=30 June 2016 |work=The Guardian}}</ref>

===Financial mismanagement===
Since at least 2017, the ANC has encountered significant problems related to financial mismanagement. According to a report filed by the former treasurer-general ] in December 2017, the ANC was technically ] as its liabilities exceeded its assets.<ref>{{cite web |last=Paton |first=Carol |date=20 December 2017 |title=ANC is technically insolvent, financial report shows |url=https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/politics/2017-12-20-zweli-mkhize-anc-is-technically-insolvent/ |access-date=13 September 2021 |work=BusinessLIVE}}</ref> These problems continued into the second half of 2021. By September 2021, the ANC had reportedly amassed a debt exceeding R200-million, including over R100-million owed to the ].<ref>{{cite web |last=Mahlaka |first=Ray |date=12 September 2021 |title=The ANC, a tax evader? Massive debt, unpaid salaries, dry donation taps |url=https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2021-09-12-the-anc-a-tax-evader-massive-debt-unpaid-salaries-dry-donation-taps/ |access-date=13 September 2021 |work=Daily Maverick}}</ref>

Beginning in May 2021, the ANC failed to pay monthly staff salaries on time. Having gone without pay for three consecutive months, workers planned a strike in late August 2021.<ref>{{cite web |last=Madisa |first=Kgothatso |date=25 August 2021 |title=ANC offices shut down as unpaid staff go on 'wildcat strike' |url=https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2021-08-25-no-end-to-anc-money-woes-as-salaries-not-paid-for-third-straight-month/ |access-date=13 September 2021 |work=Times LIVE}}</ref> In response, the ANC initiated a ] campaign to raise money for staff salaries.<ref>{{cite web |last=Mthethwa |first=Cebelihle |date=28 August 2021 |title=ANC resorts to crowdfunding to raise money to pay staff |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/anc-resorts-to-crowdfunding-to-raise-money-to-pay-staff-20210828 |access-date=13 September 2021 |work=News24 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210913073758/https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/anc-resorts-to-crowdfunding-to-raise-money-to-pay-staff-20210828 |archive-date= September 13, 2021 }}</ref> By November 2021, its Cape Town staff was approaching their fourth month without salaries, while medical aid and provident fund contributions had been suspended in various provinces.<ref name="lud1">{{cite news |last1=Ludidi |first1=Velani |date=15 November 2021 |title=ANC staff picket over unpaid salaries |publisher=IOL |agency=Weekend Argus |url=https://www.iol.co.za/weekend-argus/news/anc-staff-picket-over-unpaid-salaries-8cd2a71d-aa4d-4076-9ab8-7e4b4ff5043b |access-date=16 November 2021}}</ref> The party has countered that the Political Party Funding Act, which prohibits anonymous contributions, has dissuaded some donors who previously injected money for salaries.<ref name="teb1">{{cite news |last1=Tebele |first1=Karabo |date=28 July 2022 |title=ANC staff members to continue picket at Nasrec over unpaid salaries |agency=CapeTalk 567AM |url=https://www.capetalk.co.za/articles/450827/anc-staff-members-to-continue-picket-at-nasrec-over-unpaid-salaries |access-date=4 August 2022 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220804100317/https://www.capetalk.co.za/articles/450827/anc-staff-members-to-continue-picket-at-nasrec-over-unpaid-salaries |archive-date= 4 August 2022 }}</ref>

===State capture===
{{further|Zondo Commission}}

In January 2018, then-President Jacob Zuma established the ] to investigate allegations of ], ], and ] in the public sector.<ref>{{Cite web |date=22 June 2018 |title=Judicial Commission of Inquiry Into Allegations of State Capture (Call for evidence/information) |url=https://pmg.org.za/call-for-comment/694/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190608130106/https://pmg.org.za/call-for-comment/694/ |archive-date=8 June 2019 |access-date=6 January 2022 |website=PMG |language=en}}</ref> Over the following four years, the Commission heard testimony from over 250 witnesses and collected more than 150,000 pages of evidence.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Amashabalala |first=Mawande |date=2020-12-21 |title='He was the president': Zondo says there's no place to hide for Zuma |url=https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2020-12-21-he-was-the-president-zondo-says-theres-no-place-to-hide-for-zuma/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201221140115/https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2020-12-21-he-was-the-president-zondo-says-theres-no-place-to-hide-for-zuma/ |archive-date=21 December 2020 |access-date=6 January 2022 |website=Sunday Times |language=en-ZA}}</ref> After several extensions, the first part of the final three-part report was published on 4 January 2022.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Mahlati |first=Zintle |date=31 December 2021 |title=Zondo to hand deliver State Capture Inquiry report to Ramaphosa on Tuesday |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/zondo-to-hand-deliver-state-capture-inquiry-report-to-ramaphosa-on-tuesday-20211231 |access-date=6 January 2022 |website=News24}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |date=4 January 2022 |title=Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture Report: Part 1 |url=https://www.statecapture.org.za/site/files/announcements/638/Judicial_Commission_of_Inquiry_into_State_Capture_Report:_Part_1_Vol._1:_SAA_(18_MB).pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220105111952/https://www.statecapture.org.za/site/files/announcements/638/Judicial_Commission_of_Inquiry_into_State_Capture_Report:_Part_1_Vol._1:_SAA_%2818_MB%29.pdf |archive-date=5 January 2022 |access-date=6 January 2022}}</ref>

The report found that the ANC, including Zuma and his political allies, had benefited from the extensive corruption of state enterprises, including the ].<ref>{{Cite web |last=Ferreira |first=Emsie |date=6 January 2022 |title=Zondo: ANC was either incompetent or asleep on capture |url=https://mg.co.za/politics/2022-01-06-zondo-anc-was-either-incompetent-or-asleep-on-capture/ |access-date=6 January 2022 |website=Mail & Guardian |language=en}}</ref> It also found that the ANC "simply did not care that state entities were in decline during state capture or they slept on the job – or they simply didn't know what to do."<ref>{{Cite web |last=Hunter |first=Qaanitah |date=6 January 2022 |title=ANC 'did not care or they slept on the job or they had no clue what to do' – Zondo Commission report |url=https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/anc-did-not-care-or-they-slept-on-the-job-or-they-had-no-clue-what-to-do-zondo-commission-report-20220106 |access-date=6 January 2022 |website=News24 |language=en}}</ref>

== Electoral history ==
[[File:South Africa national election 2014 ANC vote by ward.svg|thumb|Proportion of votes cast for the ANC in the 2014 election, by ward.
{{legend|#edf8e9|0–20%}}
{{legend|#bae4b3|20–40%}}
{{legend|#74c476|40–60%}}
{{legend|#31a354|60–80%}}
{{legend|#006d2c|80–100%}}]]
].]]
===National Assembly elections===
{| class=wikitable style=text-align:center
!Election
!Party leader
!Votes
!%
!Seats
!+/–
!Position
!'''Result'''
|-
|]
|]
|12,237,655
|62.65%
|{{Composition bar|252|400|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{increase}} 252
|{{increase}} 1st
|{{yes2|ANC–]–] coalition government}}
|-
|]
| rowspan="2" |]
|10,601,330
|66.35%
|{{Composition bar|266|400|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{increase}} 14
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|ANC–] coalition government}}
|-
|]
|10,880,915
|69.69%
|{{Composition bar|279|400|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{increase}} 13
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|Supermajority government}}
|-
|]
| rowspan="2" |]
|11,650,748
|65.90%
|{{Composition bar|264|400|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{decrease}} 15
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|Majority government}}
|-
|]
|11,436,921
|62.15%
|{{Composition bar|249|400|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{decrease}} 15
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|Majority government}}
|-
|]
| rowspan="2" |]
|10,026,475
|57.50%
|{{Composition bar|230|400|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{decrease}} 19
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|Majority government}}
|-
|]
|6,459,683
|40.18%{{efn|From 2024, seats in the National Assembly are determined by a combination of the national ballot, and the nine regional ballots. Only the national ballot figures are shown here.}}
|{{Composition bar|159|400|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{decrease}} 71
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|ANC–]–]–]–]–]–]–]–]-] coalition government}}
|}
{{Notelist}}

=== National Council of Provinces elections ===
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
!Election
!Party leader
!Seats
!+/–
!Position
!'''Result'''
|-
|]
|]
|{{Composition bar|60|90|hex=Green}}
|{{increase}} 60
|{{increase}} 1st
|{{yes2|ANC–]–] governing majority}}
|-
|]
| rowspan="2" |]
|{{Composition bar|63|90|hex=Green}}
|{{increase}} 3
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|ANC–] governing majority}}
|-
|]
|{{Composition bar|65|90|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{increase}} 2
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|Governing supermajority}}
|-
|]
| rowspan="2" |]
|{{Composition bar|62|90|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{decrease}} 3
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|Governing supermajority}}
|-
|]
|{{Composition bar|60|90|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{decrease}} 2
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|Governing supermajority}}
|-
|]
| rowspan="2" |]
|{{Composition bar|54|90|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{decrease}} 6
|{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|Governing majority}}
|-
|]
|{{Composition bar|43|90|hex={{party color|African National Congress}}}}
|{{decrease}} 11
||{{steady}} 1st
|{{yes2|ANC–]–]–]–]–]–]–]–]-] coalition government}}
|}

=== Provincial legislatures ===
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
! rowspan="2" |Election<ref name="dash">{{Cite web |title=Results Dashboard |url=https://www.elections.org.za/NPEDashboard/app/dashboard.html |access-date=2019-05-11 |website=elections.org.za}}</ref>
! colspan="2" |]
! colspan="2" |]
! colspan="2" |]
! colspan="2" |]
! colspan="2" |]
! colspan="2" |]
! colspan="2" |]
! colspan="2" |]
! colspan="2" |]
|-
!%
!Seats
!%
!Seats
!%
!Seats
!%
!Seats
!%
!Seats
!%
!Seats
!%
!Seats
!%
!Seats
!%
!Seats
|-
|]
|84.35
|48/56
|76.65
|24/30
|57.60
|50/86
|32.23
|26/81
|91.63
|38/40
|80.69
|25/30
|83.33
|26/30
|49.74
|15/30
|33.01
|14/42
|-
|]
|73.80
|47/63
|80.79
|25/30
|67.87
|50/73
|39.38
|32/80
|88.29
|44/49
|84.83
|26/30
|78.97
|27/33
|64.32
|20/30
|42.07
|18/42
|-
|]
|79.27
|51/63
|81.78
|25/30
|68.40
|51/73
|46.98
|38/80
|89.18
|45/49
|86.30
|27/30
|80.71
|27/33
|68.83
|21/30
|45.25
|19/42
|-
|]
|68.82
|44/63
|71.10
|22/30
|64.04
|47/73
|62.95
|51/80
|84.88
|43/49
|85.55
|27/30
|72.89
|25/33
|60.75
|19/30
|31.55
|14/42
|-
|]
|70.09
|45/63
|69.85
|22/30
|53.59
|40/73
|64.52
|52/80
|78.60
|39/49
|78.23
|24/30
|67.39
|23/33
|64.40
|20/30
|32.89
|14/42
|-
|]
|68.74
|44/63
|61.14
|19/30
|50.19
|37/73
|54.22
|44/80
|75.49
|38/49
|70.58
|22/30
|61.87
|21/33
|57.54
|18/30
|28.63
|12/42
|-
|]<ref>{{Cite web |title=NPE Results Dashboard 2024 |url=https://results.elections.org.za/dashboards/npe/ |access-date=2024-06-11 |website=results.elections.org.za}}</ref>
| 62.16 || 45/73
| 51.87 || 16/30
| 34.76 || 28/80
| 16.99 || 14/80
| 73.30 || 48/64
| 51.31 || 27/51
| 57.73 || 21/38
| 49.34 || 15/30
| 19.55 || 8/42
|}

=== Municipal elections ===
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
!Election
!Votes
!%
!Change
|-
|]
| align="right" |5,033,855
| align="right" |58%
| align="right" |
|-
|]
| align="right" |None released
| align="right" |59.4%
| align="right" |{{increase}} 1.4%
|-
|]
| align="right" |17,466,948
| align="right" |66.3%
| align="right" |{{increase}} 6.9%
|-
|]
| align="right" |16,548,826
| align="right" |61.9%
| align="right" |{{decrease}} 4.4%
|-
|]<ref name="iec_summary">{{cite web |title=Results Summary – All Ballots p |url=http://www.elections.org.za/content/LGEPublicReports/402/Detailed%20Results/National.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/http://www.elections.org.za/content/LGEPublicReports/402/Detailed%20Results/National.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |access-date=11 August 2016 |publisher=elections.org.za}}</ref>
| align="right" |21,450,332
| align="right" |55.7%
| align="right" |{{decrease}} 6.2%
|-
|]
| align="right" |14,531,908
| align="right" |47.5%
| align="right" |{{decrease}} 8.2%
|}


==See also== ==See also==
{{Portal|South Africa|Politics}}
{{Commonscat}}
*] * ]
*] * ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]


==References== ==References==
{{reflist}} {{Reflist|30em}}


==External links== ==External links==
{{Wikiquote}}
* official site
{{Commons category|African National Congress}}
*
* {{official website}}
* - ], Cape Town, 8 May 1996
*
* Interviewed by Laurence Coates Offensiv 385 (10 February 2000)
*

*
{{ANCpresidents}}
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210115134325/http://anc-news.co.za/ |date=15 January 2021 }}
*
{{African National Congress |state=expanded}}
{{South Africa political parties}} {{South Africa political parties}}
{{Former Liberation Movements}}
{{Politics of South Africa navbox}}
{{Political history of South Africa}}
{{South Africa topics}} {{South Africa topics}}
{{Authority control}}


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Latest revision as of 04:18, 4 January 2025

Political party in South Africa "ANC" redirects here. For other uses, see ANC (disambiguation). For the defunct political party in Trinidad and Tobago, see African National Congress (Trinidad and Tobago).

African National Congress
AbbreviationANC
PresidentCyril Ramaphosa
Secretary-GeneralFikile Mbalula
Governing bodyNational Executive Committee
SpokespersonMahlengi Bhengu
Deputy PresidentPaul Mashatile
ChairpersonGwede Mantashe
First Deputy Secretary-GeneralNomvula Mokonyane
Second Deputy Secretary-GeneralMaropene Ramokgopa
Treasurer-GeneralGwen Ramokgopa
Founders
Founded8 January 1912; 112 years ago (1912-01-08)
Legalised3 February 1990; 34 years ago (1990-02-03)
HeadquartersLuthuli House
54 Sauer Street
Johannesburg
Gauteng
NewspaperANC Today
Youth wingANC Youth League
Women's wingANC Women's League
Veterans' wingANC Veterans' League
Paramilitary winguMkhonto we Sizwe (until 1993)
Membership (2022)Decrease 661,489
IdeologySocial democracy
African nationalism
Political positionCentre-left
National affiliationTripartite Alliance
International affiliationSocialist International
African affiliationFormer Liberation Movements of Southern Africa
Colours
  •   Black
  •   Green
  •   Gold
SloganSouth Africa's National Liberation Movement
Anthem"Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika"
"Lord Bless Africa"
National Assembly seats159 / 400
NCOP seats43 / 90
Control of NCOP delegations8 / 9
Pan-African Parliament3 / 5(South African seats)
Provincial Legislatures255 / 487
Cape Town City Council43 / 231
Party flag
Website
www.anc1912.org.za Edit this at Wikidata

The African National Congress (ANC) is a political party in South Africa. It originated as a liberation movement known for its opposition to apartheid and has governed the country since 1994, when the first post-apartheid election resulted in Nelson Mandela being elected as President of South Africa. Cyril Ramaphosa, the incumbent national President, has served as President of the ANC since 18 December 2017.

Founded on 8 January 1912 in Bloemfontein as the South African Native National Congress, the organisation was formed to advocate for the rights of black South Africans. When the National Party government came to power in 1948, the ANC's central purpose became to oppose the new government's policy of institutionalised apartheid. To this end, its methods and means of organisation shifted; its adoption of the techniques of mass politics, and the swelling of its membership, culminated in the Defiance Campaign of civil disobedience in 1952–53. The ANC was banned by the South African government between April 1960 – shortly after the Sharpeville massacre – and February 1990. During this period, despite periodic attempts to revive its domestic political underground, the ANC was forced into exile by increasing state repression, which saw many of its leaders imprisoned on Robben Island. Headquartered in Lusaka, Zambia, the exiled ANC dedicated much of its attention to a campaign of sabotage and guerrilla warfare against the apartheid state, carried out under its military wing, uMkhonto we Sizwe, which was founded in 1961 in partnership with the South African Communist Party (SACP). The ANC was condemned as a terrorist organisation by the governments of South Africa, the United States, and the United Kingdom. However, it positioned itself as a key player in the negotiations to end apartheid, which began in earnest after the ban was repealed in 1990. For much of that time, the ANC leadership, along with many of its most active members, operated from abroad. After the Soweto Uprising of 1976, the ANC remained committed to achieving its objectives through armed struggle, led by its military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe. These circumstances significantly shaped the ANC during its years in exile.

In the post-apartheid era, the ANC continues to identify itself foremost as a liberation movement, although it is also a registered political party. Partly due to its Tripartite Alliance with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions, it had retained a comfortable electoral majority at the national level and in most provinces, and has provided each of South Africa's five presidents since 1994. South Africa is considered a dominant-party state. However, the ANC's electoral majority has declined consistently since 2004, and in the 2021 local elections, its share of the national vote dropped below 50% for the first time ever. Over the last decade, the party has been embroiled in a number of controversies, particularly relating to widespread allegations of political corruption among its members.

Following the 2024 general election, the ANC lost its majority in parliament for the first time in South Africa's democratic history. It still remains the largest party however, with under 41% of the vote. The party also lost its majority in Kwa-Zulu Natal, Gauteng and Northern Cape. Despite these setbacks, the ANC retained power at the national level through a grand coalition referred to as the Government of National Unity, including parties which together have 72% of the seats in Parliament.

History

Main article: History of the African National Congress

Origins

A successor of the Cape Colony's Imbumba Yamanyama organisation, the ANC was founded as the South African Native National Congress in Bloemfontein on 8 January 1912, and was renamed the African National Congress in 1923. Pixley ka Isaka Seme, Sol Plaatje, John Dube, and Walter Rubusana founded the organisation, who, like much of the ANC's early membership, were from the conservative, educated, and religious professional classes of black South African society. Although they would not take part, Xhosa chiefs would show huge support for the organisation; as a result, King Jongilizwe donated 50 cows to during its founding. Around 1920, in a partial shift away from its early focus on the "politics of petitioning", the ANC developed a programme of passive resistance directed primarily at the expansion and entrenchment of pass laws. When Josiah Gumede took over as ANC president in 1927, he advocated for a strategy of mass mobilisation and cooperation with the Communist Party, but was voted out of office in 1930 and replaced with the traditionalist Seme, whose leadership saw the ANC's influence wane.

In the 1940s, Alfred Bitini Xuma revived some of Gumede's programmes, assisted by a surge in trade union activity and by the formation in 1944 of the left-wing ANC Youth League under a new generation of activists, among them Walter Sisulu, Nelson Mandela, and Oliver Tambo. After the National Party was elected into government in 1948 on a platform of apartheid, entailing the further institutionalisation of racial segregation, this new generation pushed for a Programme of Action which explicitly advocated African nationalism and led the ANC, for the first time, to the sustained use of mass mobilisation techniques like strikes, stay-aways, and boycotts. This culminated in the 1952–53 Defiance Campaign, a campaign of mass civil disobedience organised by the ANC, the Indian Congress, and the coloured Franchise Action Council in protest of six apartheid laws. The ANC's membership swelled. In June 1955, it was one of the groups represented at the multi-racial Congress of the People in Kliptown, Soweto, which ratified the Freedom Charter, from then onwards a fundamental document in the anti-apartheid struggle. The Charter was the basis of the enduring Congress Alliance, but was also used as a pretext to prosecute hundreds of activists, among them most of the ANC's leadership, in the Treason Trial. Before the trial was concluded, the Sharpeville massacre occurred on 21 March 1960. In the aftermath, the ANC was banned by the South African government. It was not unbanned until February 1990, almost three decades later.

A South African Native National Congress delegation to England, June 1914. L–R: Thomas Mtobi Mapikela, Walter Rubusana, John Dube, Saul Msane, and Sol Plaatje.

Exile in Lusaka

After its banning in April 1960, the ANC was driven underground, a process hastened by a barrage of government banning orders, by an escalation of state repression, and by the imprisonment of senior ANC leaders pursuant to the Rivonia trial and Little Rivonia trial. From around 1963, the ANC effectively abandoned much of even its underground presence inside South Africa and operated almost entirely from its external mission, with headquarters first in Morogoro, Tanzania, and later in Lusaka, Zambia. For the entirety of its time in exile, the ANC was led by Tambo – first de facto, with president Albert Luthuli under house arrest in Zululand; then in an acting capacity, after Luthuli's death in 1967; and, finally, officially, after a leadership vote in 1985. Also notable about this period was the extremely close relationship between the ANC and the reconstituted South African Communist Party (SACP), which was also in exile.

uMkhonto we Sizwe

Main article: uMkhonto we Sizwe

In 1961, partly in response to the Sharpeville massacre, leaders of the SACP and the ANC formed a military body, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK, Spear of the Nation), as a vehicle for armed struggle against the apartheid state. Initially, MK was not an official ANC body, nor had it been directly established by the ANC National Executive: it was considered an autonomous organisation, until such time as the ANC formally recognised it as its armed wing in October 1962.

In the first half of the 1960s, MK was preoccupied with a campaign of sabotage attacks, especially bombings of unoccupied government installations. As the ANC reduced its presence inside South Africa, however, MK cadres were increasingly confined to training camps in Tanzania and neighbouring countries – with such exceptions as the Wankie Campaign, a momentous military failure. In 1969, Tambo was compelled to call the landmark Morogoro Conference to address the grievances of the rank-and-file, articulated by Chris Hani in a memorandum which depicted MK's leadership as corrupt and complacent. Although MK's malaise persisted into the 1970s, conditions for armed struggle soon improved considerably, especially after the Soweto uprising of 1976 in South Africa saw thousands of students – inspired by Black Consciousness ideas – cross the borders to seek military training. MK guerrilla activity inside South Africa increased steadily over this period, with one estimate recording an increase from 23 incidents in 1977 to 136 incidents in 1985. In the latter half of the 1980s, a number of South African civilians were killed in these attacks, a reversal of the ANC's earlier reluctance to incur civilian casualties. Fatal attacks included the 1983 Church Street bombing, the 1985 Amanzimtoti bombing, the 1986 Magoo's Bar bombing, and the 1987 Johannesburg Magistrate's Court bombing. Partly in retaliation, the South African Defence Force increasingly crossed the border to target ANC members and ANC bases, as in the 1981 raid on Maputo, 1983 raid on Maputo, and 1985 raid on Gaborone.

Oliver Tambo, ANC president in exile from 1967 to 1991.

During this period, MK activities led the governments of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan to condemn the ANC as a terrorist organisation. In fact, neither the ANC nor Mandela were removed from the U.S. terror watch list until 2008. The animosity of Western regimes was partly explained by the Cold War context, and by the considerable amount of support – both financial and technical – that the ANC received from the Soviet Union.

Negotiations to end apartheid

Main article: Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa

From the mid-1980s, as international and internal opposition to apartheid mounted, elements of the ANC began to test the prospects for a negotiated settlement with the South African government, although the prudence of abandoning armed struggle was an extremely controversial topic within the organisation. Following preliminary contact between the ANC and representatives of the state, business, and civil society, President F. W. de Klerk announced in February 1990 that the government would unban the ANC and other banned political organisations, and that Mandela would be released from prison. Some ANC leaders returned to South Africa from exile for so-called "talks about talks", which led in 1990 and 1991 to a series of bilateral accords with the government establishing a mutual commitment to negotiations. Importantly, the Pretoria Minute of August 1990 included a commitment by the ANC to unilaterally suspend its armed struggle. This made possible the multi-party Convention for a Democratic South Africa and later the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum, in which the ANC was regarded as the main representative of the interests of the anti-apartheid movement.

However, ongoing political violence, which the ANC attributed to a state-sponsored third force, led to recurrent tensions. Most dramatically, after the Boipatong massacre of June 1992, the ANC announced that it was withdrawing from negotiations indefinitely. It faced further casualties in the Bisho massacre, the Shell House massacre, and in other clashes with state forces and supporters of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). However, once negotiations resumed, they resulted in November 1993 in an interim Constitution, which governed South Africa's first democratic elections on 27 April 1994. In the elections, the ANC won an overwhelming 62.65% majority of the vote. Mandela was elected president and formed a coalition Government of National Unity, which, under the provisions of the interim Constitution, also included the National Party and IFP. The ANC has controlled the national government since then.

Breakaways

In the post-apartheid era, several significant breakaway groups have been formed by former ANC members. The first is the Congress of the People, founded by Mosiuoa Lekota in 2008 in the aftermath of the Polokwane elective conference, when the ANC declined to re-elect Thabo Mbeki as its president and instead compelled his resignation from the national presidency. The second breakaway is the Economic Freedom Fighters, founded in 2013 after youth leader Julius Malema was expelled from the ANC. Before these, the most important split in the ANC's history occurred in 1959, when Robert Sobukwe led a splinter faction of African nationalists to the new Pan Africanist Congress.

uMkhonto weSizwe rose to prominence in December 2023, when former president Jacob Zuma announced that, while planning to remain a lifelong member of the ANC, he would not be campaigning for the ANC in the 2024 South African general election, and would instead be voting for MK. In July 2024, Jacob Zuma was expelled from the ANC, because of campaigning for a rival party (MK party) in the 29 May general election.

Current structure and composition

Cyril Ramaphosa was elected ANC president at the 2017 conference.

Leadership

See also: National Conference of the African National Congress and National Executive Committee of the African National Congress

Under the ANC constitution, every member of the ANC belongs to a local branch, and branch members select the organisation's policies and leaders. They do so primarily by electing delegates to the National Conference, which is currently convened every five years. Between conferences, the organisation is led by its 86-member National Executive Committee, which is elected at each conference. The most senior members of the National Executive Committee are the so-called Top Six officials, the ANC president primary among them. A symmetrical process occurs at the subnational levels: each of the nine provincial executive committees and regional executive committees are elected at provincial and regional elective conferences respectively, also attended by branch delegates; and branch officials are elected at branch general meetings.

Leagues

The ANC has three leagues: the Women's League, the Youth League and the Veterans' League. Under the ANC constitution, the leagues are autonomous bodies with the scope to devise their own constitutions and policies; for the purpose of national conferences, they are treated somewhat like provinces, with voting delegates and the power to nominate leadership candidates.

Tripartite Alliance

Main article: Tripartite Alliance

The ANC is recognised as the leader of a three-way alliance, known as the Tripartite Alliance, with the SACP and Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The alliance was formalised in mid-1990, after the ANC was unbanned, but has deeper historical roots: the SACP had worked closely with the ANC in exile, and COSATU had aligned itself with the Freedom Charter and Congress Alliance in 1987. The membership and leadership of the three organisations has traditionally overlapped significantly. The alliance constitutes a de facto electoral coalition: the SACP and COSATU do not contest in government elections, but field candidates through the ANC, hold senior positions in the ANC, and influence party policy. However, the SACP, in particular, has frequently threatened to field its own candidates, and in 2017 it did so for the first time, running against the ANC in by-elections in the Metsimaholo municipality, Free State.

The logo of the ANC in 1990, since updated.

Electoral candidates

Under South Africa's closed-list proportional representation electoral system, parties have immense power in selecting candidates for legislative bodies. The ANC's internal candidate selection process is overseen by so-called list committees and tends to involve a degree of broad democratic participation, especially at the local level, where ANC branches vote to nominate candidates for the local government elections. Between 2003 and 2008, the ANC also gained a significant number of members through the controversial floor crossing process, which occurred especially at the local level.

The leaders of the executive in each sphere of government – the president, the provincial premiers, and the mayors – are indirectly elected after each election. In practice, the selection of ANC candidates for these positions is highly centralised, with the ANC caucus voting together to elect a pre-decided candidate. Although the ANC does not always announce whom its caucuses intend to elect, the National Assembly has thus far always elected the ANC president as the national president.

Cadre deployment

The ANC has adhered to a formal policy of cadre deployment since 1985. In the post-apartheid era, the policy includes but is not exhausted by selection of candidates for elections and government positions: it also entails that the central organisation "deploys" ANC members to various other strategic positions in the party, state, and economy.

Ideology and policies

As ANC president (1991–97), Nelson Mandela saw the ANC expand and informally absorb other anti-apartheid groups.

The ANC prides itself on being a broad church, and, like many dominant parties, resembles a catch-all party, accommodating a range of ideological tendencies. As Mandela told the Washington Post in 1990:

The ANC has never been a political party. It was formed as a parliament of the African people. Right from the start, up to now, the ANC is a coalition, if you want, of people of various political affiliations. Some will support free enterprise, others socialism. Some are conservatives, others are liberals. We are united solely by our determination to oppose racial oppression. That is the only thing that unites us. There is no question of ideology as far as the odyssey of the ANC is concerned, because any question approaching ideology would split the organization from top to bottom. Because we have no connection whatsoever except at this one, of our determination to dismantle apartheid.

The post-apartheid ANC continues to identify itself foremost as a liberation movement, pursuing "the complete liberation of the country from all forms of discrimination and national oppression". It also continues to claim the Freedom Charter of 1955 as "the basic policy document of the ANC". However, as NEC member Jeremy Cronin noted in 2007, the various broad principles of the Freedom Charter have been given different interpretations, and emphasised to differing extents, by different groups within the organisation. Nonetheless, some basic commonalities are visible in the policy and ideological preferences of the organisation's mainstream.

Non-racialism

Main article: Non-racialism

The ANC is committed to the ideal of non-racialism and to opposing "any form of racial, tribalistic or ethnic exclusivism or chauvinism".

National Democratic Revolution

The 1969 Morogoro Conference committed the ANC to a "national democratic revolution – destroying the existing social and economic relationship – will bring with it a correction of the historical injustices perpetrated against the indigenous majority and thus lay the basis for a new – and deeper internationalist – approach". For the movement's intellectuals, the concept of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) was a means of reconciling the anti-apartheid and anti-colonial project with a second goal, that of establishing domestic and international socialism – the ANC is a member of the Socialist International, and its close partner the SACP traditionally conceives itself as a vanguard party. Specifically, and as implied by the 1969 document, NDR doctrine entails that the transformation of the domestic political system (national struggle, in Joe Slovo's phrase) is a precondition for a socialist revolution (class struggle). The concept remained important to ANC intellectuals and strategists after the end of apartheid. Indeed, the pursuit of the NDR is one of the primary objectives of the ANC as set out in its constitution. As with the Freedom Charter, the ambiguity of the NDR has allowed it to bear varying interpretations. For example, whereas SACP theorists tend to emphasise the anti-capitalist character of the NDR, some ANC policymakers have construed it as implying the empowerment of the black majority even within a market-capitalist scheme.

Economic interventionism

We must develop the capacity of government for strategic intervention in social and economic development. We must increase the capacity of the public sector to deliver improved and extended public services to all the people of South Africa.

– 1994 Reconstruction and Development Programme

Since 1994, consecutive ANC governments have held a strong preference for a significant degree of state intervention in the economy. The ANC's first comprehensive articulation of its post-apartheid economic policy framework was set out in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) document of 1994, which became its electoral manifesto and also, under the same name, the flagship policy of Nelson Mandela's government. The RDP aimed both to redress the socioeconomic inequalities created by colonialism and apartheid, and to promote economic growth and development; state intervention was judged a necessary step towards both goals. Specifically, the state was to intervene in the economy through three primary channels: a land reform programme; a degree of economic planning, through industrial and trade policy; and state investments in infrastructure and the provision of basic services, including health and education. Although the RDP was abandoned in 1996, these three channels of state economic intervention have remained mainstays of subsequent ANC policy frameworks.

Neoliberal turn

See also: Thabo Mbeki § Economic policy

In 1996, Mandela's government replaced the RDP with the Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programme, which was maintained under President Thabo Mbeki, Mandela's successor. GEAR has been characterised as a neoliberal policy, and it was disowned by both COSATU and the SACP. While some analysts viewed Mbeki's economic policy as undertaking the uncomfortable macroeconomic adjustments necessary for long-term growth, others – notably Patrick Bond – viewed it as a reflection of the ANC's failure to implement genuinely radical transformation after 1994. Debate about ANC commitment to redistribution on a socialist scale has continued: in 2013, the country's largest trade union, the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, withdrew its support for the ANC on the basis that "the working class cannot any longer see the ANC or the SACP as its class allies in any meaningful sense". It is evident, however, that the ANC never embraced free-market capitalism, and continued to favour a mixed economy: even as the debate over GEAR raged, the ANC declared itself (in 2004) a social-democratic party, and it was at that time presiding over phenomenal expansions of its black economic empowerment programme and the system of social grants.

Developmental state

As its name suggests, the RDP emphasised state-led development – that is, a developmental state – which the ANC has typically been cautious, at least in its rhetoric, to distinguish from the neighbouring concept of a welfare state. In the mid-2000s, during Mbeki's second term, the notion of a developmental state was revived in South African political discourse when the national economy worsened; and the 2007 National Conference whole-heartedly endorsed developmentalism in its policy resolutions, calling for a state "at the centre of a mixed economy... which leads and guides that economy and which intervenes in the interest of the people as a whole". The proposed developmental state was also central to the ANC's campaign in the 2009 elections, and it remains a central pillar of the policy of the current government, which seeks to build a "capable and developmental" state. In this regard, ANC politicians often cite China as an aspirational example. A discussion document ahead of the ANC's 2015 National General Council proposed that:

China economic development trajectory remains a leading example of the triumph of humanity over adversity. The exemplary role of the collective leadership of the Communist Party of China in this regard should be a guiding lodestar of our own struggle.

Radical economic transformation

Towards the end of Jacob Zuma's presidency, an ANC faction aligned to Zuma pioneered a new policy platform referred to as radical economic transformation (RET). Zuma announced the new focus on RET during his February 2017 State of the Nation address, and later that year, explaining that it had been adopted as ANC policy and therefore as government policy, defined it as entailing "fundamental change in the structures, systems, institutions and patterns of ownership and control of the economy, in favour of all South Africans, especially the poor". Arguments for RET were closely associated with the rhetorical concept of white monopoly capital. At the 54th National Conference in 2017, the ANC endorsed a number of policy principles advocated by RET supporters, including their proposal to pursue land expropriation without compensation as a matter of national policy.

Foreign policy and relations

See also: Russian invasion of Ukraine, Israel and apartheid, and Black-Palestinian solidarity

The ANC has long had close ties with China and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), with the CCP having supported ANC's struggle of apartheid since 1961. In 2008, the two parties signed a memorandum of understanding to train ANC members in China.

President Cyril Ramaphosa and the ANC have not condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and have faced criticism from opposition parties, public commentators, academics, civil society organisations, and former ANC members due to this. The ANC youth wing has meanwhile condemned sanctions against Russia and denounced NATO's eastward expansion as "fascistic". Officials representing the ANC Youth League acted as international observers for Russia's staged referendum to annex Ukrainian territory conquered during the war. In February 2024 ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula attend a "forum on combating Western neocolonialism" hosted by Russia, thereby drawing further criticism for the party's perceived support for Russia's invasion.

The ANC had received large donations from the Putin linked Russian oligarch Viktor Vekselberg, whilst the party's investment arm, Chancellor House, has a joint investment with Vekselberg in a South African manganese mine.

Symbols and media

The tricolour flag of the ANC.

Flag and logo

The logo of the ANC incorporates a spear and shield – symbolising the historical and ongoing struggle, armed and otherwise, against colonialism and racial oppression – and a wheel, which is borrowed from the 1955 Congress of the People campaign and therefore symbolises a united and non-racial movement for freedom and equality. The logo uses the same colours as the ANC flag, which comprises three horizontal stripes of equal width in black, green and gold. The black symbolises the native people of South Africa; the green represents the land of South Africa; and the gold represents the country's mineral and other natural wealth. The black, green and gold tricolour also appeared on the flag of the KwaZulu bantustan and appears on the flag of the ANC's rival, the IFP; and all three colours appear in the post-apartheid South African national flag.

Publications

Since 1996, the ANC Department of Political Education has published the quarterly Umrabulo political discussion journal; and ANC Today, a weekly online newsletter, was launched in 2001 to offset the alleged bias of the press. In addition, since 1972, it has been traditional for the ANC president to publish annually a so-called January 8 Statement: a reflective letter sent to members on 8 January, the anniversary of the organisation's founding. In earlier years, the ANC published a range of periodicals, the most important of which was the monthly journal Sechaba (1967–1990), printed in the German Democratic Republic and banned by the apartheid government. The ANC's Radio Freedom also gained a wide audience during apartheid.

Amandla

"Amandla ngawethu", or the Sotho variant "Matla ke arona", is a common rallying call at ANC meetings, roughly meaning "power to the people". It is also common for meetings to sing so-called struggle songs, which were sung during anti-apartheid meetings and in MK camps. In the case of at least two of these songs – Dubula ibhunu and Umshini wami – this has caused controversy in recent years.

Criticism and controversy

The ANC has received criticism from both internal and external sources. Internally Mandela publicly criticized the party, following the conclusion of his presidency, for ignoring instances of corruption and mismanagement, whilst allowing for the growth of a culture of racial and ideological intolerance.

Corruption controversies

See also: Corruption in South AfricaFurther information: South African Arms Deal

The most prominent corruption case involving the ANC relates to a series of bribes paid to companies involved in the ongoing R55 billion Arms Deal saga, which resulted in a long term jail sentence to then Deputy President Jacob Zuma's legal adviser Schabir Shaik. Zuma, the former South African President, was charged with fraud, bribery and corruption in the Arms Deal, but the charges were subsequently withdrawn by the National Prosecuting Authority of South Africa due to their delay in prosecution. The ANC has also been criticised for its subsequent abolition of the Scorpions, the multidisciplinary agency that investigated and prosecuted organised crime and corruption, and was heavily involved in the investigation into Zuma and Shaik. Tony Yengeni, in his position as chief whip of the ANC and head of the Parliaments defence committee has recently been named as being involved in bribing the German company ThyssenKrupp over the purchase of four corvettes for the SANDF.

Other corruption issues in the 2000s included the sexual misconduct and criminal charges of Beaufort West municipal manager Truman Prince, and the Oilgate scandal, in which millions of Rand in funds from a state-owned company were funnelled into ANC coffers.

The ANC has also been accused of using government and civil society to fight its political battles against opposition parties such as the Democratic Alliance. The result has been a number of complaints and allegations that none of the political parties truly represent the interests of the poor. This has resulted in the "No Land! No House! No Vote!" Campaign which became very prominent during elections. In 2018, the New York Times reported on the killings of ANC corruption whistleblowers.

During an address on 28 October 2021, former president Thabo Mbeki commented on the history of corruption within the ANC. He reflected that Mandela had already warned in 1997 that the ANC was attracting individuals who viewed the party as "a route to power and self-enrichment." He added that the ANC leadership "did not know how to deal with this problem." During a lecture on 10 December, Mbeki reiterated concerns about "careerists" within the party, and stressed the need to "purge itself of such members".

In May 2024, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists in association with amaBhungane showed in documents that R200 million in the ANC's election fund was siphoned off to the church of controversial archbishop Bheki Lukhele in Eswatini; the Chief Financial Officer of the ANC, Bongani Mahlalela along with the Ambassador of Eswatini to Belgium, Sibusisiwe Mngomezulu, were implicated in the scheme.

Condemnation over Secrecy Bill

Further information: Protection of State Information Bill

In late 2011 the ANC was heavily criticised over the passage of the Protection of State Information Bill, which opponents claimed would improperly restrict the freedom of the press. Opposition to the bill included otherwise ANC-aligned groups such as COSATU. Notably, Nelson Mandela and other Nobel laureates Nadine Gordimer, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, and F. W. de Klerk have expressed disappointment with the bill for not meeting standards of constitutionality and aspirations for freedom of information and expression.

Role in the Marikana killings

Further information: Marikana massacre

The ANC have been criticised for its role in failing to prevent 16 August 2012 massacre of Lonmin miners at Marikana in the Northwest. Some allege that Police Commissioner Riah Phiyega and Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa gave the go ahead for the police action against the miners on that day.

Commissioner Phiyega of the ANC came under further criticism as being insensitive and uncaring when she was caught smiling and laughing during the Farlam Commission's video playback of the massacre.

In 2014, Archbishop Desmond Tutu announced that he could no longer bring himself to vote for the ANC, as it was no longer the party that he and Nelson Mandela fought for. He stated that the party had lost its way, and was in danger of becoming a corrupt entity in power.

Financial mismanagement

Since at least 2017, the ANC has encountered significant problems related to financial mismanagement. According to a report filed by the former treasurer-general Zweli Mkhize in December 2017, the ANC was technically insolvent as its liabilities exceeded its assets. These problems continued into the second half of 2021. By September 2021, the ANC had reportedly amassed a debt exceeding R200-million, including over R100-million owed to the South African Revenue Service.

Beginning in May 2021, the ANC failed to pay monthly staff salaries on time. Having gone without pay for three consecutive months, workers planned a strike in late August 2021. In response, the ANC initiated a crowdfunding campaign to raise money for staff salaries. By November 2021, its Cape Town staff was approaching their fourth month without salaries, while medical aid and provident fund contributions had been suspended in various provinces. The party has countered that the Political Party Funding Act, which prohibits anonymous contributions, has dissuaded some donors who previously injected money for salaries.

State capture

Further information: Zondo Commission

In January 2018, then-President Jacob Zuma established the Zondo Commission to investigate allegations of state capture, corruption, and fraud in the public sector. Over the following four years, the Commission heard testimony from over 250 witnesses and collected more than 150,000 pages of evidence. After several extensions, the first part of the final three-part report was published on 4 January 2022.

The report found that the ANC, including Zuma and his political allies, had benefited from the extensive corruption of state enterprises, including the South African Revenue Service. It also found that the ANC "simply did not care that state entities were in decline during state capture or they slept on the job – or they simply didn't know what to do."

Electoral history

Proportion of votes cast for the ANC in the 2014 election, by ward.   0–20%   20–40%   40–60%   60–80%   80–100%
The ANC's performance by region in the 2024 South African general election.

National Assembly elections

Election Party leader Votes % Seats +/– Position Result
1994 Nelson Mandela 12,237,655 62.65% 252 / 400 Increase 252 Increase 1st ANC–NPIFP coalition government
1999 Thabo Mbeki 10,601,330 66.35% 266 / 400 Increase 14 Steady 1st ANC–IFP coalition government
2004 10,880,915 69.69% 279 / 400 Increase 13 Steady 1st Supermajority government
2009 Jacob Zuma 11,650,748 65.90% 264 / 400 Decrease 15 Steady 1st Majority government
2014 11,436,921 62.15% 249 / 400 Decrease 15 Steady 1st Majority government
2019 Cyril Ramaphosa 10,026,475 57.50% 230 / 400 Decrease 19 Steady 1st Majority government
2024 6,459,683 40.18% 159 / 400 Decrease 71 Steady 1st ANC–DAIFPPAGOODPACVF+UDMRISE-ALJ coalition government
  1. From 2024, seats in the National Assembly are determined by a combination of the national ballot, and the nine regional ballots. Only the national ballot figures are shown here.

National Council of Provinces elections

Election Party leader Seats +/– Position Result
1994 Nelson Mandela 60 / 90 Increase 60 Increase 1st ANC–NPIFP governing majority
1999 Thabo Mbeki 63 / 90 Increase 3 Steady 1st ANC–IFP governing majority
2004 65 / 90 Increase 2 Steady 1st Governing supermajority
2009 Jacob Zuma 62 / 90 Decrease 3 Steady 1st Governing supermajority
2014 60 / 90 Decrease 2 Steady 1st Governing supermajority
2019 Cyril Ramaphosa 54 / 90 Decrease 6 Steady 1st Governing majority
2024 43 / 90 Decrease 11 Steady 1st ANC–DAIFPPAGOODPACVF+UDMRISE-ALJ coalition government

Provincial legislatures

Election Eastern Cape Free State Gauteng KwaZulu-Natal Limpopo Mpumalanga North-West Northern Cape Western Cape
% Seats % Seats % Seats % Seats % Seats % Seats % Seats % Seats % Seats
1994 84.35 48/56 76.65 24/30 57.60 50/86 32.23 26/81 91.63 38/40 80.69 25/30 83.33 26/30 49.74 15/30 33.01 14/42
1999 73.80 47/63 80.79 25/30 67.87 50/73 39.38 32/80 88.29 44/49 84.83 26/30 78.97 27/33 64.32 20/30 42.07 18/42
2004 79.27 51/63 81.78 25/30 68.40 51/73 46.98 38/80 89.18 45/49 86.30 27/30 80.71 27/33 68.83 21/30 45.25 19/42
2009 68.82 44/63 71.10 22/30 64.04 47/73 62.95 51/80 84.88 43/49 85.55 27/30 72.89 25/33 60.75 19/30 31.55 14/42
2014 70.09 45/63 69.85 22/30 53.59 40/73 64.52 52/80 78.60 39/49 78.23 24/30 67.39 23/33 64.40 20/30 32.89 14/42
2019 68.74 44/63 61.14 19/30 50.19 37/73 54.22 44/80 75.49 38/49 70.58 22/30 61.87 21/33 57.54 18/30 28.63 12/42
2024 62.16 45/73 51.87 16/30 34.76 28/80 16.99 14/80 73.30 48/64 51.31 27/51 57.73 21/38 49.34 15/30 19.55 8/42

Municipal elections

Election Votes % Change
1995–96 5,033,855 58%
2000 None released 59.4% Increase 1.4%
2006 17,466,948 66.3% Increase 6.9%
2011 16,548,826 61.9% Decrease 4.4%
2016 21,450,332 55.7% Decrease 6.2%
2021 14,531,908 47.5% Decrease 8.2%

See also

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